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THe more important letters and edicts in this 
volume are hardly intelligible to a reader unfamiliar 
with the historical background. The following brief 
summary of Julian’s career is intended to explain 
the allusions in the text and to supplement the 
Introduction in Vol. 1. In his more formal works, 
especially the manifesto 70 the Athenians written in 
361 as an apologia for his rebellion against the 
Emperor Constantius, and the Misopogon written 
in 362, a satire on his own austere habits addressed 
to the citizens of Antioch, Julian himself relates the 
main incidents of his childhood and youth, For 
the last ten years of his life, 353-363, the best 
authority is Ammianus Marcellinus, the Latin 
historian, an eye-witness. 

Flavius Claudius Julianus was born at Constanti- 
nople in 331, the only son of Julius Constantius, 
half-brother of Constantine the Great, and Basilina, 
a highly educated woman and devout Christian, who 
died when Julian was a few months old. From his 
father’s earlier marriage there survived a son, Gallus, 
a daughter, probably named Galla, who married her 
cousin the Emperor Constantius II, and another son 
whose name is unknown. Soon after the death of 
the Emperor Constantine in 337, the Emperor 
Constantius removed possible rivals by the murder 



of certain relatives, among whom were Julian’s 
father and half-brother. Gallus and Julian survived. 
The latter was sent to Nicomedia in charge of a 
relative, the Bishop Eusebius, and _ his education 

_ was entrusted to the Christian eunuch Mardonius, 

who had taught Basilina Greek literature. In 
Misopogon 3538, Julian says that Mardonius was 

“of all men most responsible” for his literary tastes 

and austere morals,1 Julian also studied at Constanti- 

‘nople with the Christian sophist Hecebolius.2 Dur- 

ing this period he used to visit his grandmother’s 
estate in Bithynia, which is described in Letter 25, 
In 345, when Julian was fourteen, Constantius, who 
in the twenty-four years of his reign that followed 
the murder of Julius Constantius lived in appre- 
hension of the vengeance of his sons, interned 
Gallus and Julian in the lonely castle of Macellum 
(Fundus Macelli) in Cappadocia. In his manifesto 
To the Athenians 271 c, Ὁ, Julian speaks of their six 
years of solitary imprisonment at Macellum, and 
says that the cruelty and harshness of Gallus, who 
proved to be a sort of Christian Caligula, were 
increased by hig life there, while his own love of 
philosophy saved him from being equally brutalised. 
From Letter 23 we learn that he was able to borrow 
books from George of Cappadocia, who later became 
Bishop of Alexandria and was murdered by the 
Alexandrian mob in 261. Julian at once wrote 
Letter 23 to demand his library. 

1 For the influence of Mardonius see Vol. 2 Oration 8, 
2410; To the Athenians 274 Ὁ; Misopogon 352-353. Julian’s 
knowledge of Latin was probably slight, though Ammianus, 
16. 5. 7, describes it as « sufficiens,” 

* For Hecebolius see Letter 63, and below, p. xlvii, 



In 351 Constantius, who had once visited the 
brothers at Macellum, released them, raised Gallus 
to the rank of Caesar and gave him his sister 
Constantia in marriage. Constantius had married 
as his first wife Galla, the sister of Gallus; she had 
lately died. Gallus was sent to Antioch to govern 
the provinces of the East. There he and Constantia, 
whose cruel and suspicious temper matched his own, 
embarked on a four years’ reign of terror which is 
described by Ammianus.1 Constantius meanwhile, 
at Arles, where he spent the winter of 353, and 
later at Milan, was just as suspicious and ruthless, 
but in Gallus Caesar tyrannical conduct seemed to 
᾿ his cousin the prelude to usurpation. He was there- 
fore recalled to Milan in 354. Constantia died of a 
fever on the journey, and Gallus, escorted by the 
Emperor’s agents as a virtual prisoner, was taken by - 
way of Constantinople to Pola (where in 326 Crispus, 
the son of Constantine, had been put to death by 
his father), and was there beheaded, towards the end 
of 354. Julian later avenged himself on those whom 
he believed to have been accessory to the death of 
his brother. 

Meanwhile he had devoted four years to study, 
first at Pergamon with Aedesius and Chrysanthius, 
the disciples of Iamblichus; but on hearing from 
Aedesius of the marvels wrought by his pupil 
Maximus of Ephesus the theurgist, he hastened to 
Ephesus.2. Julian had been under Christian in- 
fluences from his childhood, but he was an ardent 
admirer of Greek literature and philosophy and 

1 Book XIV. 
3. See the account of his studies at Pergamon and Ephesus 
in Eunapius, Lives, pp. 429-435, Wright. 



naturally inclined to superstition. With Maximus 
he studied the teachings of Iamblichus the Neopla- 
tonist, and though he did not openly profess 
paganism until 361, he says in Letter 47, written in - 
362, that for twelve years he has ceased to be a 

The Syrian Neoplatonism of the fourth Christian 
century which followed the teachings of Iamblichus 
was a religion rather than a philosophy, and was 
well suited to his love of the mystical and marvellous; 
for the rest of his life he was the devoted disciple 
of Maximus. But his apostasy from Christianity 
was carefully concealed, and his first panegyrie on 
Constantius, Oration 1, written in 355, is entirely 
non-committal, refers vaguely to “the deity” and 

. “providence,” and might have been composed by 

a Christian. 

In the second panegyric, Oration 2, written in 
Gaul at a safe distance, he frequently invokes Zeus, 
and assumes the reality of the gods of Homer in 
language that goes beyond what was allowed by 
literary etiquette in rhetorical works of this sort. 
It could not have been written by a Christian. His 
brother Gallus, some time between 351 and 354, 
heard rumours of his devotion to Maximus, and sent 
his own spiritual adviser Aetius to remonstrate with 
Julian. Letter 82 (Gallus to Julian), the earliest 
letter in this volume that can be dated, expresses 
the relief of Gallus at the reassuring report of 
Aetius as to Julian’s adherence to the Christian 

On the death of Gallus in 354 Julian was sum- 
moned to the court at Milan, and on the way thither 
visited Troy and had the interview with Pegasius 



which is described in Letter 19. Ammianus says? 
that Julian’s life was in danger at Milan from the 
plots of enemies, who accused him to Constantius of 
having met Gallus at Constantinople in 354, and of 
having left Macellum without permission. Julian 
denies the first of these charges in Oration 3. 1314, 
and in To the Athenians 273 a. He was saved by the 
intercession of the second wife of Constantius, the 
Empress Eusebia, who, after seven months of 
suspense, obtained for him his single audience with 
the Emperor and permission to go to Athens to 
study. We know little of his brief stay of about 
two months in Athens in 355, but he was almost 
certainly initiated into the Mysteries at Eleusis,? 
and probably attended the lectures of the aged 
Christian sophist Prohaeresius, to whom in 361 or 
early in 362 he wrote Letter 14. Among his fellow- 
students were two Cappadocians, Gregory Nazianzen, 
who after Julian’s death wrote bitter invectives 
against the apostate and an unflattering description 
of his appearance and manners, and Basil the 
Great, to whom Julian addressed Letter 26. From 
Athens the Emperor recalled Julian 8. in September 
to Milan, where after some delay he was raised to 
the rank of Caesar on November 6, 355, given the 
task of pacifying the Gallic provinces, and married 
to Helena, the sister of Constantius. She was much 
older than he, had little influence on his life, and 
died in Gaul, without issue, not long after Julian 

"15. eB 

* The evidence for this is Eunapius, Lives, p. 437, 

8. For his grief at leaving Athens see Vol. 2, 70 the 
Athenians, 275 A. 



had been proclaimed Augustus by the army. The 
motives of Constantius in making Julian Caesar are 
not clear. Eunapius says that he hoped his cousin 
would be killed in Gaul. Eusebia may have per- 
suaded the Emperor that their childlessness was a 
punishment for his treatment of his relatives. The 
Gallic provinces were overrun by barbarians, and 
Constantius could not go there himself because he 
was occupied on the Danube with the Sarmatians 
and the Quadi, and by the threat of the Persians 
in Mesopotamia. Julian set out for Gaul on 
December 1, 355, with a small troop of 360 men 
who “only knew how to pray,’ as he says in 
frag. 5. Eusebia gave him a library of books which 
he took with him. His task was to expel the hordes 
of Germans who, having been invited by Constantius 
to assist in suppressing the usurper Magnentius, had 
remained to overrun and devastate the country, and 
had destroyed the Roman forts on the Rhine. In 
his five years of campaigning in Gaul,! though he 
was continually thwarted by the officers whom 
Constantius had sent to watch his movements, 
Julian pacified the provinces and restored their 
prosperity, recovered 20,000 Gallic prisoners from 
Germany, expelled the Germans, defeated the 
Franks and Chamavi, restored the Roman forts, and 
crossed the Rhine four times. In August 357 he 
won the famous battle of Argentoratum (Strasbourg), 
which was fought somewhere between Saverne and 
Strasbourg, and sent Chnodomar, the king of the 
Alemanni, captive to Constantius. He spent the 
winter of 358-359 at Paris, whence he wrote to his 
1 For the condition of Gaul and his achievements there see 
Vol. 2, To the Athenians, 278-280. 


friend the physician Oribasius, at Vienne, Leller 4, 
of which the first part, with its dream,! is highly 
sophistic but expresses vague fears that he and 
Constantius may be involved in ruin together; the 
second part describes his opposition to the pretorian 
prefect Florentius, his persistent enemy, whom 
he forbade to recommend to Constantius increased 
taxes on the Gallic provincials. In this letter Julian 
wishes that he may not be deprived of the society 
of Sallust, his pagan friend and adviser, but Sallust 
was recalled by the suspicious Constantius in 358. 

While he was in Gaul, Julian continued his 
studies, corresponded with sophists and philosophers 
such as Maximus, Libanius and Priscus, wrote 
Oration 2, a panegyric of Constantius; Oration 3, 
a panegyric of Eusebia; Oration ὃ, to console him- 
self for the loss of Sallust; an account of the battle 
of Strasbourg which has perished ; and perhaps the 
treatise on logic which we know only from the 
reference to it in Suidas.2. To some of these works 
he refers at the end of Letter 2, To Priscus. That 
he wrote commentaries on his Gallic campaigns has 
been maintained by some scholars but cannot be 

Constantius, who had already suppressed four 
usurpers, either full-blown or suspected of ambition, 
Magnentius, Vetranio, Silvanus and Gallus Caesar, 
was alarmed at the military successes of his cousin, 
who had left Milan an awkward student, ridiculed by 
the court, and had transformed himself into a skilful 
general and administrator, adored by the Gallic 

1 Julian’s dream may be, as Asmus thinks, an echo of 
Herodotus, 1. 108, but the parallel is not close. 
2 3.v. ᾿Ιουλιανός. 



army and the provincials. The Emperor was on the 
eve of a campaign against Sapor, the Persian king, 
and needed reinforcements. It was an opportune 
moment for weakening Julian’s influence by with- 
drawing the flower of his troops for service in the 
East. Accordingly, in the winter of 359-360, Julian 
received peremptory orders, brought by the tribune 
Decentius, to send to the Emperor, under the com- 
mand of Julian’s officers Lupicinus and Sintula, the 
finest of his troops, in fact more than half his army 
of 23,000 men. Many of these were barbarian 
auxiliaries who had taken service with Julian on 
condition that they should not serve outside Gaul, 
and the Celtic troops, when the order became 
known, were dismayed at the prospect of leaving 
their lands and families at the merey of renewed 
invasions of barbarians. Florentius was at Vienne, 
and refused to join Julian in Paris and discuss the 
question of the safety of Gaul if the troops should 
be withdrawn. Meanwhile two of the legions 
requisitioned by Constantius were in Britain fighting 
the Picts and Scots. But when the others reached 
Paris from their winter quarters in February 360, on 
their march eastwards, their discontent resulted in 
open mutiny, and Julian, whose loyalty towards 
Constantius up to this point is unquestioned, failed 
to pacify them. They surrounded the palace? at 
night, calling on Julian with the title of Augustus, 
and when, after receiving a divine sign,? he came out 

1 Julian was lodged in what is now the Musée des 
2 See 70 the Athenians, 2840, and cf. Letter 2, p. 5. 
Ammianus 20. 4 gives a full account of the mutiny and of 
Julian’s speeches to the army and letter to Constantius. 



at dawn, he was raised on ashield and crowned witha 
standard-bearer’s chain in default of a diadem. Julian 
sent by Pentadius and the loyal eunuch Eutherius 
a full account of these events to Constantius, who 
replied that he must be content with the title of 
Caesar. Constantius had already gone to Caesarea 
to prepare for his Persian campaign, and decided to 
meet the more pressing danger from the East before 
he reckoned with Julian. The prefect Florentius 
fled to the Emperor and was made consul for 361. 
Constantius sent Nebridius the quaestor to succeed 
Florentius in Gaul, and Julian accepted him as 
prefect. Julian left Paris for Vienne by way of 
Besancon, which town he describes in Letter 8. 
Thence he led his troops to another victory, this 
time over the Attuarii, who were raiding Gaul, and 
on November 6, 360, he celebrated his quinquennalia 
or fifth year as Caesar. He had not yet declared 
his change of religion, and in January 361 at Vienne, 
where he spent the winter, he took part in the 
feast of the Epiphany. In July he set out for the 
East, determined to win from Constantius recognition 
of his rank as Augustus, either by persuasion or by 
force. His troops were divided so as to march by 
three different routes, and he led the strongest 
division through the Black Forest (see frag. 2) and 
_along the Danube. Sirmium (Mitrovitz) weleomed 
him with acclamation in October, and he went into 
winter quarters at Naissa (Nish). Thence he 
addressed to the Roman Senate, the Spartans, 
_ Corinthians and Athenians manifestos justifying his 
conduct towards Constantius and proclaiming his 
design to restore the Hellenic religion. Of these 
documents only the letter to the Athenians sur- 



vives, and a brief fragment of the letter to the 
Corinthians (frag. 3). Meanwhile, as he informs 
Maximus in Letter 8, he and his soldiers openly 

~sacrificed to the gods. He now regarded himself 

as conducting a war in the name of Hellenism. 
Some time in 361 he wrote the Kronia (Saturnala), 
and says in Oration 4. 157c that he sent it to his 
friend Sallust. Of this work Suidas has preserved 
a few lines (frag. 4).+ 

Meanwhile Constantius, who had achieved nothing 
conclusive against the Persians, had married, at 
Antioch, his third wife Faustina. Their only child, 
a daughter, was married later to the Emperor 
Gratian, but died young. Constantius had now no 
choice but to lead his army to defend Constantinople 
against Julian. But at Tarsus he fell ill, and on 
November 3, 361, died of a fever at Mopsucrene 
in Cilicia. When Julian heard the news he wrote 
Letters 8 and 13, in which he thanks the gods for 
his escape from civil war. He entered Constanti- 
nople in triumph as Emperor on December 11, 
361. . 
The greater number of the letters in this volume 
that can be dated were written after Julian’s acces- 
sion, in 362, from Constantinople and Antioch. He 
lost no time in inviting to his court his friends 
Maximus from Ephesus (Letter 8), Chrysanthius from 
Sardis,2, Eutherius the eunuch, his trusted court 
chamberlain (Letter 10), Eustathius (Letter 43), 
Priscus,? and Basil (Letter 26). Chrysanthius and 
Basil did not accept this invitation, and Julian, when 

1 Suidas, s.v. Empedotimus. 
2 See Eunapius, Lives, p. 441, Wright. 
8 Ibid., p. 445. 



he had failed to persuade Chrysanthius to follow the 
example of Maximus and disregard the omens which 
were unfavourable to their journey, appointed him 
high priest of Lydia. 

In contrast with the wholesale butchery with 
which Constantius had begun his reign, Julian ap- 
pointed a commission, partly composed of former 
officers of Constantius, to sit at Chalcedon across 

Ahe Bosporus and try his enemies, especially those 
who had abetted the cruelties of Constantius or 
were accessory to the death of Gallus. Ammianus, 
22. 3, describes the work of this commission, on 
which were Sallust, Mamertinus and Nevitta the 
Goth. Among those condemned to death were the 
notorious informer and agent of Constantius, Paul, 
nicknamed “the Chain,’! the eunuch Eusebius, 
chamberlain of Constantius (see Letter 4, p. 11), and 
the ex-prefect, the consul Florentius, whose oppres- 
sion of the Gallic provincials is described in the 
same letter. Florentius managed to conceal himself 
till after Julian’s death. 

On February 4, 362, Julian proclaimed religious 
freedom in the Empire, and ordered the restoration 
of the temples. All who had used them as quarries 
or bought portions of them for building houses were 
to restore the stone and marble.? This often caused 
great hardship to individuals, and even Libanius, a 
devout pagan, more than once in his letters? inter- 
cedes with local officials on behalf of those affected 
by Julian’s edict. The Emperor recalled the ecclesi- 
_astics who had been exiled by the Arian Constantius, 

1 See Letter 53; Ammianus 14. 5. 6; 19. 12. 
3. See Letter 29, to Count Julian, p. 99. 
8 e.g. Letter 724, Foerster. 



among them Aetius, to whom he wrote Letter 15, 
and the famous orthodox prelate Athanasius, for 
whom see Letters 24, 46, 47.1 It was perhaps easier 
to restore the temples than the half-forgotten ritual 
of the gods, but Julian enlisted the aid of a learned 
pagan, the Roman antiquarian and senator, Vettius 
Agorius Praetextatus, whom in 362 he appointed 
Proconsul of Achaia, while for the rites appropriate 
to the oriental cults he certainly consulted Maximus 
of Ephesus, who initiated him into the Mysteries of 

Constantius, fully occupied with the persecution 
of non-Arian Christians, had not persecuted pagan 
intellectuals such as Libanius and Themistius the 
philosopher, while even pagan officials such as 
Sallust had been promoted in his reign. But Julian 
gave instructions that pagans should be preferred to 
Christians for public offices (Letter 37), and, as the 
progress of “ Hellenism” proved slower than he had 
hoped, he grew more intolerant. For evidence of 
definite persecution of the Christians in his brief 
reign we depend on Gregory Nazianzen, Socrates, 
Sozomen and other historians of the Church. But 
certain administrative measures referred to in the 
letters were aimed at the Christians. As a part 
of Julian’s general policy of exacting service in 
their local senates from all well-to-do citizens, he 
deprived Christian clerics of their immunity from 
such service ;? funerals were no longer allowed to 

1 Cf. the account of the life of Athanasius, p. xxxix. 

2 See Letter 39, To the Byzacians. Libanius, Oration 18. 
148, praises this reform. For Julian’s increase of the Senate 
at Antioch cf. Misopogon 367 Dp. Codex Theodosianus 12. 1. 



take place in the daytime according to the Christian 
custom !; and one of his earliest reforms in connec=_ 

tion with the use of the public post, the cursus | 

publicus, directly affected Christian ecclesiastics. The 
privilege of free transport and the use of inns, horses 
and mules at the expense of the State had been 
granted to ecclesiastics by Constantine in 314; and 
in the reign of Constantius, when the bishops were 
summoned from all parts of the Empire to one 
synod after another, the system of public transport 
broke down under the burden.? In an edict pre- 
ape in Codex Theodosianus 8.5. 12, dated Februar 

22, 362, Julian reserves to himself, except in certain 
cases, the right of granting evectio, or free transport. 
In Letters ὃ, 15, and 26 he authorises his corre- 
spondents to use State carriages and _ horses. 
Libanius says that this reform was so thoroughly 
carried out that often the animals and their drivers 
had nothing to do. 

But such withdrawals of privileges were pin- 
pricks compared with the famous edict? in which 
Julian reserved to himself the control of the appoint- 
ments of teachers, and the rescript, Letter 36, in 
which he forbade Christians to read the pagan authors 
with their pupils. This meant that they must cease 
to teach, since all education was based on the read- 
ing of the poets, historians and philosophers. The 
Christian sophist Victorinus, who was then lecturing 
at Rome, and Prohaeresius at Athens, must resign 
their chairs. Julian offered a special exemption to 

1 See Letter 56, the edict on funerals. 

2 See Libanius, Oration, 18. 143; Ammianus 21. 16. 18. 

ὃ The Latin edict, dated June 17, 362, survives in Codex 
Theodosianus 18. 3. 5. 



Prohaeresius, but the sophist, says Eunapius,! re- 
fused the privilege. He could afford to wait in 
patience, for, like many another distinguished 
Christian, he consulted the omens through the 
pagan hierophant of Greece, and learned indirectly, 
but to his own reassurance, that Julian’s power 
would be short-lived. Even Ammianus the pagan 
historian deplored the bigotry and malice of Julian’s 
attempt to suppress Christian educators. “It was,” 
he says, “‘a harsh measure, aud had better be buried 
in eternal silence.” ? The Christians interpreted it 
as excluding their children from education; Theo- 
doret, 3. 4. 2, says as much, and quotes a saying of 
Julian’s (frag. 7), whose context is lost, to the effect 
that the Christians arm their intellects to oppose 
Hellenism by means of the Hellenic masterpieces. 
Socrates, 3. 12. 7, quotes another saying of the same 
sort ( frag. 6). These two quotations perhaps belong 
to lost rescripts aimed at Christian teachers, which 
followed the extant edict and rescript. Well- 
educated Christians can hardly have been consoled 
by the enterprise of a father and son named 
Apollinarius, who “within a very brief space of 
time,” says Sozomen, 5. 18, converted the Bible 
into epics, tragedies, comedies, odes and dialogues 
for the education of Christian youths. But 
Christian teachers did not suffer much inconveni- 
ence, for Julian’s prohibition can hardly have been 
enforced in the few months that preceded _his 

1 Lives, p. 513, Wright. 

292. 10. 7: illud inclemens . . . obruendum perenni 
silentio. He repeats this criticism in 25. 4, 20. Libanius, 
however, was delighted, and taunted Basil and Gregory as 
‘* barbarians, ” 



death. The edict was rescinded by the Emperor _ 


In his dealings with the Jews, Julian reversed the 
policy of Constantius and Gallus Caesar, who had 
treated them with extreme harshness.1_ He freed 
them from the taxes levied on them as Jews, and 
invited them to renew their ancient sacrifices. 
When they replied that this could be done only in 
the Temple at Jerusalem he promised to rebuild the 
Temple, and restore Jerusalem to the Jews. He 
may almost be called a Zionist. The historians of 
the Church say that Julian desired to nullify the 
prophecy of Christ, that not one stone of the Temple 
should remain on another, and exult in the fact that 
his project had to be abandoned, owing to the earth- 
quakes that were experienced in the East in the 
winter of 362-363. Julian himself speaks of his 
plan of rebuilding the Temple,? and Ammianus says 
that the work was entrusted to Alypius, the ex- 
Governor of Britain, to whom Julian when in Gaul 
wrote Letters 6 and 7, and that it was abandoned 
owing to mysterious “balls of flame” which burned 
the workmen. Almost the same account is given 
by Philostorgius 7. 9, Theodoret 3. 15, and other 
historians of the Church. Nevertheless, Lardner in 
Jewish and Heathen Testimony 4. p. 47, and Adler 
in the Jewish Quarterly Review, 1893, deny that the 
work was ever undertaken, and assert that Ammia- 
nus derived his account. from Gregory Nazianzen’s 

1 Sozomen 4. 7. 5. 

2 Vol. 2, Fragment of a Letter 295 0; Letter 51. 398 a; 
and Lydus, de Mensibus 4. 53, quotes Julian as saying 
aveyelpw ... . τὸν ναὸν τοῦ ὑψίστου θεοῦ, “41 am rebuilding 
the Temple of the Most High God.” 



spiteful Jnvective against Julian, and that the Christian 
historians were taken in by Gregory’s invention. . 
But Ammianus was with Julian at Antioch that 
winter and on the march to Persia in 363, and must 
have known the facts. He did not need to depend 
on Gregory for information ;—Gregory does not, in 
fact, mention the appointment of Alypius—nor 
would Gregory have been likely to write his detailed 
account of the zealous cooperation of the Jews in 
the building if he could have been refuted by any 
resident of Jerusalem. We may therefore believe 
that the enterprise was begun but was given up 
because of earthquakes, and possibly also because 
Julian had withdrawn to Persia. The rescript 70 
the Community of the Jews (Letter 51), though it is 
cited by Sozomen 5. 22 and Socrates 3. 20 as Julian’s, 
has been condemned as a forgery by Schwarz, Klimek 
and Geffcken, was considered “trés suspect” by 
Bidez and Cumont in 1898 (Recherches) and is rejected 
outright by them in their edition of 1922. Their 
arguments are based on the general tone of the 
document, and the strange reference to “ my 
brother” the Jewish patriarch, but while the 
rescript may have been rewritten or edited in a 
bureau, it probably represents the sentiments of 
Julian and is consistent with his attitude to the 
Jews as expressed in the treatise Against the Gali- 
laeans. It has therefore been placed with the 
genuine letters in this volume. 

The appeal On behalf of the Argives (Letter 28), 
was accepted as genuine by all editors before Bidez 
and Cumont, and by Schwarz, Geffcken and Asmus, 
and was formerly assigned by Cumont to the year 
355, when Julian was a student at Athens. Bidez 



and Cumont (1922) now accept the theory of Keil? 
that it is not by Julian, but was composed in the 
first century a.p. as a letter of recommendation 
(ἐπιστολὴ συστατική). Maas, however, maintains that 
it was written by the high-priest Theodorus in 
Julian’s reign, and that the proconsul’s rejection of 
its appeal is referred to in Julian’s letter to Theodorus, 
p. 37. But there is nothing in it that could not have 
been written by Julian, and it would be natural for 
him to defend ancient Argos, which had probably 
remained Hellenic, and her sacred festivals against 
Romanised and Christianised Corinth, the provincial 
metropolis. Julian disliked beast shows ? as much as 
Constantius had loved them, and the tribute exacted 
from Argos was used to pay for such shows (see p. 
89). He asks a favour rather than gives orders as 
an Emperor, but this was consistent with his custom 
of referring such appeals as that of the Argives to 
the governors of the provinces. We do not know 
from other sources when the Argives began to pay 
tribute to Corinth, though there is abundant evidence 
that under the Empire the minor cities of Greece 
did pay tribute to Corinth instead of to Rome. On 
the whole I see no reason for suspecting the authenti- 
city of this document, or for assigning it to Julian’s 
student days at Athens. 

In May or June 362 Julian left Constantinople for 
Antioch, the capital of the provinces of the East, 

1 In Nachrichten Ges. d. Wiss. zu Gottingen, 19138. 

2 i.e. public exhibitions of combats of wild beasts, such 
as were regularly given at the expense of the municipalities 
at this period. 

8 For this policy see Ammianus 16. 5. 13. Heyler’s 
comment on Letter 28 is—cogit rogando. 



and about this time he wrote Letter 35 to Aristoxenus, 
asking him to meet him at Tyana, and Letter 29 to 
_ his uncle at Antioch, whom he had appointed Count 
cof the East (Comes Orientis); he refers to their 
approaching meeting at Antioch (p. 105). On the 
way he visited and wept over Nicomedia, which had 
been destroyed by an earthquake in 358,1 and Pes- 
sinus, where he sacrificed to Cybele the Mother of 
the Gods at her ancient shrine. From Letter 42 to 
Callixeine it appears that as a consequence of his 
visit he appointed her priestess of Cybele at Pessinus. 
That the citizens of Pessinus had displeased him by 
a lack of enthusiasm for the restoration of their 
famous cult may be gathered from Letter 22, p. 73. 
Julian also visited Tarsus, in whose suburb near 
the river Cydnus he was destined to be buried in 
the following year. He arrived at Antioch to- 
wards the end of July, and wrote Letter 41, the 
rescript to the citizens of Bostra, on August 1.2. In 
January 363 he entered on the consulship (see 
Letter 54). 

In the Misopogon (Loeb Library, Vol. 2), Julian 
has himself described his nine months’ stay at 
Antioch. The city was predominantly Christian 
and opposed to his restoration of paganism, so that 
when the celebrated temple of Apollo in the beauti- 
ful suburb of Daphne was burned in 362, he ascribed 
it to the malice of the Christians. The citizens, who 
were notoriously pleasure-loving and _ luxurious, 
openly ridiculed his austere way of life and disliked 
his reforms. During the winter he wrote the 

1 Ammianus 22, 9. 3-5, 
2 Julian’s first edict from Antioch in Codex Theodosianus 
1, 16. 8 is dated July 28, 362. 



treatise Against the Galilaeans. When he left Antioch 
on March 5, 363, for his Persian campaign he 
announced that he would spend the coming winter, 
not at Antioch, but at Tarsus. This showed that 
he expected a short campaign. In the extant letters 
he does not mention his disappointment with his 
reception at Antioch, though in Leller 58, 399 c, 
written on March 10 or 11 at Hierapolis, he alludes 
to his interview with the delegates from the senate 
of Antioch who had followed him as far as Litarbae 
in the attempt to conciliate his displeasure.t This 
is his last extant letter. 

For his brief and fatal campaign against Sapor in 
363 we depend on Ammianus and Eutropius who 
accompanied him, and on Zosimus. On the march 
Julian avoided Edessa, which was _ stubbornly 
Christian (see Letter 40). At Carrhae, notorious 
for the defeat of the Romans under Crassus,. he 
assembled his troops. Procopius was sent towards 
Nisibis with 18,000 men in order to distract the 
attention of Sapor, and was ordered to meet the 
Armenian auxiliaries whom Julian had requisitioned 
in Letter 57, and later rejoin Julian. Meanwhile the 
Emperor with 65,000 men proceeded to the Euphrates. 
His fleet of a thousand boats of all kinds he trans- 
ferred by means of a canal from the Euphrates to 
the Tigris, and arrived under the walls of Ctesiphon, 
devastating the country and burning towns and 
villages as he went. The omens from first to last 
were unfavourable, his officers were inefficient, and 
the troops whom he had brought from Gaul began 

1 Cf. Libanius, Oration 16. 1, and his Letter 824, 
Foerster, for his attempt to persuade Julian to forgive 


.- δ, = 


to suffer from the heat. Though before Ctesiphon 
he won an important victory over the Persians, he 
reluctantly decided not to besiege this stronghold, 
but to try to effect a junction with the forces of 
Procopius by marching northwards. He burnt his 
ships rather than take them up the Tigris. But 
Procopius and the Armenians failed to arrive, and 
Sapor with his main army was at hand and began to 
harass Julian’s forces from June 16. The Persians 
were repulsed, but, after about ten days of almost 
incessant fighting and marching, Julian was mortally . 
wounded in a rear attack on June 26, and died at 
midnight. On his death-bed he is said to have 
discussed the immortality of the soul with Maximus 
and Priscus.2_ The exact name of the place where 
he fell is not known, but Ammianus 25. 3. 9, says 
that when Julian learned that the locality was called 
Phrygia he gave up hope of recovery, because an 
oracle had said that he would die in Phrygia. His 
body was carried with the army on its retreat and 
was later sent to Tarsus for burial in charge of 
Procopius. The Christian general Jovian was 
elected Emperor by the troops. 

1 On the lack οὗ. discipline among the Gallic troops, 
both at Antioch and on the march, see Ammianus 22. 12; 
25. 7. 

2 The numerous and varying accounts of Julian’s death 
from Ammianus to the Byzantine chroniclers of the thirteenth 
and fourteenth centuries have been collected by Reinhardt 
Der Tod des Kaiser Julian, 1891. The legend that the dying 
Emperor threw a handful of his own blood in the air and 
cried νενίκηκας, Γαλιλαῖε, ““ Thou hast conquered, O Galilaean !” 
is found in Theodoret 3. 20, Sozomen 6. 2. Others said he 
was reproaching the Sun, who had betrayed him, and that 
his words were misunderstood ; ef. Philostorgius 7. 15. 



The letters of Julian must have been collected 
and published before the end of the fourth century, 
since Eunapius (a.p, 346-414) used them as a source 
for his Hislory, and in his Lives mentions several 
that are not extant. Libanius, not long after Julian’s 
death, wrote to Aristophanes of Corinth that some 
of Julian’s letters were safe to publish, others not, 
and consoled himself for:the Emperor’s loss with 
“these his immortal children.” Zosimus the pagan , 
historian, who wrote 450-501, says that from Julian’s 
letters one may best comprehend his activities, 
“which extended over the whole world.” The 
historians of the Church, notably Socrates of Con- 
stantinople, who completed his History about a.p. 
440, seem to have quoted from a mixed collection 
of letters and edicts such as has come down to us. 
Sozomen, a contemporary of Socrates, quotes nine ot 
the extant letters and mentions fourteen that have 
not survived. Such a collection would be entitled 
Letters because any Imperial edict was called a 
letter. Julian was an indefatigable letter-writer, and 
we have only a fraction of his vast correspondence. 
Many letters must have been suppressed by their 
owners as dangerous to themselves after his death, 
or by the Christians because of their disrespectful 
allusions to Christianity ; of those that survive some 
were mutilated by the Christians for the same 
reason, while others, such as Letter 81, To Basil, are 
suspected of being Christian forgeries designed to 
display Julian in an unpleasant light. On the other 
-hand, documents which could be used as evidence 
that Julian persecuted the Christians (e.g. Letter 
37), or pastoral letters written in his character of 
pontifex maximus to admonish pagan priests to 



imitate the Christian virtues of asceticism and 
charity to the poor (e. g. Letter 20 and the Fragment 
of a Letter, Vol. 2), would not be allowed to perish. 
Many letters survived in hand-books as models of 
epistolary style, a fact which, as Cumont pointed 
out, adds greatly to the difficulties of correct ascrip- 
tion, because the compilers of such hand-books were 
often careless about the authorship, form of address, 
or completeness of such extracts. 

The “ Letters”’ in this collection are (1) edicts or 
rescripts, the majority of which are concerned with 
the Christians; these were certainly worked over by 
the Imperial secretaries and are only indirectly 
Julian’s; (2) pastoral or encyclical letters to priests ; 
and (3) private correspondence. As a rule Julian 
dictated to secretaries, and so fast that Libanius 
says the “ tachygraphers”’ were unable to keep pace 
with him, but certain postscripts are marked “ with 
his own hand.”’ After his accession in 361 the plea 
of lack of time or a shortage of secretaries is frequent, 
and some scholars have rejected certain purely con- 
ventional and sophistic letters, such as 59 and 60, or 
assigned them to his student days, on the ground 
that Julian after 355 would not write in that strain, 
and that his undoubtedly genuine letters always 
have some definite content. They never reject a 
letter in which pressure of business is mentioned, 
though one may see from the correspondence of 
Libanius that the plea of lack of time owing to 
affairs is a regular sophistic excuse. The purely 
sophistie letters have been placed last in the present 
volume in order that they may not interrupt the 
sequence of those that can be dated with more or 
less certainty. But I am not convinced that at any 



time in Julian’s career he had renounced writing 
like a sophist and bandying quotations with his 
friends. Nothing could be more sophistic than part 
of his unquestionably genuine letter to Libanius, 
in which he expresses his admiration for his friend’s 
speech on behalf of Aristophanes.1 There seems 
to be only one safe criterion for rejecting letters 
ascribed in the MS. tradition to Julian: when the 
historical facts of his life cannot be reconciled with 
the contents of a letter, or if he cannot have known 
the person addressed, as is the case with the six 
letters addressed to Iamblichus, or when the con- 
tents are too foolish even for Julian in his sophistic 
vein,” it has seemed better not to confuse the 
reader by including them, as Hertlein did, with the 
genuine letters. They are therefore grouped to- 
gether as apocryphal. After the publication of 
Hertlein’s edition, six letters, ascribed to Julian, 
were discovered by Papadopoulos-Kerameus in a 
convent, used as a school for Greek merchants, on 
the island Chalce (Halki) near Constantinople; they 
are included in this edition. The text used in this 
volume is, for the rest of the letters, that of Hertlein 
(Leipzig, 1876), revised and rearranged in chrono- 
logical order as far as possible. The marginal num- 
bers correspond to the pages of Spanheim, 1696. 
The edition of Bidez and Cumont (1922) appeared 
too late to be used in constructing the present text, 
but is referred to in this Introduction. All references 
_to Bidez or Cumont in the critical notes refer to 
their publications before 1922. Their edition includes 
the Latin edicts of Julian preserved in the Codex 

1 See Letter 53, 382 p, p. 185. 
2 Cf. Letter 80, To Sarapion. 



Theodosianus and the Imperial edict in Greek, De 
auro coronario, published by Grenfell, Hunt and 
Hogarth in Fayiim towns and their Papyri, p. 116 foll., 
and assigned by those editors and by Wilcken to 
Alexander Severus. Bidez and Cumont support 
Dessau! in regarding this edict as by Julian, who, 
as we know from an edict in Codex Theodosianus 
12. 13. 1, remitted the aurum coronarium on April 29, 
362. Ammianus? mentions this as an instance of 
Julian’s generosity. 

The following biographical notices of Julian’s more 
important correspondents or of persons mentioned 
in the text, are in alphabetical order and are de- 
signed to supplement the notes. 

Aetius of Antioch, nicknamed “ Atheist” by his 
Christian opponents, rose from extreme poverty and 
obscurity to the position of leader of the faction of 
the Arian sect called Anomoean because its members 
held that “the substance of the Son is unlike the 
substance of the Father.’’ The less radical of the 
unorthodox, semi-Arians, like the Emperor Con- 
stantius, persecuted the Anomoeans. But Gallus 
Caesar, Julian’s half-brother, soon after his promotion 
in 351 and his appointment to govern the East, came 
under the influence of Aetius, who, for the next three 
years while he resided at Antioch, was his spiritual 
adviser. When Gallus heard that Julian, then study- 
ing at Ephesus with Maximus the theurgist, was 
inclined to “ Hellenism,” he more than once sent 

1 In Revue de Philologie, 1901. 2 25. 4. 15. 


Aetius to admonish his younger brother, who con- 
trived to reassure them both.! After the disgrace 
and execution of Gallus by Constantius at the end of 
354, Aetius was exiled to Phrygia by the Emperor, 
partly because of his alarming influence and extreme 
Arianism, partly because of his intimacy with Gallus. 
Expelled from his office of deacon and repudiated by 
the Arians, he was still in exile on Julian’s accession, 
when he was recalled to Constantinople and treated 
with peculiar favour. In spite of the title of Julian’s 
letter of recall,? Aetius was not made a bishop until 
the reign of Valens. After Julian’s death he retired 
to an estate in Lesbos which had been given him by 
Julian, but later he went to Constantinople, and in 
spite of his heresy was made a bishop, though prob- 
ably without a see. In the histories of the fourth- 
century Church, such as those of Socrates, Sozomen 
and Theodoret, he is the most important of all the 
heretics and apparently the most dangerous to the 
unity of the Church. Philostorgius gives a detailed 
and fairly tolerant account of his varied life and great 
influence, and praises his eloquence and learning, 
whereas the others ridicule as superficial his study of 
Aristotle, with whose logic this ex-goldsmith of 
Antioch professed to have fitted himself to found a 
heresy, and Newman, who intensely disliked his 
heresy, calls him a mountebank.? 

1 See Philostorgius 3. 27 and the letter of Gallus to Julian, 
p. 288, Sozomen 5. 5 mentions Julian’s letter recalling 
_ Aetius. 

2 See Lelter 15 in which Julian refers to their friendship of 
long standing, and Against the Galilaeans, 333d, p. 413, 
where the reference may be to the Anomoean Aetius. 

8 The Arians of the Fourth Century, 1833. 



A.ypius, to whom Julian wrote Letters 6 and 7, was, 
according to Ammianus 23. 1. 2, ἃ native of Antioch. 
In 358 Libanius in an extant letter (324 Foerster), 
congratulates him on his success as governor of 
Britain—his title was Vicarius Britanniarum, an 
office subordinate to the prefect of the Gallic 
provinces—and reports favourably of his young son 
Hierocles, who had been left at Antioch in the 
sophist’s charge. * Seeck and Cumont think that — 
Julian’s Letter 6 should be dated 355 or 356, and that 
his summons to Alypius preceded the latter's appoint- 
ment to Britain; but I agree with Geffcken that 
Julian’s language implies that he had been for some 
time in Gaul, and that he néeded the assistance of 
Alypius for his expedition against Constantius, so 
that the letter should be dated 360. As there is 
nothing in Letter 7 to indicate whether Alypius was 
in Britain or what was the map which he had sent 
to Julian, I have not altered the traditional order of 
the two letters to Alypius. If, however, Alypius was 
still in Britain, Letter 7 will naturally antedate Letter 
6 and will fall between 356 and 360. In that case 
the illness from which Julian had lately recovered 
may be the semi-asphyxiation which he himself de- 
scribes in Misopogon 341 ἢ as having occurred when 
he was at Paris in the winter of 358-9. We know 
that Alypius was appointed by Julian in 362-3 to 
superintend the rebuilding of the Temple at Jeru- 
salem (Ammianus 23. 1. 2). ‘The project failed, and 
Alypius returned to Antioch, where he is mentioned 
in a letter from Libanius to Basil (1583 Wolf) as a 
person of distinction. In 372, when the Emperor 
Valens, in his panic terror of assassination, was per- 
secuting right and left, Alypius was exiled on a false 



charge of poisoning and his property confiscated 
(Ammianus 29. 1. 44). Like Priscus and Libanius 
he is addressed by Julian as “ brother,’ possibly, as 
Asmus thinks, because they were fellow-initiates in 
the Mysteries of Mithras.1 In the MSS. of Julian’s 
Letters Alypius is entitled “ brother of Caesarius”’ to 
distinguish him from the dwarf Alypius of Alexandria, 
whose Life was written first by his friend Iamblichus 
the philosopher and later by Eunapius. Caesarius 
held several high offices in the fourth century, and in 
the reign of Valens, when city prefect of Constantin- 
ople, was imprisoned by the usurper Procopius 
(Ammianus 26. 7. 4). Several letters from Libanius 
to Caesarius are extant. 

ArisTopHANEs of Corinth, about whose reinstate- 
ment Julian wrote to Libanius when they were at 
Antioch towards the end of 362 (Letter 53), was an 
official of no great importance, but the detailed 
account of his life which Libanius addressed to 
Julian at that time (Oration 14, Vol. 2, Foerster) is 
a curious record of the vicissitudes of official life in 
the fourth century. Aristophanes was the son of a | 
rich senator of Corinth and was educated in rhetoric 
at Athens. He was involved in a ruinous lawsuit 
and robbed of part of his patrimony by his brother- 
in-law Eugenius, a favourite of the Emperor Constans, 
and since, while Constans ruled Greece, it was useless 
to oppose Eugenius, Aristophanes retired to Syria, 
some time before 350. There he was appointed an 
Agens in rebus, and, as a sort of Imperial courier, 
travelled all over the Empire. In 357 he was 
sent to Egypt with the newly-appointed prefect 

1 See Dieterich, Withras-Liturgie, p. 149. 


Parnassius. There they incautiously consulted an 
astrologer. How dangerous was this proceeding 
under the Empire, since it aroused suspicion of 
treasonable interest in the length of the Emperor's 
life or reign, may be seen from the accounts in 
Ammianus of the reigns of Constantius and Valens 
and their wholesale persecution of alleged conspira- 
tors. After a trial at Scythopolis (Ammianus 19. 12. 
10), conducted by the cruel agent of Constantius, 
Paul, nicknamed “the Chain,’”’ Parnassius was exiled 
in 359 or 360, while Aristophanes was tortured and 
barely escaped with his life. He was condemned to 
travel throughout Egypt under the escort of a soldier 
and a herald, who proclaimed wherever they went 
that any Egyptian whom Aristophanes had defrauded 
might come forward and denounce him. Libanius, 
who, like all fourth-century writers, gives the Egyp- 
tians a very bad character, argues that, if even the 
Egyptians could not trump up a charge against Aris- 
tophanes, he was at least innocent of the charges of 
peculation that had been brought against him at 
Scythopolis. He was released by the death of Con- 
stantius in 361. No doubt the strongest argument 
that Libanius used in favour of Aristophanes was the 
fact that he was a devout pagan who at his trial had 
openly sworn by the gods. Libanius asked for his 
protégé some office that would rehabilitate him in the 
eyes of the Corinthians, and in Letler 53 Julian says 
that he will confer with Libanius as to what this shall 
be, but we know only that Aristophanes did receive 
some office and returned to Corinth. Julian was 
more interested in the eloquence of Libanius than in 
the fortunes of Aristophanes. Seeck, however, in 
Die Briefe des Libanius states that Julian appointed 



Aristophanes to the highest office in Greece, the pro- 
consulship of Achaea, and places him in the lists of 
proconsuls for 362-3. But already in 362 Julian had 
given that honour to a man of the highest character, 
whom he greatly admired, Vettius Agorius Praetex- 
tatus, and since we know from Zosimus 4. 3. 3 that 
Praetextatus still held the office in September 364, 
when he was able to persuade the Emperor Valen- 
tinian not to enforce against the Greeks the edict 
forbidding the nocturnal celebration of religious 
rites, there is no room for Aristophanes as proconsul 
of Achaea; nor is it likely that so strict a moralist 
as Julian would have conceded so great a distinction 
to a man for whose loose morals even Libanius felt 
bound to apologise in his oration: Libanius in a 
letter (758) expresses his delight at Julian’s praise 
of his speech and says that it shall be published 
with the Emperor’s letter ; they do occur together in 
some MSS. In 364, after Julian’s death, Aristo- 
phanes wrote to Libanius asking that he might see 
the correspondence of Julian and Libanius. The 
sophist repiied (1350 Wolf) by reproaching him with 
having soon forgotten “the divine Julian,” and says 
that he can send only such letters as it would be safe 
to publish. It was, in fact, a dangerous time for the 
friends of Julian, who were regarded with suspicion 
by the Christian Emperors Valens and Valentinian, 
and, for the most part, lost their offices. 

Arsaces, or Arsacius, to whom is addressed Letter 
_57, was king of Armenia in the reigns of Constantius 
and Julian, and, since Armenia was the buffer state 

1 Cumont in his edition, and Geffcken, Judianus, are silent 
on this point. 


between Rome.and Persia, he was courted by Romans 
and Persians alike, whenever they were at war. In 
his Oration 1. 20p, Julian describes how in the 
Eastern campaign of Constantius in 337 the Ar- 
menians for a time went over to the Persians. 
When in 361 Constantius was about to march 
against Julian, leaving his Eastern frontier insecure, 
he summoned Arsaces to Caesarea in Cappadocia 
and strengthened the old alliance of Rome and 
Armenia by giving him in marriage Olympias, the 
daughter of the prefect Ablabius, who had been 
betrothed when very young to the Emperor’s de- 
ceased brother Constans (Ammianus 20.11). Athan- 
asius reckoned it among the impieties of the Arian 
Constantius that he had “given over to the bar- 
barians”” one who had been all but a Roman 
Empress. Constantius immediately on his accession 
had put to death the prefect Ablabius, the low-born 
favourite of Constantine whose ambitious career and 
violent end are related in the Lives of Eunapius; 
he now disposed of Ablabius’ daughter as he had 
disposed of his own two sisters, giving one to 
Gallus and the other to Julian in order to secure 
their loyalty when they were promoted to the 
Caesarship. Arsaces remained faithful to Rome and 
so lost his kingdom and his life to the Persians 
(Ammianus 27. 12), but his failure to arrive with 
his auxiliaries to aid Julian at Ctesiphon contributed 
to the breakdown of the campaign (Ammianus 24. 7). 
Letter 57 is bracketed by Hertlein as spurious and 
rejected by all modern editors on account of its 
bombastic style, and its authenticity is dubious. But 
it was cited by Sozomen 6. 2, in the fifth century, 
and, if a forgery, was forged early enough to take 



him in. He criticises its “unbounded arrogance ”’ 
and speaks of its “blasphemies against Christ ”; 
since these are not in Letier 57 he may have seen a 
somewhat different version. As for the style, since 
Arsaces was a Christian and a barbarian, Julian may 
have thought that threats would serve him better 
than cajoleries, and in any case we cannot tell in 
what language he or his secretaries might see fit to 
address a ruler who owed his throne to the Romans 
and might be suspected of intending treachery in 
the coming campaign. Accordingly, though its 
authorship is doubtful, I have not placed this letter 
with the apoctypha. 

Artemtvs, military governor of Egypt (Dua Aegypii) 
in 361, is mentioned, though not named, by Julian 
in Letter 21, To the Alexandrians. He was in 
high favour with the Emperor Constantius and 
an ardent Christian. In Alexandria he was hated 
by the pagans because he despoiled the temples, 
especially the famous Serapeum, the shrine of 
Serapis, and not less by the orthodox Christians 
for his support of the Arian Bishop George. In 
362 Julian summoned him to Antioch, deprived 
him of his office, and had him beheaded on October 
20, 362, a day that was consecrated by the Church 
to his memory as a saint and martyr. There were 
several reasons why Julian detested Artemius. He 
was a friend of Constantius, had been foremost in 
suppressing the pagan cults, and was supposed to 
_ have been accessory to the murder of Gallus Caesar, 
though this last charge Artemius denied. The 
fullest account of his defiance of Julian at Antioch, 
his religious controversy with the Emperor, his 



tortures and death, was preserved by the late 
fourth-century historian of the Church, Philostor- 
gius (pp. 151-176, Bidez). Ammianus is strangely 
in error when he says (22, 11. 3) that the news of 
the death of Artemius was the signal at Alexandria 
for the outbreak of the populace which resulted in 
the murder of Bishop George, whose oppression of 
the citizens Artemius had supported with his troops 
(Sozomen 4. 30), Ammianus was at Antioch and 
must have known the date of the death of Arte- 
mius; he should also have known that George was 
murdered nearly a year earlier, in December 361, 
when the death of Constantius was announced. 
Artemius, according to Philostorgius, was one of 
those who resisted Julian’s blanda persecutio of bribes 
and eloquent arguments to which so many suc- 
cumbed, and this accounts for the fact that he was 
not punished till some time after Julian’s accession. 

Ararsius! to whom the Emperor Julian wrote 
Letter 37 telling him not to persecute the Gali- 
laeans, but to prefer the god-fearing, z.e. the pagans, 
was a native of Ancyra and himself a pagan. At 
that time, 362, he was governing the province of 
the Euphrates with the title Praeses Euphratensis. 
The letter as we have it is abrupt and is probably 
a fragment of a longer letter or edict, often quoted 
no doubt by the Christians as evidence of their 
persecution and exclusion from office in Julian’s 
reign. On the general question of Julian’s treat- 

1 Hertlein prefers Artabius; both forms occur in the MSS., 
and in Codex Justinianus 11. 70, 1, an edict of Julian on 
buildings erected on state lands, is ‘addressed to Atarbinus, 
possibly the same official. 



ment of Christian officials or candidates for office 
the historians of the Church give divergent accounts, 
but Socrates 3. 13. 2 and Sozomen 5. 18 say that 
he would not appoint them to govern provinces, on 
the ground that their law forbade them to inflict 
capital punishment. Gregory Nazianzen, Oration 7, 
says that Julian bribed the Christians to sacrifice 
to the gods by promising them appointments, and 
Jerome says that many could not resist this blanda 
persecutio. In 362-363 Libanius wrote several letters, 
which are extant, to Atarbius, and especially in Letter 
741, Foerster, praised his mild administration of the 
Kuphratensis. In 364, when Libanius wrote to him 
Letter 1221 Wolf, Atarbius was Consularis Macedoniae. 

Aruanasius, the saint and orthodox bishop of 
Alexandria about whom Julian wrote Letters 24, 46 
and 47, is the most notable Christian with whom 
on his accession Julian had to deal. He became 
bishop of Alexandria in 326 and died in 373, But 
of that time he spent about twenty years away from 
his see, and went into exile or hiding five times, 
once under Constantine, twice under Constantius, 
who supported the Arian heresy of which Athana- 
sius was the determined opponent, once under 
Julian, and finally for four months under the Arian 
Emperor Valens in 367. With the death of Valens 
the Arians lost practically all their influence and 
the orthodox prelate had won in the end. When, 
in 362, Julian proclaimed an amnesty for the non- 
_ Arian ecclesiastics who had been persecuted by 
Constantius, Athanasius returned in February to his 
see at Alexandria. His enemy, the Arian Bishop 
George of Cappadocia, who then held the bishopric, 



had been murdered on December 24, 361, when 
the news of the death of Constantius became known 
at Alexandria, George was obnoxious to pagans and 
Athanasians alike, but though Philostorgius 7. 2 
says that Athanasius incited the people to murder 
George, the silence of Julian on this point and 
the testimony of Socrates 3. 31 and Sozomen 3, 7 
that Athanasius was innocent, indicate that the 
charge was due to the malice of the Arians. Tumults 
similar to that which resulted in the lynching of 
George occurred elsewhere in the Empire, and the 
Christian writers in their invectives against Julian 
accuse him of having recalled the exiles in order 
to foment the strife of the Christian sects, whose 
quarrels were so bitter and unremitting that the 
story of the reigns of Constantine, Constantius and 
Valens is mainly that of a heated theological contro- 
versy. Julian in Letter 21 rebuked the Alexandrians, 
though not as severely as they deserved, for the 
murder of George, and with indecent haste de- 
manded for himself in Letter 23 the books of the 
dead bishop, whose library he had used in the past, 
perhaps in his years of retirement at Macellum in 
Cappadocia; he may have wished to use them again 
for his tract Against the Galilaeans, which he com- 
posed at Antioch in the following winter. When 
Athanasius after his return proceeded to exercise 
his functions, Julian in an edict addressed to the 
Alexandrians, Letter 24, banished him from Alex- 
andria, and wrote a sharp rebuke to the prefect of 
Egypt, Ecdicius Olympus, ordering Athanasius to 
be expelled from Egypt before December 1. Ac- 
cordingly, on October 23, 361, Athanasius left 
Alexandria, saying, “It is but a little cloud and it 



will pass” (Sozomen 5, 15). In the late autumn of 
362 the Alexandrians sent to Julian at Antioch a 
petition for the recall of Athanasius, but he refused 
their request in a document (Letter 47) which is 
partly an edict, partly a theological argument for 
paganism, and contains the statement, useful for his 
biographers, that he had finally renounced Chris- 
tianity twelve years earlier, i.e. in 350. Athanasius 
remained in hiding near Alexandria and at Memphis 
until Julian’s death in 363, when he resumed his 

Βαβι, the Great, commonly called St. Basil, was a 
native of Cappadocia. He and Julian were about the 
same age, and were fellow-students in Athens in 
355. Basil-returned to Cappadocia in 356 and was 
probably in retreat in a monastery near Caesarea, 
the metropolis of Cappadocia, when Julian addressed 
to him Letler 26 inviting him to the court at 
Constantinople. The invitation was certainly not 
accepted, but there is no proof that they did not 
remain on good terms. Basil had other pagan 
friends, especially the sophist Libanius, with whom 
he corresponded and to whom he sent pupils from 
Cappadocia. Basil became bishop of Caesarea in 
370 and died in his fiftieth year in 379. There is 
no good reason for doubting the genuineness of Letler 
26, or for supposing that it was addressed to some 
other Basil than the famous bishop. But Letter 81, 
in which Julian demands from Basil a large sum 
of money as a fine on Caesarea, and threatens to 
punish the citizens still more severely if he is not 
obeyed, is generally regarded as spurious, and 
equally spurious is Basil’s defiant answer, which 



is extant among the saint’s correspondence as Lelter 
41. Even in Byzantine times both letters were 
regarded as unskilful forgeries, alien to the char- 
acter of the writers to whom they were ascribed. 
The main argument against the authenticity of 
Letter 81 is the peculiar language, which is like 
nothing that we know to be Julianic. A minor point 
is that he regularly calls the Danube by the name 
Ister, whereas the writer of the letter does not. 
Further, the silence of Gregory Nazianzen as to 
the demand of money from Basil is strange in one 
who had been a fellow-student of the two men at 
Athens, and in his invectives against Julian would 
hardly have omitted this outrage if Basil had been 
involved. Moreover, the last words of Letter 81 are 
said by Sozomen 5.18 to have been addressed by 
Julian “to the bishops,” and he says that the bishops 
made the retort which appears at the end of Basil’s 
alleged reply: dvéyvws ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔγνως" εἰ yap ἔγνως, οὐκ 
ἂν κατέγνως. “ What you read you did not under- 
stand. For if you had understood you would not 
have condemned.” But Julian’s hostility to Caesarea 
was a fact. Cappadocia as a whole was Christian, 
and its capital was, as Sozomen 5. 4 says, “ Christian 
to a man.” Under Constantius the citizens had 
pulled down the temples of Zeus and Apollo, and 
in Julian’s reign they invited martyrdom by de- 
stroying the temple of Fortune, the only one that 
remained. Sozomen relates their punishment by 
Julian, which probably occurred while he was at 
Antioch in 362-363. The city lost its complimentary 
name of Caesarea, and was obliged to resume its old 
name Mazaca; it was expunged from the catalogue 
of cities, and its church treasures were confiscated. 



Libanius, Oration 16, describes its fate as a warning 
to the recalcitrant. That Julian was displeased with 
the Cappadocians in general may be seen from the 
tone of Letler 35, To Aristoxenus, whom he asked 
to meet him at Tyana on his way to Antioch; nor 
did he visit Caesarea the metropolis, or Macellum, 
where he had spent so much of his youth. His 
death probably prevented the punishment of Caesa- 
rea from being fully carried out. 

Ecpicius, probably called also Olympus, to whom 
Julian wrote Letlers 23, 45, 46, 49, was prefect of 
Egypt 362-363. ‘The letters all refer to the affairs 
of Egypt. Julian commissions Ecdicius to secure 
for him the library of Bishop George; scolds him 
for not having taken instant action against Athan- 
asius ; tells him the height of the Nile flood; and 
orders him to encourage the study of music at 
Alexandria. Ammianus 22. 14 says that in 362 
Julian received from the prefect of Egypt a report 
on the sacred bull Apis, but does not give his name. 
In Codex Theodosianus 15. 1. 8, Ecdicius appears by 
name and receives rescripts from Julian. As the 
name of the prefect at this time appears also as 
Olympus, Seeck is probably right in assuming that 
he had, as was not unusual, two names, and that 
either could be used. This may be the Ecdicius 
who studied in Athens with Libanius in 336-340, 
later corresponded with him, and sent him pupils. 
On August 20, 363, Ecdicius announced to the 
_ Alexandrians the death of Julian in Persia. In 
informing Ecdicius about the height of the Nile 
flood Julian, who was at Antioch, wrote what 
Eedicius must have known. Julian took a special 



interest in the Nile flood because he had, on his 
accession, ordered that the Nilometer, the measure 
used to gauge its height, should be restored to the 
temple of Serapis, whence it had been removed by 
Constantine to a Christian church; Socrates 1. 18, 
Sozomen 5. 3. 

Expipius “the philosopher,” to whom is addressed 
Letter 65, is not otherwise known, and the letter, 
which is a purely formal type of excuse for the 
brevity of the writer, was probably preserved on 
that account in epistolary hand-books. It is placed 
by Cumont with the spurious letters, though there 
is nothing against it but its lack of content. Two 
men named Elpidius attained to high office in the 
fourth century, and one of them was a favourite 
with Julian because he had-renounced Christianity 
and become a zealous pagan. He was with Julian 
at Antioch in the winter of 362 as Comes rerum 
prwatarum, and Libanius, in Letter 33, written when 
Julian was in Gaul in 358, says that Julian, though 
younger than Elpidius, has exercised a good influence 
on him, and that in his conversation Elpidius echoes 
Julian’s ideas and is as anxious as Libanius himself 
regarding Julian’s future. This probably alludes to 
the renunciation of Christianity by Elpidius which 
was to follow Julian’s accession (see, too, Libanius, 
Oration 14. 35). It was to him that Libanius applied 
when he grew anxious as to the fate of Aristophanes 
(see Letter 758, Foerster). The other Elpidius, a 
Christian, was prefect of the East in 360, and was 
also at Antioch with Julian in 362. He is often 
mentioned by Ammianus and Libanius. Neither of 
these men could correctly be called a philosopher, 



but it is possible that Julian might so address the 
former, who was among his intimates. 

Eustatuius, to whom Julian addressed Lellers 
43 and 44, was a Neo-Platonic philosopher but 
apparently not a miracle-worker of the type of 
Maximus. He was a distinguished orator, and in 
358 was sent by Constantius on an embassy to the 
Persian king Sapor, having been chosen for this 
mission, says Ammanius 17. 5, μέ opifex suadendi, 
His extraordinary, though short-lived, influence over 
Sapor is described by Eunapius (pp. 393-399, Wright). 
He marivied Sosipatra the clairvoyant, whose mira- 
culous childhood under the tutelage of Chaldaean 
thaumaturgists is related by Eunapius. Eustathius 
had poor health and died soon after Julian had 
given him permission to return to his native Cappa- 
docia. His widow continued her teaching, and 
their son Antoninus had a distinguished career as 
a priest and teacher in Egypt, where his prediction 
of the destruction of the temples came to rank as 
an oracle (Eunapius, Lives, pp. 415-425). The letter 
of Eustathius, p. 291, in which he describes his 
comfortable journey, appeared in the editions of 
Martin, Estienne and Hertlein with the wrong title, 
To Libanius. Cumont restored the correct title 
from .Parisinus 963. It has accordingly been placed 
in this volume with the apocryphal letters. Eusta- 
thius was a kinsman of the philosopher Aedesius, 
and when the latter migrated to Pergamon he left 
his interests in Cappadocia in charge of Eustathius. 
Libanius and Basil corresponded with Eustathius, 
and in Letter 123, written in 359, Libanius calls him 
“the most renowned of philosophers.” 



Evutuerius, to whom Julian wrote Leiter 10 
announcing his safety and his desire that the other 
should join him in Constantinople, is otherwise 
known from the account of his life in Ammianus 
16. 7. He was an Armenian, a eunuch of unusual 
virtue and intellectual attainments, who had been 
kidnapped and sold to some Roman merchants, rose 
to a position at Court, became adviser to Constans, 
and later high chamberlain to Julian when the 
latter was made Caesar. Eutherius went with Julian 
to Gaul as his trusted adviser, and had the courage 
to reprove his master for that un-Roman levity of 
character which Ammianus says he had acquired by 
his residence in Asia, Eutherius was sent by Julian 
to the Court at Milan in 356 to counteract the plots 
of Marcellus, his late master of horse, and. he suc- 
cessfully defended the loyalty of Julian before 
Constantius; again in 360 Julian sent him to Con- 
stantius with the letters in which he sought to 
justify bis action in accepting the title of Augustus 
from the army in Gaul. After Julian’s death, 
Eutherius, who was a pagan, retired to Rome, where 
he spent his old age respected by all. Ammianus 
says that though he has ransacked history he can 
find no eunuch who in wisdom and accomplishments 
can be compared with Eutherius. He must have 
possessed extraordinary tact to have been loved by 
Constantius, though he was a pagan, and by Julian, 
though he was the favourite of Constantius. 

Evaerius, the rhetorician to whom Julian wrote 
Letter 25, making him the present of a small estate 
in Bithynia, is otherwise unknown, though he is 
possibly to be identified with the man of that name 



who joined Julian at Nish in the autumn of 361 
(Letler 8, To Maximus). Neither the Comes rerum 
privatarum under Constantius, whom Julian banished 
on his accession (Ammianus 22. 3. 7), nor the friend 
of Libanius who appears in his correspondence and 
in that of St. Basil, is likely to have received this 
gift from Julian, but we know nothing definite on 
this point. Julian tells us in his Leller to the 
Athenians, Vol. 2, 2738, that Constantius had kept 
all his father’s property, so that he had the use only 
of his mother’s estate before he was made Caesar. 
On the other hand we have the statement of 
Eunapius (Lives, p. 428, Wright), that there was 
at the disposal of Julian when a student, “ample 
and abundant wealth from every source.” In_ his 
fragmentary Letter to a Priest (Vol. 2, 290p), Julian 
says that his grandmother’s estate was taken from 
him for a time only, and boasts of his own generosity 
in giving when he had little to spare. The date 
when he gave the small country-place to Evagrius 
cannot be precisely determined. In the absence of 
direct evidence I have dated it shortly after his 
accession ; so, too, Schwarz. Cumont places it first 
in his edition and thinks that it was written from 
Gaul before 358. In favour of his view is Libanius, 
Leiter 369 (Foerster), written to Julian in Gaul, in 
which he praises his generosity in having given to 
his friends houses, slaves, lands and money. On the 
other hand, it is equally likely that the estate which 
Julian’s uncle, Count Julian, asked for too late in 
_ the summer of 362, was this very estate in Bithynia, 
and that it had been recently given to Evagrius. 

Hecepo.ius was a time-serving sophist who taught 

xl vii 


Julian rhetoric when he was at Constantinople as 
a boy in 342. In all editions earlier than Bidez and 
Cumont, two letters are entitled 70 Hecebolius, 
namely those numbered 40 and 63 in this volume. 
The first of these is almost certainly not addressed 
to Julian’s old teacher, who had now changed from 
Christianity to Hellenism, but to some official at 
Edessa. Cumont entitles it 70 the people of Edessa. 
Letter 63, rejected by Schwarz, Cumont and Geffcken 
because of its flowery style and lack of serious 
content, contains Julianic phrases and is just such a 
letter as one would expect an Imperial sophist to 
write to a sophist. Socrates 3. 1 says that He- 
cebolius taught Julian, and in 3, 13 describes his 
shamelessness in changing his religion three times 
in order to win Imperial favour. Libanius, Oration 
18, calls Hecebolius a rascally sophist, but does not 
mention his name, perhaps because he was writing 
after Julian’s death, when it was not safe to attack 
openly one who had just become reconverted to 

Him_ertivus, to whom is addressed Letter 69, cannot 
be identified with certainty ; but at any rate we may 
be sure that he is not the famous Bithynian sophist 
whom Julian invited to join him at Antioch in 362, 
since the reference to the family of the widower 
with whom the writer of Letter 69 condoles does not 
suit what we know of the sophist’s private life from 
his own extant works. Since two MSS. give Julian’s 
correspondent the title “ Prefect of Egypt,” Cumont 
identifies him with the Himerius whom we know, 
from the letters of Libanius, as the father of Iam- 
blichus Il; he was the son (or son-in-law?) of the 

xl viii 


more famous Iamblichus, the philosopher. From 
Libanius we learn (Letter 573) that this Himerius 
was an Official of some sort, and we know that he 
died before 357. In that case Julian, if he wrote 
this letter to him, did so in his student days or from 
Gaul, after he became Caesar. Cumont suspects its 
genuineness. The difficulty about this identification 
of Himerius, son of Iamblichus, with the prefect of 
the MS. tradition is that we know of no prefect of 
Egypt of that name, and it does not occur in the 
list of prefects from 328 a.p. Schenkl therefore 
suggests (in Itheim. Mus. 72) that the real title may 
be To Hierius, since there was an Egyptian prefect 
of that name in 364, who succeeded Ecdicius Olympus. 
Hierius was not appointed until after Julian’s death, 
but the title may have been added to the letter 
after he had received the office. The letter is in 
Julian’s manner, and there are no good grounds for 
rejecting it. The name of Julian’s correspondent 
appears in the MSS. in various forms, as Amerius 
(retained by Hertlein), Hemerius, and Himerius. 
(See under Sopater.) 

Iampiicnus of Chalcis in Coele-Syria, a pupil of 
Porphyry, was the chief exponent of the Syrian 
school of Neo-Platonism in the first half of the 
fourth century. His Life was written by Eunapius 
(pp. 363-373, Wright), who shows him performing 
feats of magic, but reluctantly, at the instance of 
his disciples. The six letters to him which were 
ascribed to Julian in the MSS. tradition, namely 
74-79 of this edition, cannot have been written by 
the Emperor, who was a mere child when Iamblichus 
died in the latter part of the reign of Constantine 




and was succeeded in his school by Aedesius. The 
letters are therefore either forgeries or were written 
by some other admirer of Iamblichus whose name 
may have been Julian. Their writer seems to have 
marched with the Emperor from Pannonia to the 
Dardanelles in 323 when the Emperor was proceed- 
ing to Nicomedia in pursuit of Licinius, and he 
dwells on the hardships he had endured in war, 
sieges, and other dangers. Cumont in his edition 
(1922), as in 1889 (Sur [’ authenticité de quelques lettres de 
Julien), though less confidently, ascribes these letters 
to the sophist Julian of Caesarea, who taught rhetoric 
at Athens down to 340 a.p., when he was succeeded 
by Prohaeresius; but he fails to account for the 
silence of Eunapius in his Life of Julian of Caesarea 
(pp. 467-477, Wright) as to any such experiences as 
are alluded to in these letters. Nor does Eunapius 
indicate that Julian of Caesarea, who left no writings, 
was interested in philosophy as well as rhetoric; 
rather he shows us a typical teacher of rhetoric at 
Athens whose glory was that he had trained the 
famous Christian sophist Prohaeresius, and had 
triumphed over the jealousies of his rivals, the other 
Athenian sophists. The theory that this group of 
letters was addressed by the Emperor Julian to 
the younger Iamblichus, the famous philosopher’s 
grandson, who with his father Himerius and _ his 
uncle Sopater are known to us chiefly from the 
correspondence of Libanius, is untenable. Iam- 
blichus II, though he was a philosopher and is 
mentioned with admiration by the Emperor Julian 
in Letter 2, was not distinguished enough to account 
for the servile flattery expressed in these letters; 
and the writer, if he had been addressing the grand- 



son, would hardly have failed to mention his famous 
grandfather. Moreover, the events alluded to are 
irreconcilable with what we know of Julian’s life. 
There are in these six letters certain parallels of 
thought and language which favour the theory that 
they are by one man; but there are also similarities 
with the genuine works of Julian, and such parallels 
cannot be safely counted as evidence either of 
forgery or of Julianic authorship; they are more 
probably the common epistolary mannerisms of the 
fourth century. 

Juttan, the Emperor Julian’s uncle, brother of 
his mother Basilina, and son of Julius Julianus, to 
whom are addressed Let/ers 9 and 29, was persuaded 
by his nephew, after the death of Constantius, to 
renounce Christianity and to devote himself to the 
restoration of the Hellenic religion. This he did 
with such zeal that he became peculiarly odious 
to the Christians, especially in the East, where he 
resided at Antioch as Comes Orientis (Count of the 
East). There he died of a painful illness during 
Julian’s visit to Antioch in 362-363. Sozomen 5. 8, 
Theodoret 3. 12, and Philostorgius 7. 10 recount his 
persecutions of the Christians and his terrible end. 
In Letter 29 the Emperor Julian directs his uncle, 
who had preceded him to Antioch, to restore the 
columns of the famous temple of Apollo in the 
suburb of Daphne; that this was done, and that 
the sight of the colonnade irritated the Christians, 
may be gathered from Ammianus 22. 13. The 
temple was burned down on October 22, 362, while 
the Emperor was in residence at Antioch, and the 
Emperor suspected that this was Christian vengeance, 

d 2 


partly for the removal of the bones of St. Babylas 
from Daphne, partly for the rebuilding of the 
colonnade. Count Julian’s nephew mentions his 
death in Vol. 2, Misopogon 365c, and praises his 
administration. He was a correspondent of Libanius, 
and we have the letter of congratulation, 701, 
Foerster, sent to him by the sophist when the 
Emperor appointed him Count of the East in 362. 

Lisanius of Antioch, the famous teacher whose 
speeches Julian studied at Nicomedia in 344-345, 
and to whom he wrote many letters (of which only 
three, 52, 53 and 58, survive), has left more works, 
chiefly rhetorical, than any other sophist of his time. 
His Life by Eunapius is in some respects disparaging 
(see Eunapius, Lives, Wright, pp. 333-336), and we 
can best judge of his career from his own letters, 
more than 1600 of which are extant, and his numerous 
orations. He was born in 314, and may have survived 
as late as 395. From his works may be gathered 
many details about the officials of the fourth century 
and the conditions of education, He corresponded 
with Christians and pagans alike, but the death of 
Julian was a severe blow to his hopes for the future 
of Hellenic studies, which. he lived to see on the 
decline, giving place to Latin and Roman law. He 
himself knew no Latin, and was chagrined when a 
school of Latin was founded at Antioch in order 
that students might not have to go to Rome to 
learn the language. Libanius was with Julian at 
Antioch in the winter of 362-363, and two of the 
extant letters to him from Julian were written at 
that time; the third, 58, is Julian’s last extant letter 
and was written when the Emperor was at Hierapolis 



on his way to Persia, in March 363. Hertlein, like 
all earlier editors, published four letters to Libanius, 
but Cumont (Recherches) has shown that Hertlein 74 
and 14 are one letter, and they are so arranged in 
this volume as Lefter 53. We have the answer of 
Libanius (760, Foerster) to Letter 52, and his answer 
(758, Foerster) to Letter 53. Libanius’ Monody on 
the temple of Apollo at Daphne, after it had been 
destroyed in 362 by fire, and his Orations, namely 
12, To Julian, delivered in January 363; 13, To 
Julian, welcoming him to Antioch in 362; 14, For 
- Aristophanes; 15, To Julian, on behalf of Antioch, 
after the Emperor had left the city in 363 declaring 
that he would not return; 17, the Monody on Julian, 
which was published almost two years after Julian’s 
death ; 18, the Epitaph on Julian, published probably 
in 364; and 24, On Avenging Julian, addressed to the 
Emperor Theodosius, are invaluable documents for 
the attitude of a cultured pagan to Julian’s restora- 
tion of Hellenism, and for his life and reign. We 
depend the more on these orations and the letters 
of Libanius, because the History of Eunapius, which 
was in great part devoted to Julian, exists only in 
a few fragments. To the enthusiasm of Libanius 
the Christian fathers, such as Socrates, Sozomen, 
Philostorgius, Theodoret and, most embittered of 
all, Julian’s fellow-student, Gregory Nazianzen, 
opposed their accounts of his persecution of the 
Chureh and their criticisms of his character and 
motives. Both estimates of Julian may be corrected 
_ by the moderate and impartial account of one who 
was no sophist, and who, though a pagan, was 
apparently little influenced by desire for a Hellenic 
restoration, the Latin historian Ammianus Marcel- 



linus. Socrates 3.1 is the authority for the state- 
ment that Constantius, when he sent Julian, then 
a boy, to Nicomedia, expressly forbade him to 
attend the lectures of the pagan Libanius. 

Maximus of Ephesus, whose Life was written by 
Eunapius (Lives, pp. 431-461, 543-545, Wright), had 
obtained great influence over Julian in the latter’s 
student days, when he first, as Eunapius relates, 
studied with Aedesius at Pergamon, but on hearing 
of the miraculous communications with the unseen 
powers of the theurgist Maximus, the pupil ὁ: 
Aedesius, proceeded to join him at Ephesus. In 
Letter 8, written soon after the death of Constantius, 
Julian invited Maximus to his Court, and in spite 
of the unfavourable omens described by Eunapius 
in his Life of Maximus, pp. 441-445, omens which 
prevented the more cautious Chrysanthius from 
obeying Julian’s summons, Maximus joined him at 
Constantinople early in 362. This pseudo-philosopher 
remained with Julian, and was present at his death- 
bed. On his return from Persia, Maximus, who had 
many enemies, paid the penalty of the arrogance 
and display in which Julian had allowed him to 
indulge, and after various ups and downs of fortune 
was executed at Ephesus under the Emperor Valens 
in 371 on the charge of having been concerned in 
a conspiracy against the Emperor (Ammianus 29. 1 ; 
_ Zosimus 4. 15). Maximus seems to have initiated 
Julian into the Mysteries of Mithras, and Julian was 
wholly in sympathy with the theurgy of this clever 
charlatan. Of the three extant letters entitled 
To Maximus, Letters 12 and 59 are rejected by 
Geffcken for their sophistic style, and Cumont in 



his edition places them with the “spurious or 
doubtful” letters. But there is nothing in them 
that Julian might not have written, and one rather 
uncommon illustration in 59, the Celtic test of the 
legitimacy of children, was used by Julian in 
Oration 2, 81 ν, and is probably reflected from his 
experience in Gaul. There is no evidence for the 
date of Letter 59, but it is not unlikely that Julian 
was writing to his teacher from Gaul, and there- 
fore used this illustration while it was fresh in his 
mind. Dionysius, to whom Julian addressed Leiter 
50, is not otherwise known, unless he is to be 
identified with the Roman senator of whom Libanius 
says in Oration 18. 198 that Julian punished his 
impudence by a letter, when he might have con- 
fiscated his property. There is also ἃ possible 
reference to Nilus in Libanius, Leffer 758, Foerster, 
To Julian, where Libanius says that while he and 
Aristophanes were waiting for Julian’s decision (see 
under Aristophanes), they feared that Julian might 
inflict on Aristophanes τὸ Νείλου κακόν, “the punish- 
ment of Nilus”’(?). Both these references are un- 
certain, though Asmus, Geffeken and Cumont relate 
them to Julian’s letter 70 Nilus. We know only 
what can be gathered from Julian, namely, that 
Nilus was a senator (4464) of dubious morals, who 
had been recommended to the Emperor by one 
Symmachus; Julian, in a lost letter, had invited 
him to Court with the intention of giving him an 
office, but Nilus, who was perhaps a Christian, 
though Julian does not say so, held back until he 
received a second and more peremptory summons, 



which is also lost. Nilus certainly came to Antioch 
and was snubbed by the Emperor (446.8), and later 
wrote to him to excuse himself for his silence (443 c) 
and to say that he would come if again invited. In 
his answer to this communication Julian descends 
to personal invective of the sort that he used in his 
Oration 7, Against the Cynic Heraclius, but :there is 
nothing to prove that Nilus himself was, as Asmus 
thinks, a Cynic. Nilus had irritated Julian by 
praising Alexander (a favourite commonplace of 
Julian’s own, though in this case he found some- 
thing disparaging to himself), had praised Constans 
and Magnentius (446), and had asked for a reply 
(4468). Erudition is always in place in a Greek 
or Roman invective, and so Julian’s innuendoes 
against the character and career of Nilus are inter- 
woven with allusions to the historians of Alexander, 
to Phaedo of Elis (for whose Simon see Wilamowitz 
in Hermes 14), Demosthenes, Philostratus, Babrius 
and other authors. Asmus in Philologus 71 maintains 
that in Letter 50 we have a contamination of two 
letters, and that one was written in December 361, 
the other at the end of 362. But though the 
arrangement of the letter is strange (for example, 
five paragraphs begin with the word ἀλλά), we can- 
not, in our ignorance of the circumstances, and of 
Julian’s real grievance, attempt to rewrite it. We 
are not even sure as to the man’s name. Julian 
calls him “ Dionysius” (444p, 4458), and in some 
MSS. alludes to him as “ Nilus” (444 5) ; Laurentianus 
58 has the title Against Nilus, while the earliest 
editor Rigalt and all others before Cumont entitled 
the letter Zo Dionysius because of Julian’s use of 
the name in the letter. 



Oriaasius, the physician to whom is addressed 
Letter 4, was, next to Galen, the most important 
medical writer of the Graeco-Roman period. He is 
the faithful friend of whom Julian speaks in his 
Letter to the Athenians 277c, and he was with Julian 
in Gaul and at Antioch. According to Eunapius, 
who wrote his Life (pp. 533-537, Wright), he was 
suspected of having been Julian’s accomplice in 
his rebellion against Constantius. Julian sent him 
to Delphi to revive the oracle of Apollo there, 
and received the famous response, preserved by 
Cedrenus : 

“Tell the king, on earth has fallen the glorious 
And the water-springs that spake are quenched 
and dead. 
Not a cell is left the god, no roof, no cover, 
In his hand the prophet laurel flowers no more.’ ἢ 

Eunapius in his History, frag. 24, says that Oribasius 
admonished Julian to use more self-control when 
he was angry, to which Julian replied that the 
advice was good and would not be needed a second 
time. When they were in Gaul Julian requested 
him to compile an epitome of the works of Galen, 
and later he expanded the work into an Encyclo- 
paedia of Medicine in 70 Books, This also, as 
Oribasius says in his Introduction, was done at 

1 Swinburne’s translation, in The Last Oracle, of the Greek 

- text: 

Εἴπατε τῷ βασιλῆι χαμαὶ πέσε Saldadros αὐλά. 
οὐκέτι Φοῖβος ἔχει καλύβαν, οὐ μάντιδα δάφνην, 
ov παγὰν λαλέουσαν' ἀπέσβετο καὶ λάλον ὕδωρ. 



Julian’s wish. This work, entitled Ἰατρικαὶ ovvayw- 
yai, of which only about half survives, was published 
in 1808 by Matthaei (Moscow) with considerable 
omissions, and, complete as far as it survives, by 
Bussemaker-Daremberg, Paris, 1851, with a French 
translation. Oribasius was a pagan, but his son 
Eustathius, to whom he bequeathed his medical 
writings, was a. Christian and a friend and corre- 
spondent of St. Basil. Eunapius relates that after 
Julian’s death Oribasius was exiled “ among the most 
savage barbarians” by the Christian Emperors. At 
the courts of “the barbarians” he rose to great 
renown and was worshipped like a god because of 
his wonderful cures. He was therefore permitted 
to return, and recovered his fortune and position. 
Suidas says that he was born at Sardis, but probably 
Eunapius, who gives his birthplace as Pergamon, was 
better informed. He was, showever, practising at 
Sardis, no doubt after his exile, when Eunapius 
wrote his Life and described his skilful treatment 
of the aged Chrysanthius. 

Priscus, whom Eunapius calls “ the Thesprotian or 
Molossian,’’ was born about 305 and died in 395 when 
Alaric invaded Greece. His Life was written by 
Eunapius (Lives, pp. 461-465, Wright). Julian made 
his acquaintance when he studied at Pergamon, and 
on ‘his accession summoned him to his Court, and 
he accompanied the Emperor to Persia. On his 
return to Antioch in 363, Priscus, like other friends 
of Julian, fell under the suspicion of Valens and 
Valentinian, but was acquitted and dismissed with 
honour to Greece, where he continued to teach for 
another thirty years. He was evidently not con- 



sidered as dangerous as Maximus by the Christian 
Emperors, was probably not a theurgist, and was 
therefore free from the charge of practising magic. 
He was a correspondent of Libanius. Julian wrote 
to him Letters 1, 2, and 5, all from Gaul, encouraging 
Priscus to visit him there, but there is no evidence 
that the visit was paid. Libanius, Oration 14, 32, 
implies that towards the end of 362 Priscus was 
with Julian and Maximus at Antioch, though in 
Letter 52 Julian complains to Libanius that Priscus 
has not yet arrived. As all three men were living 
at Antioch at the time, we cannot lay any stress on 
this remark, which may refer to a temporary absence 
of Priscus. Priscus had a wife Hippia, and children. 
Eunapius says that his bearing was “ deliberate 
and lofty,’ and that he had secretive manners and 
sneered at human weakness, in contrast with his 
teacher, the expansive and democratic Aedesius. 

ProuarreEsius, to whom is addressed Letter 14, was 
an Armenian sophist who succeeded Julian of 
Caesarea in. the chair of rhetoric at Athens and 
taught there for many years. Probably the Emperor 
Julian studied with him at Athens in 355. When 
Eunapius went to study at Athens in 362, Prohae- 
resius was already eighty-seven and had overcome 
his rivals, whose persecutions of this too successful 
teacher Eunapius describes. Earlier in his career 
he had been sent by the Emperor Constans to Rome 
to display his eloquence and was there honoured 
with a bronze statue. When Julian issued his 
notorious decree forbidding Christians to teach the 
classics, he made a special exception in favour of 
Prohaeresius, who, however, refused to benefit by 



the exemption. Eunapius tells a curious story to the 
effect that this Christian sophist consulted the pagan 
hierophant of Greece in order to find out indirectly 
whether Julian’s reign would last much longer, and 
when the hierophant’s answer implied that it would 
not, “ Prohaeresius took courage.”” This was the sort 
of conduct that later under Valens cost Maximus of 
Ephesus his head, but apparently under Julian one 
could forecast the future with impunity. According 
to Eunapius, Prohaeresius died in 367, at the age of 
ninety-two, and he seems to have taught to the last, 
for the edict of Julian can hardly have “shut him 
out from the field of education” (Eunapius, p. 513, 
Wright) for more than a few months, if at all. 

SopaTer (or Sosipater),1 to whom is addressed 
Letter 61, cannot be identified with certainty, but, 
if the letter is Julian’s, he is not the famous Sopater, 
the disciple of lamblichus I, whose violent death in 
the reign of Constantine is related by Eunapius in 
his Lives. If Schwarz, Geffecken and Cumont are 
right in rejecting Letter 61, chiefly because of the 
reference to the writer's children (Julian was child- 
less), it may belong to the same period as the six 
letters to Iamblichus and have been written to 
Sopater I before 337 ; but this is impossible to decide. 
Sopater II, who is mentioned by Julian as his host at 
Hierapolis in March 363 (Letter 58, 401 c, a corrupt 
passage), and as having resisted the efforts of Gallus 
and Constantius to convert him to Christianity, is 

1 Yor the variation in the spelling of the name see Acts 
20. 4; Sopater of Beroea, Paul’s kinsman, who accompanied 
him to Asia, is called, in some MSS., Sosipater ; cf. Romans, 
16. 21. : 



perhaps the son (or son-in-law?) of Sopater I, who 
is mentioned by the writer of Letter 78, 418. 
Julian, however, calls him a κηδεστὴς of Sopater I, 
a vague word which may mean “son-in-law” or 
even “relative”; the passage is mutilated. 

Tueoporus, to whom Julian wrote Letter 16 
rejoicing in his safety, and 20 appointing him 
high-priest “of all the temples in Asia,’ was not 
necessarily a priest, as the office of high-priest was 
often given to rich laymen; the high-priest presided 
ex officio over the public games and the provincial 
assemblies. We know of Theodorus only from these 
letters of Julian. In Letter 20 he speaks of the 
teacher they had had in common, probably Maximus 
of Ephesus, and the word used, καθηγεμών, may 
indicate that Maximus had initiated Theodorus as 
well as Julian into the Mysteries of Mithras. 
Theodorus was certainly a philosopher, and as Neo- 
Platonism was, under Julian, the religion of the 
State, he was doubtless a Néo-Platonist of the 
Syrian school. Julian writes to him with great 
deference, though he never forgets in a pastoral 
letter that as Emperor he is Pontifex Maximus in- 

1 The Sopater who is mentioned in the six spurious Leéters 
to Iamblichus is almost certainly Sopater I. Wilhelm, in 
Rhein. Mus. 72, assigns to Sopater I the letter, partly pre- 
served by Stobaeus 4, p. 212, to Hemerius (or Himerius) 
from his brother Sopater, a typical sophistic sermon on the 
ideal ruler to one in high office, a λόγος παραινετικός. Others 
assign this work to Sopater II of Apamea, who, as we know 
from the correspondence of Libanius, died about 264, and 
is not known to have left any writings. In Letter 1448 
Libanius tells Sopater II that he has shown the latter’s 
letter to a friend, whose comment was that Sopater was 
imitating his distinguished father. 



structing a trusted subordinate in the duties of 
priests. Letter 16 is one of the six letters discovered 
on Chalce (Halki) in 1885 by Papadopoulos. It 
has been rejected by Schwarz and Geffcken on 
account of the difficulty found by all commentators 
in explaining the allusion in it to a quarrel between 
Julian (reading ἡμᾶς with the MSS.) or Theodorus 
(reading ὑμᾶς with Maas) and the proconsul of 
Achaea, for which incident there is no other 
evidence. We do not expect to find Theodorus 
concerned with the affairs of Greece, as his interests 
were evidently in Asia; nor do we know of any 
trouble between Julian and the proconsul. Asmus, 
by altering the text to read “ruler of the Helles- 
pont” (Ἑλλησπόντου for “Ἔλλάδος), tries to localise in 
Asia the quarrel referred to. The letter is decidedly 
Julianic in manner, and its genuineness is defended 
by Asmus in Philologus 72. Letter 20, together with 
the fragment of a letter 70 a Priest (Vol. 2, pp. 297— 
339), is important as evidence of Julian’s desire, at 
which the Christiafii fathers scoffed, to introduce 
among the pagans certain reforms in the lives of 
the priests and in the treatment of the poor and of 
strangers, based on his experience of the charities 
and the aceticism of the Christian Church. Cumont, 
following Asmus, regards Letter 20 (89 in his edition) 
as an integral part of the fragment 70 a Priest 
(Vol. 2, Wright), and accordingly includes that 
fragment in his edition as 89b. But the similarities 
between Letter 20 and the fragment in Vol. 2 
amount to unnecessary repetition if they occur in 
one letter, and it is certainly implied in Leiter 20 
that Julian and Theodorus have not yet met, whereas 
the fragment To a Priest, which mentions Julian’s 



design to rebuild the temple at Jerusalem, probably, 
though not certainly, should be dated later, while 
the Emperor was in residence at Antioch. That that 
fragment is addressed to Theodorus, rather than to 
some other priest whose aid Julian had enlisted in 
his reforms, cannot be proved, and on the whole 
seems to me unlikely in view of their very similar 
contents and the tone of 298 Β, where καθηγεμὼν is 
apparently used of a superior official or priest— 
perhaps Theodorus, who had reported favourably to 
Julian about the person addressed. On the other 
hand, the reference may be to Maximus, as in 
Letter 20. 

Zeno, the physician and professor of medicine at 
Alexandria, to whom Julian wrote Letter 17, was 
driven from Alexandria by Bishop George in 360 
for reasons unknown, and at the request of the 
Alexandrians was recalled to his previous dignity 
of chief physician or head of the medical faculty, 
dpxiatpos, by Julian on his accession. He was 
famous as a teacher. Libanius in Letter 171, written 
359-360, condoles with him on his exile and hints 
at a coming change for the better, by which he 
must have meant the rise of Julian to power. 
Libanius says that though they have never met he 
owes much to the skill of Zeno’s pupils, some of 
whom had evidently tried to cure his chronic head- 
ache. Cumont, following Boissonade, identifies Zeno 
of Alexandria with another famous teacher of 
medicine, Zeno of Cyprus, the “healing sophist,”’ 
~whose Life by Eunapius is extant.! But Eunapius 

1 See Eunapius, Lives of the Sophists, Wright, pp. 336, 



does not say that this Zeno practised at Alexandria. 
He had been the teacher of Julian’s friend the 
physician Oribasius, and Eunapius says that he lived 
* down to the time of Julian the sophist,’’ ὁ. e. Julian 
of Caesarea, who died at Athens in 340. It appears, 
therefore, that Zeno of Cyprus can hardly have been 
alive in 361. Moreover, Julian would not have 
failed to mention Zeno’s oratorical talent if he had 
been addressing the teacher of Oribasius. The 
Alexandrian is, therefore, almost certainly another 
and a younger man. 



The Letters.—The oldest MS. of the Letters is 
Ambrosianus B 4 Milan, tenth century (23 letters) ; 
Vossianus 77, Leyden, thirteenth century (27 letters), 
though much mutilated and damaged, is the most 
important ; Laurentianus 58, fifteenth century, has 
the largest collection of letters; other MSS, are 
Baroccianus, Oxford, fourteenth century, Varsaviensis, 
Warsaw, fifteenth century, Monacensis 490, Munich, 
fifteenth century, Oltobonianus, Rome, sixteenth 
century, Harleianus 5610, British Museum, four- 
teenth century. Six letters that occur in no other 
MS. were discovered in fragments of two fifteenth- 
century MSS. in a convent on the island Chalce 
(Halki) near Constantinople in 1885 by Papado- 
poulos-Kerameus, and were published in ὃ ἐν 
Κωνσταντινουπόλει Ἑλληνικὸς dtAoAoyiKds σύλλογος 
16, Appendix, 1885, in Fheinisches Museum 42, 1887 

lxiv . 


(with Buecheler’s notes), and in Rivista Filologia 17, 
1889 (by Largajolli e Parisio, with an Italian transla- 
tion). The fragmentary MSS. in which alone these 
letters have-survived are known as Chalceni, or X 
and Y, or X and Xa; they contain also 22 other 
Julianic letters and the two fragg. have almost the 
same contents. Studies in the text are: Klimek, 
Conjectanea in Julianum, Wratislaw, 1883, and in 
Hermes 1886; Zu Wirdigung der Handschriften Juli- 
ant, 1891; Cobet in Mnemosyne 1882 ; Weil (on the 
Papadopoulos letters) in Revue de Philologie, 1886 ; 
Asmus in Philologus 61, 71, 72, and in Archiv fur 
Gesch. d. Philosophie, 1902; in Zeitschrift 7. Kirchen- 
gesch. 16, 23, 31, and Rheinisches Museum, 1908; De 
Vos in Revue de Philologie 1910; Schwarz in Philo- 
logus 1892; Bidez in Bulletins de lacadémie des 
sciences de Bruxelles, 1904. An invaluable detailed 
account of the MSS. of the Letters is that of Bidez 
and Cumont, Iecherches sur la tradition manuscrite des 
lettres de Tempereur Julien, Bruxelles, 1898. The 
introduction to their critical edition of the Leéters, 
1922, contains a few additions to and corrections of 
this monograph. 

Against the Galilaeans.—For the MSS. of Cyril of 
Alexandria from which Neumann reconstructed this 
treatise, see Neumann, Prolegomenon to his edition, 
1880. In Theologische Litteraturzeitung 10, 1899, 
Neumann published a new frag. of this work. 
Asmus, Julian’s Galiliéerschrift, Freiburg, 1904, is a 
useful concordance of the works of Julian with 
relation to the treatise Against the Galilaeans, with 
“some textual criticism. Gollwitzer, Observationes 
eriticae in Juliani imp. contra Christianos libros, Er- 

langen, 1886. 



Epitions.—See also the Bibliography in Julian, 
Vol. 1, Loeb Library, Wright. 

Editio princeps, Aldus, Venice, 1499 (48 letters), 
Spanheim, Leipzig, 1696, contains all the other 
works of Julian and 63 letters, the letter from 
Gallus to Julian, and Cyril’s refutation of the treatise 
Against the Gallaeans, edited by Aubert; Latin 
translation. Hertlein’s and Neumann’s marginal 
numbers correspond to the pages of Spanheim. 
Muratorius, Anecdota Graeca, Padua, 1709 (Letters 
64, 65, 66, Hertlein; fragg. 12, 13; Letter 57 
(Wright), first published). Lpistolographi Graeci, 
Hercher, Paris, 1873, pp. 337-391. Juliant Imp. 
librorum contra Christianos quae supersunt, Neumann, 
Leipzig, 1880. Juliant Imperatoris epistulae, leges, 
poematia, fragmenta varia, Bidez et -Cumont, Paris, 
1922 (too late to be used for the present text). 

LireraTure.—See also the Bibliography in Julian, 
Vol. 1, Loeb Library, Wright. 

The Letters —Codex Theodosianus, Leipzig, 1736—- 
45, Bonn, 1847. Sievers, Das Leben des Libanius, 
Berlin, 1868. Rendall, Zhe Emperor Julian, Cam- 
bridge, 1879. Vollert, Kaiser Julians religiése u. 
philos. Ueberzeugung, Giitersloh, 1899. Mau, Die 
Religionsphilosophie K. Julians, Leipzig, 1907. Glover, 
Life and Letters in the Fourth Century, Cambridge, 
1901. Chinnock, A Few Notes on Julian and a 
Translation of his Public Letters, London, 1901. 
‘Seeck, Geschichte des Untergangs der Antiken Welt, 
Vol. 4, Berlin, 1911; Dre Briefe des Labanius, 
Leipzig, 1906, useful for the prosopography of the 
Letters of Julian. Geffcken, Kaiser Julianus, Leipzig, 
1914, has a good commentary. Libanii Opera, Vol. 



10, Epistulae 1-839, Foerster, Leipzig, 1921. Euna- 
pius, Lives of the Sophists and Philosophers, Wright’s 
translation, Loeb Classical Library, 1922. Ammianus 
Marcellinus, Res Gestae, is the best authority for 
Julian’s career and his Persian campaign. Asmus in 
Philologus 61,71, 72, on the Letters. Cumont, Etudes 
Syriennes, Paris, 1917, La Marche de I Empereur 
Julien, is a good description, with maps and illus- 
trations, of Julian’s route from Antioch to the 
Euphrates. Bidez, Le philosophe Iamblique et son 
école, Rev. d. Etudes Grecques 1919. Cumont in Revue 
de Philologie 16. 

Against the Galilaeans.—Warburton, On the Earth- 
quake which prevented Julian from rebuilding the Temple 
at Jerusalem, London, 1750. Adler, Julian and the 
Jews in the Jewish Quarterly Review, 1893. Whittaker, 
The Neoplatonists, Cambridge, 1901. Bidez, Vie de 
Porphyre, Gand, 1913. Harnack, Porphyrius, Gegen 
die Christen, Berlin, 1916, cites passages in Julian 
that may have been echoed from Porphyry. 
Geffcken, Zwei Griechische Apologeten, Leipzig, 1907, 
and in Neue Jahrbb. 1908. 

Transtations.—See also Vol. 1, Bibliography. 
Talbot, Paris, 1863 (French; the complete works 
so far as then known). Asmus, Kaiser Julians philo- 
sophische Werke, Leipzig, 1908 (German, with notes ; 
no letters). Nevins, Against the Christians, London, 
1873. Neumann, Leipzig, 1880 (German; of his 
text of Against the Galilaeans). Marquis d’Argens, 
Défense du paganisme par l empereur Julien en Grec et 
en Francois, Berlin, 1764, 1767. 


: onto 10a 


ἘΠῚ 4 fet Ὁ 


5 staat 
cf , μὲ 

> e, 
J 4 
ὩΣ 5 




Πρίσκῳ 1 

ἘΝ δεξάμενός σου τὰ γράμματα παραχρῆμα 
τὸ ᾿Αρχέλαον ἀπέστειλα, δοὺς αὐτῷ φέρειν 
BE πρὸς σέ, καὶ TO σύνθημα, ᾿καθάπερ 
ἐκέλευσας, εἰς πλείονα χρόνον. ἱστορῆσαι δέ 
σοι τὸν ὠκεανὸν ἐθέλοντι ὑπάρξει σὺν θεῷ πάντα 
κατὰ γνώμην, εἰ μὴ τὴν τῶν ἸΙὶαλατῶν ἀμουσίαν 
καὶ τὸν χειμῶνα διευλαβηθείης. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν 
ὅπως ἂν 7 τῷ θεῷ φίλον γενήσεται, ἐγὼ δὲ ἐ ὄμνυμί 
σοι τὸν πάντων ἀγαθῶν ἐμοὶ αἴτιον καὶ σωτῆρα, 
ὅτι διὰ τοῦτο ζῆν εὔχομαι, ἵν᾽ ὑμῖν Te χρήσιμος 
γένωμαι. τὸ δὲ ὑμῖν ὅταν εἴπω, τοὺς ἀληθινούς 
φημι φιλοσόφους, ὧν εἶναί σε πεισθεὶς οἶσθα πῶς 
ἐφίλησα καὶ φιλῶ καὶ ὁρᾶν εὔχομαι. ἐρρωμένον 
σε ἡ θεία πρόνοια διαφυλάξειε πολλοῖς χρόνοις, 
ἀδελφὲ ποθεινότατε καὶ φιλικώτατε. τὴν ἱερὰν 
Ἱππίαν καὶ τὰ παιδία ὑμῶν προσαγορεύω. 

Πρίσκῳ * 
Περὶ τοῦ τὴν σὴν ἀγαθότητα πρός με ἥκειν, 
εἴπερ διανοῇ, νῦν σὺν τοῖς θεοῖς βούλευσαι καὶ 

1 Hertlein 71 
2 Papadopoulos 4*; not in Hertlein. 

1 For another letter to Priscus, see p. 15. 

2 Literally ‘‘token,” a synonym of τὸ σύμβολον. This, 
like the Latin tessera, could be of various kinds, but here 
Julian probably refers to a document, the equivalent of the 


To Priseus + 

On receiving your letter I at once despatched 
Archelaus, and gave him letters to carry to you, and 
the passport,” as you wished, for a longer time. If 
you are inclined to explore the ocean, everything, 
with the god’s help, will be provided for you as you 
would wish, unless you dread the boorishness of the 
Gauls and the winter climate. This, however, will 
turn out as the god sees fit; but I swear to you by 
him who is the giver and preserver of all my good 
fortune that I desire to live only that I may in 
some degree be of use to you. When [ say “ you,” 
"1 mean the true philosophers, and convinced as I am 
that you are one of these, how much I have loved 
and love you you well know, and how I desire to see 
you. May Divine Providence preserve you in health 
for many a year, my dearest and best beloved 
brother! I salute the admirable Hippia and your 
children.? » 

To the Same 

As regards a visit to me from your good self,’ if 
you have it in mind, make your plans now, with the 

modern passport, which he had visaed for Priscus in order 
that he might proceed to Gaul. 

* For the life of Priscus, cf. Eunapius, Lives of the Sophists 
- and Philosophers. He visited Julian in Gaul, was summoned 
to Constantinople not long after Julian’s accession, and went 
with him to Persia. See Introduction, under Priscus. 

4 Lit. ‘‘ your goodness.” For Ju jan’s use of this and 
similar abstract words, see p. 109. 

B 2 

359 A.D 



προθυμήθητι" τυχὸν γὰρ ὀλίγον ὕστερον οὐδὲ ἐγὼ 
σχολὴν ἄξω. τὰ ᾿Ἰαμβλίχου πάντα μοι τὰ εἰς 
τὸν ὁμώνυμον ζήτει" δύνασαι δὲ μόνος" ἔχει γὰρ 
ὁ τῆς σῆς ἀδελφῆς γαμβρὸς εὐδιόρθωτα. εἰ δὲ 
μὴ σφάλλομαι, καὶ “σημεῖόν τί μοι, ἡνίκα τοῦτο τὸ 
μέρος ἔγραφον, & ἐγένετο θαυμάσιον. ἱκετεύω σε, 
μὴ διαθρυλείτωσαν οἱ Θεοδώρειοι καὶ τὰς σὰς 
ἀκοάς, ὅτι ἄρα φιλότιμος ὁ θεῖος ἀληθῶς καὶ 
μετὰ Πυθαγόραν καὶ Πλάτωνα τρίτος Ἰάμβλι- 
χος" εἰ δὲ τολμηρὸν πρὸς σὲ τὴν αὑτοῦ διάνοιαν 
φανερὰν ποιεῖν, ὡς ἕπεται τοῖς ἐνθουσιῶσιν, οὐ 
παράλογος ἡ συγγνώμη" καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ περὶ μὲν 
Ἰάμβλιχον ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ, περὶ δὲ τὸν ὁμώνυμον " 
ἐν θεοσοφίᾳ péunvas.® καὶ νομίζω τοὺς ἄλλους, 
κατὰ τὸν ᾿Απολλόδωρον, μηθὲν εἶναι πρὸς τού- 
τους. ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν ᾿Αριστοτέλους συναγωγῶν 
ἃς ἐποιήσω, τοσοῦτόν σοι λέγω' πεποίηκάς με 
ψευδεπίγραφον εἶναί σου μαθητήν' ὁ μὲν γὰρ 
Τύριος Μάξιμος a βιβλίοις με τῆς Πλατωνικῆς 
λογικῆς ὀλίγα μυεῖν εἶχε, σὺ δέ με δι᾿ ἕνος 
βιβλίου τῆς ᾿Αριστοτελικῆς φιλοσοφίας ἐποί- 
No as ἴσως δὴ καὶ βάκχον, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γεῦ ναρθηκο- 
φόρον. εἰ δὲ ἀληθῆ λέγω, παραγενομένῳ cot 

1 ἄξω Wright, ἄγω MSS. 

2 Bidez ὁμώνυμόν μου to support his theory that Julian 
reters, to Julian the theurgist. 

3 uéunvas Weil, pevowa Bidez, μενοιᾷ MS. μενοινᾷς 

4 ἐξ--εἶχε Cumont ; εἰς βιβλία μοι δυεῖν πλείονα τῆς λογικῆς 
ὀλίγα εἶπε Papadopoulos; εἰς βιβλία μὲν πλείονα τῆς λογικῆς 
ὀλίγα δυεῖν εἶπε MS. I accept Cumont’s bold and ingenious 
version of this corrupt passage. Buecheler first suggested 

that Plato’s name should be restored out of πλείονα rijs. 
5 Weil supplies γε; Cumont ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ; MS. ἀλλ᾽ οὔτι. 



help of the gods, and exert yourself; for perhaps a 
little later I too shall have no time to spare. Hunt 
up for me all the writings of Iamblichus to his? 
namesake. Only you can do this, for your sister's 
son-in-law owns a thoroughly revised version. And, 
if I am not mistaken, while I was writing this 
sentence, a marvellous sign? was vouchsafed me. 1 
entreat you not to let Theodorus® and his followers 
deafen you too by their assertions that lamblichus, 
that truly godlike man, who ranks next to Pythagoras 
and Plato, was worldly and self-seeking. But if it 
be rash to declare my own opinion to you, I may 
reasonably expect you to excuse me, as one excuses 
those who are carried away by a divine frenzy. You 
are yourself an ardent admirer of Iamblichus for his 
philosophy and of his namesake for his theosophy. 
And I too think, like Apollodorus, that the rest are 
not worth mentioning compared with those two, As 
for your collection of the works of Aristotle, so much 
I will say, you have made me style myself your pupil, 
though I have no right to the title. For while 
Maximus of Tyre in six books was able to initiate 
me to some little extent into Plato’s logic, you, with 
one book, have made me, perhaps I may even say, a 
complete initiate in the philosophy of Aristotle, but 
at any rate a thyrsus-bearer.4 When you join me 1 

1 Bidez prefers ‘‘ my namesake,” and makes the writer re- 
fer to Julian the theurgist or Chaldean, whom we know from 
Suidas. More probably the younger Iamblichus is meant. 

2 Cf, Vol. 2, 284c, for a similar sign of approval given to 
. Julian by Zeus. 

8 Theodorus of Asine was a disciple of the great Iamblichus ; 
we know of no such polemics as are indicated here. 

4 Plato, Phaedo 69c, says that ‘‘many carry the thyrsus 
of Dionysus, but few are really inspired.” 




πολλὰ πάνυ τοῦ πέρυσιν χειμῶνος ἐξελέγξει 

Εὐμενίῳ καὶ Φαριανῷ 1 

Ki τις ὑμᾶς πέπεικεν, ὅτι τοῦ φιλοσοφεῖν ἐπὶ 
σχολῆς ἀπραγμόνως ἐστὶν ἥδιον ἢ ἢ λυσιτελέστερόν 
τι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἠπατημένος ἐξαπατᾷ" εἰ δὲ 
μένει Tap ὑμῖν ἡ πάλαι προθυμία καὶ μὴ καθάπερ 
φλὸξ λαμπρὰ ταχέως ἀπέσβη, μακαρίους ἔγωγε 
ὑμᾶς ὑπολαμβάνω. τέταρτος ἐνιαυτὸς ἤδη παρε- 
λήλυθε καὶ μὴν οὑτοσὶ τρίτος ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ σχεδόν, 
ἐξότε κεχωρίσμεθα “ἡμεῖς ἀλλήλων. ἡδέως δ᾽ ἂν 
σκεψαίμην," ἐν τούτῳ πόσον τι προεληλύθατε. 
τὰ δὲ ἐμά, εἰ καὶ φθεγγοίμην “Ἑλληνιστί, θαυμά- 
ζειν ἄξιον' οὕτως ἐσμὲν ἐκβεβαρβαρωμένοι διὰ 
τὰ χωρία. μὴ καταφρονεῖτε τῶν "λογιδίων, μηδὲ 
ἀμελεῖτε ῥητορικῆς μηδὲ τοῦ ποιήμασιν ὁμιλεῖν. 
ἔστω δὲ τῶν μαθημάτων ἐπιμέλεια πλείων, ὁ 
δὲ πᾶς πόνος τῶν ᾿Αριστοτέλους καὶ Πλάτωνος 
δογμάτων ἐπιστήμη. τοῦτο ἔργον ἔστω, τοῦτο 
κρηπίς, θεμέλιος, οἰκοδομία, στέγη: τἄλλα δὲ 
πάρεργα, μετὰ μείξονος σπουδῆς παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐπι- 
τελούμενα ἢ παρά τισι τὰ ἀληθῶς ἔργα. ἐγὼ νὴ 
τὴν θείαν Δίκην ὑμᾶς ὡς ἀδελφοὺς φιλῶν ταῦτα 

1 Hertlein 55. 
2 Hertlein suggests ; ἐσκεψάμην MSS. 

1 Julian went to Gaul in 355; he probably knew these 
students in Athens, earlier in the same year. 



can prove the truth of my words by the great number 
of works that I wrote in my spare time, during last 

To Eumenius and Pharianus 1 

Ir anyone has persuaded you that there is any- 
thing more delightful or more profitable for the 
human race than to pursue philosophy at one’s 
leisure without interruptions, he is a deluded man 
trying to delude you. But if your old-time zeal still 
abides in you and has not been swiftly quenched 
like a brilliant flame, then I regard you as peculiarly 
blest. Four years have already passed, yes and 
almost three months besides, since we parted from 
one another. It would give me pleasure to observe 
how far you have progressed in this period. As for 
my own progress, if I can still so much as speak 
Greek it is surprising, such a barbarian have I become 
because of the places I have lived in.? Do not 
despise the study. of mere words or be careless of 
rhetoric or fail to read poetry. But you must devote 
still more attention to serious studies, and let your 
whole effort be to acquire understanding of the 
teachings of Aristotle and Plato. Let this be your 
task, the base, the foundation, the edifice, the roof. 
For all other studies are by the way, though they 
are completed by you with greater zeal than some 
bestow on really important tasks. I call sacred 
Justice to witness that I give you this advice because 

2 Like all the sophists Julian recognises only Greek 
culture, and for him Latin literature or the culture of Gaul 
did not exist. 


, 859 



ὑμῖν συμβουλεύω" γεγόνατε yap μοι συμφοιτηταὶ 
καὶ πάνυ φίλοι. εἰ μὲν οὖν πεισθείητε, πλέον 
στέρξω, ἀπειθοῦντας δὲ ὁρῶν λυπήσομαι. λύπη 
δὲ συνεχὴς εἰς ὅ ποτε τελευτᾶν εἴωθεν, εἰπεῖν 
παραιτοῦμαι οἰωνοῦ κρείττονος ἕνεκα. 

OpiBacio 1 
Τῶν ὀνειράτων δύο πύλας εἶναί φησιν ὁ θεῖος 
Ὅμηρος, καὶ διάφορον εἶναι αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ 
τῶν ἀποβησομένων πίστιν. ἐγὼ δὲ νομίζω σε 
νῦν, εἴπερ ποτὲ καὶ ἄλλοτε, σαφῶς ἑορακέναι 
περὶ τῶν μελλόντων" ἐθεασάμην γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς 
τοιοῦτον σήμερον. δένδρον γὰρ ᾧμην ὑψηλὸν ἔν 
τινι τρικλίνῳ σφόδρα μεγάλῳ πεφυτευμένον εἰς 
ἔδαφος ῥέπειν, τῇ ῥίζῃ παραπεφυκότος ἑτέρου 
μικροῦ καὶ νεογενοῦς, ἀνθηροῦ λίαν. ἐγὼ δὲ περὶ 
τοῦ μικροῦ σφόδρα ἠγωνίων, μή τις αὐτὸ μετὰ τοῦ 
μεγάλου συναποσπάσῃ. καὶ τοίνυν ἐπειδὴ πλη- 
σίον ἐγενόμην, ὁρῶ τὸ μέγα μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς 
ἐκτεταμένον, τὸ μικρὸν δὲ ὀρθὸν μέν, μετέωρον 
δὲ ἀπὸ γῆς. ὡς οὖν εἶδον, ἀγωνιάσας ἔφην" 
“Οἴου δένδρου! κίνδυνός ἐστι μηδὲ τὴν παρα- 
φυάδα σωθῆναι. καί τις ἀγνὼς ἐμοὶ παντελῶς 

1 Hertlein 17. This letter exists in only one MS. of 
importance, the Vossianus. 

1 Oribasius was the physician, friend, and perhaps accgm- 
plice of Julian in his ambitions: cf. Letter to the Athenians 
Vol. 2, p. 265; and for his career, Eunapius, Lives of the 
Sophists and Philosophers. He was at Vienne when Julian 
wrote this letter. 



I love you like brothers. For you were my fellow- 
students and my very good friends. If therefore 
you follow my advice I shall love you the more, but 
if I see that you disregard it I shall grieve. And 
grief, if it lasts, usually results in something that, 
for the sake of a happier augury, I forbear to 

To Oribasius 1 

Tue divinely inspired Homer says? that there are 
two gates of dreams, and that with regard to future 
events we cannot trust them both equally. But I 
think that this time, if ever before, you have seen 
clearly into the future; for I too this very day saw a 
vision of the same sort. I thought that in a certain 
very spacious room a tall tree had been planted, 
and that it was leaning down to the ground, while 
at its root had sprouted another, small and young 
and very flourishing. Now I was very anxious on 
behalf of the small tree, lest someone in pulling up 
the large one should pull it up as well. And in fact, 
when I came close I saw that the tall tree was lying 
at full length on the ground, while the small one 
was still erect, but hung suspended away from the 
earth. Now when I saw this I said, in great anxiety, 
“ Alas for this tall tree! There is danger that not 
even its offspring will be preserved.” Then one® 

2 Odyssey 19, 562, Oribasius had evidently reported to 

Julian some dream of his which augured well for their hopes. 

In the dream that follows the tall tree is Constantius, the 

sapling is Julian. 

Ἶ ao who was Julian’s guide in the myth in Oration 
‘ Cs 





‘i Opa, ἔφησεν, ἀκριβῶς καὶ θάρρει" τῆς ῥίζης γὰρ 
ἐν τῇ γῇ μενούσης τὸ μικρότερον ἀβλαβὲς διαμενεῖ 
καὶ βεβαιότερον ἱδρυνθήσεται." τὰ μὲν δὴ τῶν 
ὀνειράτων τοιαῦτα, θεὸς δὲ οἶδεν εἰς ὅτι φέρει. 

περὶ δὲ τοῦ “μιαροῦ ἀνδρογύνου μάθοιμ᾽ ἂν 
ἡδέως ἐκεῖνο, πότε διελέχθη περὶ ἐμοῦ ταῦτα, 
πότερον πρὶν ἢ συντυχεῖν ἐμοὶ ἢ μετὰ τοῦτο. 
δήλωσον οὖν ἡμῖν ὅ, TL ἂν οἷός. τε ἧς. 

ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἴσασιν οἱ θεοὶ ὅτι 
πολλάκις, αὐτοῦ τοὺς ἐπαρχιώτας ἀδικήσαντος, 
ἐσιώπησα, παρὰ τὸ πρέπον ἐμαυτῷ, τὰ μὲν οὐκ 
ἀκούων, τὰ δὲ οὐ προσιέμενος, ἄλλοις δὲ a ἀπιστῶν, 
ἔνια δὲ εἰς τοὺς συνόντας αὐτῷ τρέπων. ὅτι δέ 
μοι μεταδοῦναι τῆς τοιαύτης ἠξίωσεν αἰσχύνης, 
ἀποστείλας τὰ μιαρὰ καὶ πάσης αἰσχύνης ἄξια 
ὑπομνήματα, τί με πράττειν ἐχρῆν ; : ἄρα σιωπᾶν 

ἢ μάχεσθαι; τὸ “μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἣν ἠλίθιον καὶ 
δουλθτῥετὸς καὶ θεομίσητον, τὸ δεύτερον. δὲ 
δίκαιον μὲν καὶ ἀνδῤεῖον καὶ ἐλευθέριον, ὑπὸ δὲ 
τῶν κατεχόντων * ἡμᾶς πραγμάτων οὐ συγχωρού- 
μενον. τί τοίνυν ἐποίησα ; πολλῶν παρόντων, 
οὺς ἤδειν ἀναγγελοῦντας αὐτῷ “ΠΠάντη καὶ 
πάντως, εἶπον, διορθώσει τὰ ὑπομνήματα οὗτος 8 

1 Hercher supplies οἱ θεοί. 2 Cobet ; MS. ἐχόντων. 
3 Hertlein brackets, Asmus defends. 

1 Probably Eusebius the chamberlain of Constantius whose 
intrigues against Julian are mentioned in Lctter to the 
Athenians 2744. The epithet is unsuitable to Florentius, 
though some editors refer it to him. 

ἡ In spite of the abruptness of the transition, I follow 
Asmus in supposing that Julian here, partly for prudence 
and partly because of his sophistie habit of avoiding names, 
refers to Florentius, prefect of Gaul 357-360 and consul 



who was altogether a stranger to me said: “ Look 
carefully and take courage. For since the root still 
remains in the earth, the smaller tree will be un- 
injured and will be established even more securely 
than before.” So much then for my dreams. God 
knows what they portend. 

As for that abominable eunuch,' I should be glad 
to learn when he said these things about me, whether 
it was before he met me, or since. So tell me 
whatever you can about this. 

But with regard to my behaviour towards him,? 
the gods know that often, when he wronged the 
provincials, I kept silence, at the expense of my own 
honour; to some charges I would not listen, others I 
would not admit, others again I did not believe, while 
in some cases | imputed the blame to his associates. 
But when he thought fit to make me share in such 
infamy by sending to me to sign those shameful and 
wholly abominable reports? what was the right 
thing for me to do? Was I to remain silent, or to 
oppose him? ‘The former course was foolish, servile 
and odious to the gods, the latter was just, manly 
and liberal, but was not open to me on account of the 
affairs that engaged me. What then did Ido? In 
the presence of many persons who I knew would 
report it to him I said: “ Such-a-one will certainly 
and by all means revise his reports, for they pass 

361 A.D., who was at Vienne at this time. For his oppression 
of the province, see Ammianus 17. 3. 2; Julian, Letter to 
the Athenians 282c. When Julian was proclaimed Augustus, 
Ὁ he fled to Constantius, and later, though condemned to 
death by Julian, remained in hiding till the latter’s death, 
Ammianus 22, 3. 6. 

8 For Julian’s refusal to sign or even read the prefect’s 
orders for fresh taxes, see Ammianus 17. 3. 5. 



ὁ δεῖνα, ἐπεὶ δεινῶς ἀσχημονεῖ." τοῦτο ἐκεῖνος 
ἀκούσας τοσοῦτον ἐδέησε σωφρόνως τι πρᾶξαι, 
ὥστε πεποίηκεν οἷα μὰ τὸν θεὸν οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἷς 
μέτριος τύραννος, οὕτω μου πλησίον ὄντος. ἐν- 
ταῦθα τί πράττειν ἐχρῆν ἄνδρα τῶν ἸΠλάτωνος 
καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλους ζηλωτὴν δογμάτων ; ; ἄρα 
περιορᾶν ἀνθρώπους ἀθλίους τοῖς κλέπταις ἐκδι- 
δομένους, ἢ ἢ κατὰ δύναμιν αὐτοῖς ἀμύνειν, ὡς 1 ἤδη 
τὸ κύκνειον ἐξάδουσι διὰ τὸ θεομισὲς ἐργαστήριον 
τῶν τοιούτων ; ἐμοὶ μὲν οὖν αἰσχρὸν εἶναι δοκεῖ 
τοὺς μὲν χιλιάρχους, ὅταν λείπωσι τὴν τάξιν, 
καταδικάζξειν' Kaitou χρῆν ἐκείνους 5 τεθνάναι 
παραχρῆμα καὶ μηδὲ ταφῆς ἀξιοῦσθαι" τὴν δὲ 
ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀθλίων ἀνθρώπων ἀπολείπειν τάξιν, 
ὅταν δέῃ πρὸς κλέπτας ἀγωνίζεσθαι τοιούτους, 
καὶ ταῦτα τοῦ θεοῦ συμμαχοῦντος ἡμῖν, ὅσπερ 
οὗν ἔταξεν. εἰ δὲ καὶ παθεῖν TL συμβαίη, μετὰ 
καλοῦ τοῦ συνειδότος οὐ μικρὰ παραμυθία πορευ- 
θῆναι. τὸν δὲ χρηστὸν Σαλούστιον θεοὶ μέν μοι 
χαρίσαιντο. κἂν συμβαίνῃ δὲ διὰ τοῦτο τυγ- 
χάνειν διαδόχου, λυπήσει τυχὸν οὐδέν' ἄμεινον 
γὰρ ὀλίγον ὀρθῶς ἢ ἢ πολὺν κακῶς πρᾶξαι χρόνον. 
οὐκ ἔστιν, ὡς λέγουσί τινες, τὰ Περιπατητικὰ 
δόγματα τῶν Στωικῶν ᾿ἀγεννέστερα, τοσούτῳ δὲ 
μόνον ἀλλήλων, ὡς ἐγὼ κρίνω, διαφέρει" τὰ “μὲν 
γάρ ἐστιν ἀεὶ θερμότερα καὶ ἀβουλότερα, τὰ δὲ 

1 Before ὡς Hercher deletes, Hertlein brackets, οἶμαι. 
2 Boissonade, MS. ἱκανά. 

1 Sallust, who accompanied Julian as civil adviser, was 
recalled by Constantius in 358. Julian, Oration 8; Oration 
4 is dedicated to him, 



the bounds of decency.” When he heard this, he 
was so far from behaving with discretion that he did 
things which, by heaven, no tyrant with any modera- 
tion would have done, and that too though I was so 
near where he was. In such a case what was the 
proper conduct for a man who is a zealous student of 
the teachings of Plato and Aristotle? Ought 1 to 
have looked on while the wretched people were 
being betrayed to thieves, or to have aided them as 
far as I could, for they were already singing their 
swan-song because of the criminal artifices of men of 
that sort? To me, at least, it seems a disgraceful 
thing that, while I punish my military tribunes when 
they desert their post—and indeed they ought to be 
put to death at once, and not even granted burial— 
I should myself desert my post which is for the 
defence of such wretched people; whereas it is my 
duty to fight against thieves of his sort, especially 
when God is fighting on my side, for it was indeed 
he who posted me here. And if any harm to myself 
should result, it is no small consolation to have 
proceeded with a good conscience. But I pray that 
the gods may let me keep the excellent Sallust!? 
If, however, it turns out that because of this affair I 
receive his successor,? perhaps it will not grieve me. 
For it is better to do one’s duty for a brief time 
honestly than for a long time dishonestly. The 
Peripatetic teachings are not, as some say, less noble 
than the Stoic. In my judgement, there is only 
this difference between them; the former are always 
more sanguine and not so much the result of 
deliberate thought, while the latter have a greater 

* This strains the construction but seems more probable 
than the rendering “If I should be superseded.” 



7 > , \ ” 9 7 a 
φρονήσεως ἀξιώτερα Kal τοῖς ἐγνωσμένοις μᾶλλον 

Πρίσκῳ 3 

Ἄρτι μοι παυσαμένῳ τῆς χαλεπῆς πάνυ καὶ 
τραχείας νόσου τῇ τοῦ πάντα ἐφορῶντος προνοίᾳ 
γράμματα εἰς χεῖρας ἦλθεν ὑμέτερα, καθ᾽ ἣν ἡμέ- 
ραν πρῶτον ἐλουσάμην. δείλης ἤδη ταῦτα ἀνα- 
γνοὺς οὐκ ἂν εἴποις ῥᾳδίως ὅπως ἐρρωννύμην, 
αἰσθανόμενος τῆς σῆς ἀκραιφνοῦς καὶ καθαρᾶς 

εὐνοίας, ἧς εἴθε γενοίμην ἄξιος, ὡς ἂν μὴ καται- 

σχύναιμι τὴν σὴν φιλίαν. τὰς μὲν οὖν ὑμετέρας 
ἐπιστολὰς εὐθὺς ἀ ἀνέγνων, καίπερ οὐ σφόδρα. τοῦτο 
ποιεῖν δυνάμενος, τὰς δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αντωνίου πρὸς τὸν 
᾿Αλέξανδρον εἰς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἐταμιευδάμηνι 
ἐκεῖθεν ἑβδόμῃ σοι ταῦτα ἔγραφον ἡμέρᾳ." κατὰ 
λόγον μὸι τῆς ῥώσεως προχωρούσης διὰ τὴν τοῦ 
θεοῦ προμήθειαν. σώζοιό μοι, ποθεινότατε καὶ 
φιλικώτατε ἀδελφέ, ὑ ὑπὸ τοῦ τὰ πάντα ἐφορῶντος 
θεοῦ' ἴδοιμί σε, ἐμὸν ἀγαθόν. καὶ ἰδίᾳ χειρί: νὴ 
τὴν σὴν σωτηρίαν καὶ τὴν ἐμήν, νὴ τὸν πάντα 
ἐφορῶντα θεόν, ὡς φρονῶ γέγραφα. ἀγαθώτατε, 

1 ἀξιώτερα καὶ τ. €. μᾶλλον Asmus ; ἄξια τ. ε. ἐμμένει Hertlein. 

2 Hertlein 44. Λιβανίῳ Hertlein, Parisinus and all editions ; 
Πρίσκῳ Baroccianus, Laurentianus lviii, Cumont. 

3 Naber suggests ὥρᾳ. 

1 I translate the suggested reading of. Asmus, but the 
sense remains unsatisfactory. 



claim to practical wisdom, and are more rigidly con- 
sistent with the rules of conduct that they have laid 

ΤῸ Priscus 2 

I nap only just recovered by the providence of the 

the very day when I took my first bath. It was 
already evening when I read them, and it would be 
hard for you to tell how my strength began to return 
when I realised your pure and sincere affection. May 
I become worthy of it, that I may not shame your 
love for me! Your letters I read at once, though I 
was not very well able to do so, but those of Antonius 
to Alexander I stored up for the next day. On the 
seventh day from their receipt I began to write this 
to you, since my strength is improving reasonably 
well, thanks to Divine Providence. May the All- 
Seeing god preserve you, my dearest and best be- 
loved brother. May I see you, my treasure! Added 
mith his own hand. I swear by your well-being and 
my own, by the All-Seeing god, that I really feel as 
I have written. Best of men, when can I see you 

2 So Cumont, following the ascription of MS. Baroccianus, 
Hertlein with hesitation addressed it to Libanius. So, too, 
Schwarz, who accordingly gives the date as 362 a.p. But as 
assigned to Priscus, it should be connected with the foregoing 
invitation to that sophist to come to Gaul, and the illness to 
which Julian refers is almost certainly his semi-asphyxiation 
in Paris described in Misopogon 340-342. 

3 i.e. Helios-Mithras. 


_ 858-359 
All-Seeing One® from a very severe and sharp attack \ 

of sickness, when your letters reached my hands, on ᾿ 





, a 

πότε σε ἴδω Kal περιλάβωμαι ; νῦν γάρ σου Kal 
BA a 

τοὔνομα καθάπερ οἱ δυσέρωτες φιλῶ.1 

᾿Αλυπίῳ ἀδελφῷ Καισαρίου 3 

ὋὉ Συλοσῶν ἀνῆλθε, φασί, παρὰ τὸν Δαρεῖον, 
καὶ ὑπέμνησεν αὐτὸν τῆς χλανίδος, καὶ ἤτησεν 
ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνης παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν Σάμον. εἶτα ἐπὶ 
τούτῳ Δαρεῖος μὲν ἐμεγαλοφρονεῖτο, μεγάλα ἀντὶ 
μικρῶν νομίζων ἀποδεδωκέναι: Συλοσῶν δὲ λυπη- 
ρὰν ἐλάμβανε χάριν. σκόπει δὴ τὰ ἡμέτερα νῦν 
πρὸς ἐκεῖνα. ἑνὶ μὲν δὴ τὸ πρῶτον οἶμαι κρεῖσ- 
σον ἔργον ἡμέτερον' οὐδὲ γὰρ ὑπεμείναμεν ὑπο- 
μνησθῆναι Tap ἄλλου: τοσούτῳ δὲ χρόνῳ τὴν 
μνήμην τῆς σῆς φιλίας διαφυλάξαντες ἀκέραιον, 
ἐπειδὴ πρῶτον ἡμῖν ἔδωκεν ὁ θεός, οὐκ ἐν δευτέροις, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις σε μετεκαλέσαμεν. τὰ μὲν 
οὖν πρῶτα τοιαῦτα' περὶ δὲ τῶν μελλόντων apa 
μοι δώσεις τι' καὶ γάρ εἶμι μαντικός" προαγο- 
ρεῦσαι ; μακρῷ νομίζω κρείττονα ἐκείνων, ᾿Αδρά- 
area δ᾽ εὐμενὴς εἴη. σύ τε γὰρ οὐδὲν δέῃ συγκα- 
ταστρεφομένου πόλιν βασιλέως, ἐγώ τε πολλῶν 
δέομαι τῶν συνεπανορθούντων μοι τὰ πεπτωκότα 

1 ὑπὸ (six lines above) to φιλῶ in Baroccianus only, 

bracketed by Spanheim and Hertlein, Hercher rejects. 
2 Hertlein 29. 

1 For Alypius see Introduction. 

2 The story of Syloson from Herodotus 3. 139, is told by 
Julian, Vol. 1. Oration 3. 1178. The ‘‘cloak of Syloson” 
became a proverb for the overpayment of a benefit. 

3 i.e. to Susa. 



and embrace you? For already, like doting lovers, 
I adore your very name. 

To Alypius, brother of Caesarius + 

Sy oson,? it is said, went up*to Darius, reminded 
him of his cloak and asked him for Samos in return 
for it. Then Darius prided himself greatly on this, 
because he considered that he had given much for 
little; though after all it proved a grievous gift for 
Syloson.4 Now consider my conduct compared with 
that of Darius. In the first place I think that I 
have behaved better than he in one point at any 
rate, I mean that I did not wait to be reminded by 
another. But after preserving the memory of your 
friendship so long undimmed, the first moment that 
the god granted me power I summoned you, not 
among the second but among the very first. So much 
for the past. Now with reference to the future, will 
you allow me—for I am a prophet ®—to foretell 
something? I think that it will be far more pros- 
perous than in the case 1 spoke of, only let not 
Adrasteia® take offence when I say so! For you 
need no king to help you to conquer a city,’ while 
I on the other hand need many to help me to raise 
up again what has fallen on evil days. Thus does 

4 The Persians devastated Samos before Syloson could 
benefit by the gift. ᾿ 

᾿ δ᾽ An echo of Plato, Phaedrus 3438. 

® Another name for Nemesis, cf. Vol. 2. Misopogon 8708. 

* If the date assigned to the letter is correct this must be 
Constantinople which Julian was preparing to occupy in his 
march against Constantius.. 

VOL, III, σ 




κακῶς. ταῦτά σοι Τ᾿ αλλικὴ καὶ βάρβαρος Μοῦσα 
προσπαΐίζει, σὺ δὲ ὑπὸ τῇ τῶν θεῶν πομπῇ χαίρων 
ἀφίκοιο. καὶ τῇ αὑτοῦ χειρί: Anis ἐρίφων καὶ 
τῆς ἐν τοῖς χεἰϊμαδίοις θήρας τῶν προβατίων." 
ἧκε πρὸς τὸν φίλον, ὅς σε τότε, καίπερ οὔπω 
γινώσκειν οἷος ἃ εἶ δυνάμενος, ὅμως περιεῖπον. 

Τῷ αὐτῷ 3 

” elgg SR > , A ; \ 
Hén μὲν ἐτύγχανον ἀνειμένος τῆς νόσου," τὴν 
γεωγραφίαν ὅτε ἀπέστειλας" οὐ μὴν ἔλαττον διὰ 
τοῦτο ἡδέως ἐδεξάμην τὸ παρὰ σοῦ πινάκιον ἀπο- 
σταλέν. ἔχει γὰρ καὶ τὰ διαγράμματα τῶν 
πρόσθεν βελτίω, καὶ κατεμούσωσας αὐτὸ προσ- 
θεὶς τοὺς ἰάμβους, οὐ μάχην ἀείδοντας τὴν Βου- 
πάλειον κατὰ τὸν Κυρηναῖον ποιητήν, ἀλλ᾽ οἵους 
ἡ καλὴ Σαπφὼ βούλεται τοῖς νόμοις ἁρμόττειν. 
καὶ τὸ μὲν δῶρον τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν, ὁποῖον ἴσως σοί 
τε ἔπρεπε δοῦναι, ἐμοί τε ἥδιστον δέξασθαι. περὶ 
δὲ τὴν διοίκησιν τῶν πραγμάτων ὅτι δραστηρίως 
ἅμα καὶ πράως ἅπαντα περαίνειν προθυμῇ, συνη- 
δόμεθα' μῖξαι γὰρ πρᾳότητα καὶ σωφροσύνην 
ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ ῥώμῃ, καὶ τῇ μὲν χρήσασθαι πρὸς 
1 καί τι5---θῆρα Capps suggests. 
2 Obscure and perhaps corrupt. Hertlein suggests προβά- 
των τῶν ἀγρίων, ** wild sheep.” 

38 Klimek ; ὅσος Hertlein. 4 Hertlein 30. 
5 Hertlein suggests παρειμένος τῇ νόσῳ or ὑπὸ τῆς νόσου. 

1 This is perhaps ἃ veiled allusion to Julian’s plot to defeat 
the adherents of Constantius. 



my Gallic and barbarian Muse jest for your benefit. 
But be of good cheer and come, and may the gods 
attend you. 

Added nith his own hand. There is good spoil of 
deer and hunting of small sheep in the winter 
quarters. Come to your friend who valued you 
even when he could not yet know your merit. 

To the Same 

Ir happened that when you sent me your map 
I had just recovered from my illness, but I was none 
the less glad on that account to receive the chart 
that you sent. For not only does it contain diagrams 
better than any hitherto made; but you have em- 
bellished it by adding those iambic verses, not such as 
“Sing the War of Bupalus,” ? as the poet of Cyrene ὃ 
expresses it, but such as beautiful Sappho is wont 
to fashion for her songs.4 In fact: the gift is such 
as no doubt it well became you to give, while to 
me it is most agreeable to receive.6 With regard 
te your administration of affairs, inasmuch as you 
study to act in all cases both energetically and 
humanely, I am well pleased with it. For to blend 
mildness and moderation with courage and force, 
and to exercise the former towards the most virtuous, 

2 Hor Bupalus cf. Horace, Epodes 6. 14; Lucian, Pseudolo- 
gist 2. 
3. Callimachus, frag. 90, Ernesti. 
* Literally “nomes,” though Julian may only have meant 
** poetry’; in any case he refers to lyric iambics. 
y y 
5 An echo of Isocrates, Nicocles 298, 

c 2 



TOUS ἐπιεικεστάτους, TH δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν πονηρῶν ἀπα- 
ραιτήτως πρὸς ἐπανόρθωσιν οὐ μικρᾶς ἐστὶ φύσεως 
οὐδ᾽ ἀρετῆς ἔργον, ὡς ἐμαυτὸν πείθω. τούτων 
εὐχόμεθά σε τῶν σκοπῶν ἐχόμενον ἄμφω πρὸς ev 
τὸ καλὸν αὐτοὺς συναρμόσαι' τοῦτο γὰρ ἁπάσαις 
προκεῖσθαι ταῖς ἀρεταῖς τέλος οὐκ εἰκῆ τῶν πα- 
λαιῶν ἐπίστευον οἱ λογιώτατοι. ἐρρωμένος καὶ 
εὐδαιμονῶν διατελοίης ἐπὶ μήκιστον, ἀδελφὲ 
ποθεινότατε καὶ φιλικώτατε. 

Μαξίμῳ φιλοσόφῳ } 

, , \ 
Πάντα ἀθρόα ἔπεισί μοι καὶ ἀποκλείει τὴν 
\ ” 7 al > lal lal 
φωνὴν ἄλλο ἄλλῳ προελθεῖν οὐ συγχωροῦν τῶν 
ἐμῶν διανοημάτων, εἴτε τῶν ψυχικῶν 5 παθῶν 
εἴτε ὅπως φίλον κατονομάζειν τὰ τοιαῦτα. ἀλλ᾽ 
ἀποδῶμεν αὐτοῖς ἣν ὁ χρόνος ἀπέδωκε τάξιν, 
εὐχαριστήσαντες τοῖς πάντα ἀγαθοῖς θεοῖς, οἱ 
τέως μὲν γράφειν ἐμοὶ συνεχώρησαν, ἴσως δὲ ἡῖν 
καὶ ἀλλήλους ἰδεῖν συγχωρήσουσιν. ὡς πρῶτον 
αὐτοκράτωρ ἐγενόμην ἄκων," ὡς ἴσασιν οἱ θεοΐ, 
n , 
καὶ τοῦτο αὐτόθι“ καταφανὲς ὃν ἐνεδέχετο τρό- 
πον ἐποίησα' στρατεύσας ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, 
A 4 
ἐκείνης μοι γενομένης τριμήνου τῆς στρατείας, 
1 Hertlein 38. 
? τῶν Bidez adds, ψυχρὸν τῶν MSS., Hertlein, who suspects 
corruption ; ψυχικῶν παθῶν Papadopoulos MSS. XY. 

3 ἄκων ἐγενόμην Hertlein, from Parisinus 2755. 
* αὐτοῖς ef MSS. ; αὐτοῖς Hertlein; αὐτόθι Capps. 

1 Cf. Oration 1. 3p, Vol. 1. 


and the latter implacably in the case of the wicked 
for their regeneration, is, as 1 am convinced, a task 
that calls for no slight natural endowment and 
virtue. I pray that you may ever hold fast to 
these ambitions and may adapt them both solely to 
what is fair and honourable.! Not without reason 
did the most eloquent of the ancient writers believe 
that this is the end and aim set for all the virtues. 
May you continue in health and happiness as long 
as possible, my well-beloved and most dear brother ! 

To Maximus, the philosopher 2 

EVERYTHING crowds into my mind at once and 
chokes my utterance, as one thought refuses to let 
another precede it, whether you please to class such 
symptoms among psychic troubles, or to give them 
some other name. But let me arrange what I have 
to tell in chronological order, though not till I have 
first offered thanks to the all-merciful gods, who at 
this present have permitted me to write, and will 
also perhaps permit us to see one another. Directly 
after I had been made Emperor—against my will, 
as the gods know; and this I made evident then and 
there in every way possible,—I led the army against 
the barbarians. That expedition lasted for three 

* The theurgist. His life was written by Eunapius, Lives 
of the Sophists and Philosophers. Maximus was at Ephesus ; 
Julian’s headquarters were at Naissa, where he had received 
news of the death of Constantius, November 3rd, 361. Schwarz 
dates this letter October or November. 

8. i.e. when he recrossed the Rhine in 360, For this 
campaign, see Ammianus 20, 10, 






> \ > \ ‘ > \ > , 
ἐπανιὼν εἰς τοὺς L‘aXatixovs αἰγιαλοὺς  ἐπεσκό- 
πουν καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖθεν ἡκόντων ἀνεπυνθανόμην, μή 
τίς φιλόσοφος, μή τις σχολαστικὸς ἢ τριβώνιον ἢ 
χλανίδιον φορῶν κατῆρεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ περὶ τὸν Βι- 
σεντίωνα 5 ἣν" πολίχνη“ δὲ νῦν ἐστὶν * ἀνειλημμένη, 
πάλαι δὲ μεγάλη τε ἣν καὶ πολυτελέσιν ἱεροῖς 
ἐκεκόσμητο, καὶ τείχει καρτερῷ καὶ προσέτι τῇ 
φύσει τοῦ. ὡρίου' περιθεῖ γὰρ αὐτὸ ὁ Δοῦβις 
ποταμός" ἡ ὲ ὥσπερ ἐν θαλάττῃ πετρώδης ἄκρα 
ἀνέστηκεν, ἄ ἄβατος ὀλίγου δέω φάναι καὶ αὐτοῖς 
ὄρνισι, πλὴν ὅσα ὁ ποταμὸς αὐτὴν περιρρέων 
ὥσπερ τινὰς αἰγιαλοὺς ἐ ἔχει προκειμένους" ταύτης 
πλησίον τῆς πόλεως ἀπήντησε κυνικός τις ἀνήρ, 
ἔχων τρίβωνα καὶ βακτηρίαν. τοῦτον ͵ πόρρωθεν 
θεασάμενος οὐδὲν ἄλλον ὑπέλαβον ἢ ἢ σέ, πλησίον 
δὲ ἤδη προσιὼν παρὰ σοῦ πάντως ἥκειν αὐτὸν 
ἐνόμιξον. οὗτος 5 δ᾽ ἁνὴρ φίλος μέν, ἥττων * δὲ 
τῆς προσδοκωμένης ἐλπίδος. ἕν μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτον 
ὄναρ ἐγένετό μοι. μετὰ τοῦτο δὲ πάντως ὃ ὥμην 
σε πολυπραγμονήσαντα. τὰ κατ᾽ ἐμὲ τῆς Ἑλλάδος 
ἐκτὸς οὐδαμῶς εὑρήσειν. ἴστω Ζεύς, ἴ ἴστω μέγας 
Ἥλιος, ¢ ἴστω ᾿Αθηνᾶς κράτος καὶ πάντες θεοὶ καὶ 
πᾶσαι, πῶς κατιὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς a ἀπὸ τῶν 
Κελτῶν ἔτρεμον ὑπὲρ σοῦ. καὶ ἐπυνθανόμην τῶν 

1 Schwarz suggests σταθμοὺς because of the strange use of 
a’ ‘yards, ** beach,” for the bank of a river. 
2 Βισεντίωνα X, Βικεντίωνα Parisinus, Hertlein. ἣν Schwarz 
3 πολίχνη Cobet, πολίχνιον MSS., Hertlein. 
4 δέ ἐστι νῦν X. δ οὐδένα ἄλλον XY. 8 ὥφθη δὲ XY. 
* ἥττων XY, ἧττον Parisinus, Hertlein. 
8 πάντως Parisinus omits, followed by Hertlein. 
® εὑρεθῆναι Hertlein. 



months, and when I returned to the shores of Gaul, I 
was ever on the watch and kept enquiring from all 
who came from that quarter whether any philosopher 
or any scholar wearing a philosopher's cloak or a 
soldier’s tunic had arrived there. Then I approached 
Besontio.! It is a little town that has lately been 
restored, but in ancient times it was a large city 
adorned with costly temples, and was fortified by a 
strong wall and further by the nature of the place ; 
for it is encircled by the river Doubis.? It rises up 
like a rocky cliff in the sea, inaccessible, I might 
almost say, to the very birds, except in those places 
where the river as it flows round it throws out what 
one may call beaches, that lie in front of it. Near 
this city there came to meet me a certain man who 
looked like a Cynic with his long cloak and staff. 
When I first caught sight of him in the distance, I 
imagined that he was none other than yourself. 
And when I came nearer to him I thought that he 
had surely come from you. The man was in fact 
a friend of mine though he fell short of what I 
hoped and expected. This then was one vain dream 
Thad! And afterwards I thought that, because you 
were busied with my affairs, I should certainly find 
you nowhere outside of Greece. Zeus be my witness 
and great Helios, mighty Athene and all the gods and 
goddesses, how on my way down to Illyricum from 
Gaul? 1 trembled for your safety! Also I kept 

1 Cf. Ammianus 20. 10, per Besontionem Viennam hie- 
maturus abscessit. Besontio or Vesontio (Besancon), the 
capital of the Sequani, is described in much the same language 
by Caesar, Gallic War 1. 38. 

2 Doubs. 

8 Ammianus 21. 7, Zosimus 3. 10 describe this march. 



θεῶν (αὐτὸς μὲν οὐ τολμῶν' οὐ yap ὑπέμενον οὔτε 
ἰδεῖν τοιοῦτον οὔτε ἀκοῦσαι οὐδέν, οἷον ἄν τις ὑπέ- 
λαβε δύνασθαι τηνικαῦτα “περὶ σὲ γίγνεσθαι, ἐπέ- 
δὲ + e \ δὲ \ / 
τρεπον δὲ ἄλλοις), οἱ θεοὶ δὲ ταραχὰς μέν τινας 
Μ θ \ \ n 1 25 7 δὲ / 
ἔσεσθαι περὶ σὲ περιφανῶς 1 ἐδήλουν, οὐδὲν μέντοι 
δεινὸν οὐδὲ εἰς ἔργον τῶν ἀθέων 3 βουλευμάτων. 
? 9 P..A Ὁ , Ν \ , 
AX’ ὁρᾷς ὅτι μεγάλα Kal πολλὰ παρέδραμον. 
4 , / 7 a \ i0 / “ 
μάλιστά σε πυθέσθαι ἄξιον, πῶς μὲν ἀθρόως τῆς 
ἐπιφανείας ἠσθόμεθα τῶν θεῶν, τίνα δὲ τρόπον τὸ 
al “ 3 / a 4 
τοσοῦτον τῶν ἐπιβούλων πλῆθος διαπεφεύγαμεν, 
κτείναντες οὐδένα, χρήματα οὐδενὸς ἀφελόμενοι, 
4 \ / ἃ bl] / ιν > 
φυλαξάμενοι δὲ μόνον ods ἐλαμβάνομεν ἐπ᾽ avTo- 
, a \ = » > / ᾽ \ 
φώρῳ. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἴσως ov γράφειν, ἀλλὰ 
7 7 3 δέ \ 4 HOE j 
φράζειν χρή, οἶμαι δέ σε καὶ μάλα ἡδέως πεύσε- 
σθαι. θρησκεύομεν τοὺς θεοὺς ἀναφανδόν, καὶ τὸ 
πλῆθος τοῦ συγκατελθόντος μοι στρατοπέδου θεο- 
σεβές ἐστιν. ἡμεῖς φανερῶς βουθυτοῦμεν. ἀπε- 
δώκαμεν τοῖς θεοῖς χαριστήρια ὃ ἑκατόμβας πολ- 
λάς. ἐμὲ κελεύουσιν οἱ θεοὶ τὰ πάντα ἁγνεύειν 
εἰς δύναμιν, καὶ πείθομαί γε καὶ προθύμως αὐτοῖς" 
lal 7 
μεγάλους γὰρ καρποὺς τῶν πόνων ἀποδώσειν 
φασίν, ἢν μὴ ῥᾳθυμῶμεν. ἦλθε πρὸς ἡμᾶς Εῤά- 
a ᾽ “-“ 
WALOS Pres Veh s eee et eee OU Ia an 
Tiyuwpeévov Oeod.) ... 1... 
Πολλὰ γοῦν ἐπέρχεταί μοι πρὸς τούτοις, ἀλλὰ 
χρὴ ταμιεύσασθαί τινα καὶ τῇ παρουσίᾳ τῇ σῇ. 
1 φανερῶς XY. 3 ἀθέων Asmus, ἀθέσμων MSS., Hertlein. 
3 After χαριστήρια XY have περὶ ἡμῶν. 
* In Hertlein the letter ends at Εὐάγριος. In XY (Papado- 

poulos) a lacuna of about 82 letters follows. 
> A lacuna follows in XY. 



enquiring of the gods—not that I ventured to do this 
myself, for I could not endure to see or hear any- 
thing so terrible as oneymight have supposed would 
be happening to you at that time, but I entrusted 
the task to others; and the gods did indeed show 
clearly that certain troubles would befal you, nothing 
terrible however, nor to indicate that impious 
counsels would be carried out.! 

But you see that I have passed over many im- 
portant events. Above all, it is right that you 
should learn how I became all at once conscious of 
the very presence of the gods, and in what manner 
I escaped the multitude of those who plotted against 
me, though I put no man to death, deprived no man 
of his property, and only imprisoned those whom 1 
caught red-handed. All this, however, I ought per- 
haps to tell you rather than write it, but I think 
you will be very glad to be informed of it. I 
worship the gods openly, and the whole mass of the 
troops who are returning with me worship the gods.” κυ 
I sacrifice oxen in public. I have offered to the 
gods many hecatombs as thank-offerings. The gods 
command me to restore their worship in its utmost 
purity, and I obey them, yes, and with a good will. 
For they promise me great rewards for my labours, 
if only I am not remiss, Evagrius? has joined me, 

. of the god whom we honour... . 

Many things occur to my mind, besides what I 
have written, but I must store up certain matters 
‘to tell you when you are with me. Come here, 

1 Julian’s friends in the East were in danger after his 
quarrel with Constantius. 

2 Cf. Libanius, Oration 18. 114, 

® Cf. Letter 25, To Evagrius. 




δεῦρο οὖν, τοὺς θεούς σοι, τὴν ταχίστην, εἴτε δύο 
εἴτε πλείοσι χρησάμενος ὀχήμασιν. ἀπέστειλα 
δὲ καὶ δύο τῶν πιστοτάτων ὑπηρετῶν, ὧν ὁ μὲν 
εἷς ἄχρι τοῦ στρατοπέδου παραπέμψει σε" ἕτερος 
δὲ ἐξεληλυθέναι σε καὶ ἥκειν ἤδη μηνύσει" πότε- 
ρον δὲ ὑπὸ ποτέρου γενέσθαι θέλεις αὐτὸς τοῖς 
νεανίσκοις σήμηνον. 

᾿Ιουλιανῷ θείῳ 

Τρίτης ὥρας νυκτὸς ἀρχομένης, οὐκ ἔχων οὐδὲ 
τὸν ὑπογράψοντα ὃ διὰ τὸ πάντας ἀσχόλους 
εἶναι, μόλις ἴσχυσα πρὸς σὲ ταῦτα γράψαι. 
ζῶμεν διὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ἐλευθερωθέντες τοῦ παθεῖν 
A “Ὁ \ ? 7 ᾿Ν δὲ «ς "H A 
ἢ δρᾶσαι Ta ἀνήκεστα' μάρτυς δὲ ὁ “Ἥλιος, ὃν 
μάλιστα πάντων ἱκέτευσα συνάρασθαί μοι, καὶ 
ὁ βασιλεὺς Ζεύς, ὡς οὐπώποτε ηὐξάμην ἀποκτεῖ- 
vat Κωνστάντιον, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀπηυξάμην. τί οὗν. 
9 θ 3 ὃ / e θ \ ὃ ἠδ > Eis 
ἦλθον ; ἐπειδή μοι οἱ θεοὶ διαρρήδην ἐκέλευσαν, 
σωτηρίαν μὲν ἐπαγγελλόμενοι πειθομένῳ, μένοντι 
δὲ ὃ μηδεὶς θεῶν ποιήσειεν' ἄλλως τε STL καὶ 

1 πολλὰ « « «© « « σήμηνον restored from XY, not in 

2 Hertlein 13; after θείῳ X adds αὐτοῦ. 

3 Hertlein suggests, MSS. ὑπογράφοντα. 

? Maximus did not join Julian at Naissa, but, as Eunapius 
relates in his Life of Chrysanthius, p. 554 (Wright), he 
lingered at Ephesus in the vain attempt to secure favourable 
omens for the journey, and finally joined Julian at Constanti- 



then, in the name of the gods, as quickly as you 
can, and use two or more public carriages. More- 
over, I have sent two of my most trusted servants, 
one of whom will escort you as far as my head- 
quarters; the other will inform me that you have 
set out and will forthwith arrive. Do you yourself 
tell the youths which of them you wish to under- 
take which of these tasks.1 

To his Uncle Julian 2 

Tue third hour of the night has just begun, and 
as I have no secretary to dictate to because they 
are all occupied, I have with difficulty made the 
effort to write this to you myself. I am alive, by 
the grace of the gods, and have been freed from the 
necessity of either suffering or inflicting irreparable 
ill. But the Sun, whom of all the gods I besought 
most earnestly to assist me, and sovereign Zeus also, 
bear me witness that never for a moment did I wish 
to slay Constantius, but rather I wished the contrary. 

Why then did I come? Because the gods expressly_— 

ordered me,‘ and promised me safety if I obeyed 
them, but if I stayed, what I pray no god may do to 
me! Furthermore I came because, having been de- 

nople early in 362; cf. Eunapius, Life of Aedesius, pp. 
440 foll. 

2 For Count Julian, see Introduction. 

% A proverbial phrase; cf. Letter to Nilus, p. 159. The 
sudden death of Constantius had simplified Julian’s course. 

4 Cf. Vol. 3, Letter to the Athenians 2843-285p, for Julian’s 
own account of the mutiny against Constantius and the sign 
given by the gods. 


ber or 
ΚΝ ish) 




πολέμιος ἀποδειχθεὶς @unv φοβῆσαι μόνον καὶ 

> e / A Ε] 7 Ν ro > 
“εἰς ομιλίας ἥξειν ἐπιεικεστέρας τὰ πράγματα" εἰ 

δὲ μάχῃ κριθείη, τῇ τύχῃ τὰ πάντα καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς 
ἐπιτρέψας περιμένειν ὅπερ ἂν αὐτῶν τῇ φιλαν- 
θρωπίᾳ δόξῃ. 

» Ν 3 ὔ 1 
TovAravos Evénpie 
Ζῶμεν ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν σωθέντες" ὑπὲρ ἐμοῦ δὲ 
αὐτοῖς θῦε τὰ χαριστήρια. θύσεις δὲ οὐχ ὑπὲρ 
> Qn nt lal 
ἑνὸς ἀνδρός, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν ᾿ Ελλήνων. 
εἰ δέ σοι σχολὴ καὶ μέχρι τῆς Κωνσταντίνου 
πόλεως διαβῆναι, τιμησαίμην ἂν οὐκ ὀλίγου τὴν 
σὴν ἐντυχίαν. 

᾿Ιουλιανὸς Λεοντίῳ 5 
Ὃ λογοποιὸς ὁ Θούριος ὦτα εἶπεν ἀνθρώποις 
al [4 a ‘ 
ὀφθαλμῶν ἀπιστότερα. τούτῳ δ᾽ ἐπὶ σοῦ τὴν 
ἐναντίαν ἔχω γνώμην ἐγώ" πιστότερα γάρ ἐστί 
μοι τὰ ὦτα τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν. οὐ γάρ, εἴποτε εἶδόν 
σε δεκάκις, οὕτως ἂν ἐπίστευσα τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς, 

1 Hertlein 69. 2 Hertlein 22. 

1 An Armenian eunuch, a pagan who had been kidnapped, 
sold into slavery, and finally attained to the office of court 
chamberlain and confidential adviser to Constans and 

Julian; see Ammianus 16. 7. 4. He was employed by 

Julian in Gaul as a trusted messenger to Constantius at 
Milan ; Ammianus 20. 8. 19. 



clared a public enemy, I meant to frighten him 
merely, and that our quarrel should result in inter- 
course on more friendly terms; but if we should 
have to decide the issue by battle, I meant to entrust 
_ the whole to Fortune and to the gods, and so await 
whatever their clemency might decide. 

To Eutherius 1 

I am alive, and have been saved by the gods. 
Therefore offer sacrifices to them on my behalf, as 
thank-offerings. Your sacrifice will be not for one 
man only, but for the whole body of Hellenes.? If 
you have time to travel as far as Constantinople I 
shall feel myself highly honoured by your presence. 

Τὸ Leontius 

Tue Thurian historian? said that men’s ears are 
less to be trusted than their eyes.4 But in your 
ease I hold the opposite opinion from this, since 
here my ears are more trustworthy than my eyes. 
For not if I had seen you ten times would I have 
trusted my eyes as I now trust my ears, instructed 

_ *In the fourth century this word has lost some of its 

national meaning, and is used of pagans as opposed to 

Christians, especially by Julian. The sophists of that period 
called themselves and all students of rhetoric ‘‘ Hellenes.” 

3 Herodotus. 

4 Herodotus 1. 8; cf. Julian Oration 1. 370, and 4, 145p. 




ber Ist 


or Con 



ὡς viv ταῖς ἀκοαῖς πιστεύω ταῖς ἐμαυτοῦ, παρ᾽ 
ἀνδρὸς οὐδαμῶς οἵου τε ψεύδεσθαι δεδιδαγμένος, 
ὅτι πάντα ἀνὴρ ὧν αὐτὸς σεαυτοῦ κρείττων εἶ 
περὶ τὸ ῥέξαι, φησὶν Ὅμηρος, χερσί τε καὶ ποσίν. 
ἐπιτρέψαντες οὖν σοι τὴν τῶν ὅπλων χρῆσιν 
ἀπεστείλαμέν τε πανοπλίαν, ἥτις 1 τοῖς πεζοῖς 
ἁρμόττει" " ἐγκατελέξαμέν τέ σε τῷ τῶν οἰκείων 

Μαξίμῳ φιλοσόφῳ 3 

᾿Αλέξανδρον μὲν τὸν Μακεδόνα τοῖς Ὁμήρου 
ποιήμασιν ἐφυπνώττειν λόγος, ἵνα δὴ καὶ νύκτωρ 
καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν αὐτοῦ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ὁμιλῇ 
συνθήμασιν' ἡμεῖς δέ σου ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ὥσπερ 
παιωνίοις τισὶ φαρμάκοις συγκαθεύδομεν, καὶ οὐ 
διαλείπομεν ἐντυγχάνοντες ἀεὶ καθάπερ νεαραῖς 
ἔτι καὶ πρῶτον εἰς χεῖρας ἡκούσαις. εἴπερ οὖν 
ἐθέλεις ἡμῖν εἰκόνα τῆς σῆς παρουσίας τὴν ἐν 
τοῖς γράμμασιν ὁμιλίαν προξενεῖν, γράφε καὶ μὴ 
λῆγε συνεχῶς τοῦτο πράττων' μᾶλλον δὲ ἧκε 
σὺν θεοῖς, ἐνθυμούμενος ὡς ἡμῖν γ᾽ ἕως ἂν amis 

1 Hertlein suggests, MSS. ἢ τέως. 

2 MSS. add κουφοτέρα δέ ἐστιν αὕτη τῆς τῶν ἱππέων deleted 
by Wyttenbach, Hertlein brackets. 

3 MSS. add γίνονται δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ὁπλοφορησάντων οὗτοι καὶ 

στρατευσαμένων deleted by Wyttenbach, Hertlein brackets, 
4 Hertlein 15. 

1 An echo of Demosthenes, Olynthiae 2. 17. 



as I have been by a man who is in no wise capable 
of speaking falsely,1 that, while in all respects you 
show yourself a man, you surpass yourself? in your 
achievements ‘‘ with hand and foot,” as Homer says. 
I therefore entrust you with the employment of 
arms, and have despatched to you a complete suit 
of armour such as is adapted for theinfantry. More- 
over I have enrolled you in my household corps.* 

To the philosopher Maximus 

Tuere is a tradition® that Alexander of Macedon 
used to sleep with Homer's poems under his pillow, 
in order that by night as well as by day he might 
busy himself with his martial writings. But I sleep 
with your letters as though they were healing drugs 
of some sort, and I do not cease to read them con- 
stantly as though they were newly written and had 
only just come into my hands. Therefore if you are 
willing to furnish me with intercourse by means of 
letters, as a semblance of your own society, write, 
and do not cease to do so continually. Or rather 
come,® with heaven’s help, and consider that while 

2 Cf. Julian, Oration 7. 2358, Lelter to Themistius 264p, 
Caesars 309pD, 327c. 

3 Odyssey 8. 148; the phrase is there used of the athletic 
sports of the Phaeacians. 

4 i.e. the protectores domestici ; cf. Symmachus, Letter 67. 
‘In C.I.L. III. 5670a (Dessau 774), a Leontius is mentioned as 
praepositus militum auxiliarium in 370 A.D. 

5 Plutarch, Alexander 12. 

ὁ Ammianus 22. 7. 3 describes Julian’s effusive greeting of 
Maximus, for which he interrupted a meeting of the Senate. 


End of 
361 or 
early in 


399 of “ > “Ὁ na 
οὐδ᾽ ὅτι ζῶμεν εἰπεῖν ἔστιν, εἰ μὴ ὅσον τοῖς παρὰ 
lal 7 a 
σοῦ γραφομένοις ἐντυχεῖν ἔξεστιν. 

‘Ez / 2 “. f > / 1 
ρμογένει ἀπούπάρχῳ Αἰγύπτου 

389 δός μοί τι κατὰ τοὺς μελικτὰς 3 εἰπεῖν ῥήτορας, 
D°*O παρ᾽ ἐλπίδα σεσωσμένος ἐγώ, ὦ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας ὃ 

3 ’ὔ Ψ ὃ , \ / 7) 
AKNKOWS, OTL OLaTrepevyas τὴν τρικέφαλον ὕδραν, 

, \ 
οὔτι pa Δία τὸν ἀδελφόν φημι Κωνστάντιον" 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνος μὲν ἣν οἷος ἦν" ἀλλὰ τὰ περὶ αὐτὸν 
᾽ “Ὁ ἴω a 
θηρία πᾶσιν ἐποφθαλμιῶντα, ἃ κἀκεῖνον ἐποίει 
χαλεπώτερον, οὐδὲ τὸ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν παντάπασι 
390 πρᾷον, εἰ καὶ ἐδόκει πολλοῖς τοιοῦτος. ἐκείνῳ 
μὲν οὖν, ἐπειδὴ μακαρίτης ἐγένετο, κούφη γῆ, 
/ / / sage Boe , o 
καθάπερ λέγεται" τούτους δὲ ἀδίκως μέν TL παθεῖν 
οὐκ ἂν ἐθέλοιμι, ἴστω Ζεύς" ἐπειδὴ δὲ αὐτοῖς 
ἐπανίστανται πολλοὶ κατήγοροι, δικαστήριον 
3 / \ ’ 9 / / \ \ 
ἀποκεκλήρωται. σὺ δέ, ὦ φίλε, πάρει, καὶ παρὰ 
Β δύναμιν ἐπείχθητι' θεάσασθαι γάρ σε πάλαι τε 
εὔχομαι νὴ τοὺς θεούς, καὶ νῦν εὐμενέστατα ὅτι 
διεσώθης ἀκηκοώς, ἥκειν παρακελεύομαι. 
1 Hertlein 23. 

2 μειλιχίους ἢ Cumont suggests, 
3 Asmus suggests ἐλπίδα σέ. 

1 Hermogenes had been Prefect of Egypt before 328, since 
his name does not occur in the list of prefects after that year, 
which is extant complete. 



you are away I cannot be said to be alive, except in 
so far as 1 am able to read what you have written. 

To Hermogenes, formerly Prefect of Egypt? 

Suffer me to say, in the language of the poetical 
rhetoricians, O how little hope had I of safety! O 
how little hope had I of hearing that you had 
escaped the three-headed hydra! Zeus be my wit- 
ness that I do not mean my brother Constantius 2?— 
nay, he was what he was—but the wild beasts who 
surrounded him and cast their baleful eyes on all 
men; for they made him even harsher than he was 
by nature, though on his own account he was by no 
means of a mild disposition, although he seemed so 
to many. But since he is now one of the blessed 
dead, may the earth lie lightly on him, as the saying 
is! Nor should I wish, Zeus be my witness, that 
these others should be punished unjustly; but since 
many accusers are rising up against them, I have 
appointed a court? to judge them. Do you, my 
friend, come hither, and hasten, even if it task your 
strength. For, by the gods, I have long desired to 
see you, and, now that I have learned to my great 
joy that you are safe and sound, | bid you come. 

2 Cf. for Julian’s attitude to Constantius, Misopogon 8578. 

8 The special commission appointed by Julian to try his 
enemies sat at Chalcedon in Dec. 361.. Its work is described 
by Ammianus 22. 3; Libanius, Oration 18. 152. Among the 
judges were Mamertinus the rhetorician and Nevitta the 
Goth, who were the Consuls designate for 362, and Sallust. 


ber ? 




Προαιρεσίῳ } 

Τί δὲ οὐκ ἔμελλον ἐγὼ ἸΠροαιρέσιον τὸν καλὸν 
προσαγορεύειν, ἄνδρα ἐπαφιέντα τοῖς νέοις λόγους, 
ὥσπερ οἱ ποταμοὶ τοῖς πεδίοις ἐπαφιᾶσι τὰ ῥεύ- 
ματα, καὶ ξηλοῦντα τὸν Περικλέα κατὰ τοὺς 
λόγους ἔξω τοῦ συνταράττειν καὶ ξυγκυκᾶν τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα; θαυμάζειν δ᾽ οὐ χρὴ τὴν Λακωνικὴν εἰ 
πρὸς σὲ βραχυλογίαν ἐμιμησάμην. ὑμῖν γὰρ 
πρέπει τοῖς “σοφοῖς μακροὺς πάνυ καὶ μεγάλους 
ποιεῖσθαι λόγους, ἡμῖν δὲ ἀρκεῖ καὶ τὰ βραχέα 
πρὸς ὑμᾶς. ἴσθι δῆτά μοι πολλὰ πανταχόθεν 
κύκλῳ πράγματα ἐπιρρεῖν. τῆς καθόδου τὰς 
αἰτίας, εἰ μὲν ἱστορίαν γράψεις,Σ) ἀκριβέστατα 
ἀπαγγελῶ σοι, δοὺς τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀποδείξεις 
ἐγγράφους" εἰ δ᾽ ἔγνωκας ταῖς μελέταις καὶ τοῖς 
γυμνάσμασιν εἰς τέλος ἄχρι γήρως προσκαρτερεῖν, 
οὐδὲν ἴσως μου τὴν σιωπὴν μέμψῃ. 

᾿Αετίῳ ἐπισκόπῳ 3 

Κοινῶς μὲν ἅπασι τοῖς ὁπωσοῦν ὑπὸ τοῦ ακα- 
ρίτου Κωνσταντίου πεφυγαδευμένοις ἕνεκεν τῆς 

1 Hertlein 2. 2 Cobet, γράφεις MSS. Hertlein. 
3 Hertlein 31. 

* The Armenian sophist, a Christian, who taught at 
Athens. For his Life see EKunapius, Lives of the Sophists and 
Philosophers, pp. 477-515 (Wright). See Introduction. 

* Aristophanes, Acharnians 531, ξυνεκύκα τὴν Ἑλλάδα. 




To Prohaeresius 1 

Wuy should I not address the excellent Pro- 
haeresius, a man who has poured forth his eloquence 
on the young as rivers pour their floods over the 
plain; who rivals Pericles in his discourses, except 
that he does not agitate and embroil Greece ἢ 2 
But you must not be surprised that I have imitated 
Spartan brevity in writing to you. For though it 
becomes sages like you to compose very long and 
impressive discourses, from me to you even a few 
words are enough. Moreover you must know that 
from all quarters at once I am inundated by affairs. 
As for the causes of my return,’ if you are going 
to write an historical account I will make a very 
precise report for you, and will hand over to you the 
letters,4 as written evidence. But if you have re- 
solved to devote your energies to the last, till old 
age,® to your rhetorical studies and exercises, you 
will perhaps not reproach me for my silence. 

To Bishop Aetius © 

I nave remitted their sentence of exile for all in 
common who were banished in whatever fashion by 
Constantius of blessed memory, on account of the 

Ὁ ὦν 6. from Gaul, when he marched against the Emperor 

᾿ Constantius, in 361. This letter was probably written after 

his triumphal entry into Constantinople on December 11th. 

4 For the correspondence between Julian and Constantius 
cf. Ammianus Marcellinus 20. 8. 5. 

5 Prohaeresius was already in the late eighties. 

ὁ See Introduction under Aetius. 

p 2 

End of 
361 (or 
in 362) 

862 Jan, 


C τῶν Γαλιλαίων a ἀπονοίας ἀνῆκα τὴν φυγήν, σοὶ 1" 
δὲ οὐκ ἀνίημι, μόνον, ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ παλαιᾶς 
γνώσεώς τε καὶ συνηθείας μεμνημένης ἀφικέσθαι 
προτρέπω μέχρις ἡμῶν. χρήσῃ δὲ ὀχήματι δη- 
μοσίῳ μέχρι τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοῦ ἐμοῦ καὶ ἑνὶ 

Θεοδώρῳ apytepet.” 

Δεξάμενός σου τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἥσθην μέν, ws 
εἰκός" τί γὰρ οὐκ ἔμελλον ἄνδρα ἑταῖρον ἐμοὶ καὶ 
φίλων φίλτατον σῶν εἶναι πυνθανόμενος ; ; ws δὲ 
καὶ ἀφελὼν τὸν ἐπικείμενον δεσμὸν ἐπήειν πολ- 
λάκις, οὐκ ἂν ἐγὼ παραστῆσαι τῷ λόγῳ δυναίμην, 
τίς καὶ ὁποῖος ἐγενόμην" γαλήνης ἐμπιπλάμενος 
καὶ θυμηδίας, ὥσπερ εἰκόνα τινὰ τοῦ γενναίου σου 
καθορῶν τρόπου τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἠσπαξόμην' 
ὑπὲρ ἧς τὰ μὲν καθέκαστα γράφειν μακρὸν ἂν 
εἴη καὶ περιττῆς ἴσως ἀδολεσχίας οὐκ ἔξω. ἃ 
δ᾽ οὖν ἐπήνεσα διαφερόντως, shaper εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἂν 
ὀκνήσαιμι, πρῶτον μέν, ὅτι τὴν ὃ παροινίαν ἣν 
εἰς ὑμᾶς * ὁ τῆς Ἑλλάδος " ἡγεμὼν πεπαρῴνηκεν, 
εἴ γε τὸν τοιοῦτον ἡγεμόνα χρὴ καλεῖν ἀλλὰ μὴ 
τύραννον, οὔπω βαρέως ὃ ἤνεγκας, οὐδὲν ἡγού- 

1 σοὶ Hertlein suggests, σὲ MSS. 

2 Papadopoulos 3* in Rheinisches Museum 42. 1887 ; not in 

3 τὴν παροινίαν -- --Νέρων is quoted by Suidas, Musonius ; he 
omits εἴ γε--τύραννον. Hertlein, who gives this extract as 
frag. 3, follows Suidas. 

4 ἡμᾶς MS., ὑμᾶς Maas, see Introduction under Theodorus. 

5 Asmus suggests Ἑλλησπόντου, but this is too violent a 



-folly of the Galilaeans.!. But in your case, I not 

only remit your exile, but also, since I am mindful 
of our old acquaintance and intercourse, I invite you 
to come tome. You will use a public conveyance 2 
as far as my headquarters, and one extra horse. 

To the High-priest Theodorus ὃ 

WueEn I received your letter I was delighted, of 
course. How could I feel otherwise on learning 
that my comrade and dearest friend is safe? And 
when I had removed the fastening from it and 
perused it many times, I cannot convey to you in 
words my feelings and state of mind. I was filled 
with serenity and felicity and welcomed the letter 
as though I beheld in it an image, so to speak, of 
your noble disposition. To try to answer it point 
by point would take too long and perhaps I could 
not avoid excessive garrulity ; but at any rate I shall 
not hesitate to say what it was that I especially 
approved. In the first place, the fact that the 
insolent behaviour to you of the Governor of Greece, 
if indeed a man of that sort can be called a Governor 
and not a tyrant, did not provoke your resentment, 

1 Julian always scoffed at the disputes of the Arians with 
the various other sects of the Church. 
2 7.e. he was given the privilege of using an official 

. carriage, provided by the state. 

8 For the question of the authenticity of this letter see 
Introduction, on Theodorus, 

ὁ MS. οὕτω βαθέως, Weil οὕτω σταθερῶς, Hercher, Hertlein 
οὔτοι βαρέως, Papadopoulos οὔπω βαρέως. 


862 Jan. 
(or end 
of 361) 


4, » 
μενος τούτων εἰς σὲ γεγονέναι. τό γε μὴν τῇ 
πόλει βοηθεῖν ἐκείνῃ βούλεσθαι καὶ προθυμεῖσθαι, 

\ A > / \ ὃ / ᾽ / 1 b] 
περὶ ἣν ἐποιήσω τὰς διατριβάς, ἐναργές 1 ἐστι 
/ ᾿ a 
φιλοσόφου γνώμης 5 texunpiov' ὥστε μοι δοκεῖ 


TO μὲν πρότερον Σωκράτει προσήκειν, TO δεύτερον 
ἘΣ AR gt \ \ " “ 
έ, οἶμαι, Μουσωνίῳ" ἐκεῖνος μὲν γὰρ ἔφη, ὅτι 
» a a 
μὴ θεμιτὸν ἄνδρα σπουδαῖον πρός του τῶν 
χειρόνων καὶ φαύλων βλαβῆναι, ὁ δὲ ἐπεμέλετο 
Γυάρων 8 ἡνίκα ὁ φεύγειν αὐτὸν ἐπέταττε Νέρων. 
ταῦτα ἐγὼ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς τῆς σῆς ἐπαινέσας, τὸ 

τρίτον οὐκ οἶδα ὅντινα τρόπον ἀποδέξομαι' 
γράφεις γὰρ κελεύων σημαίνειν ὅ τι ἄν μοι παρὰ 
, 7΄ > \ Δ , "ἊΣ τ πὰ" Ἃ ΄ 
μέλος πράττειν αὐτὸς ἢ λέγειν δοκῇς" ἐγὼ δέ, 
OTL μὲν πλέον ἐμαυτῷ νῦν ἢ σοὶ τῶν τοιούτων 

a e s 4 \ ΝΜ 
δεῖν ὑπολαμβάνω παραινέσεων, πολλὰ ἔχων 
>] a 3 9 > a \ \ 3 » 
εἰπεῖν, ἐς αὖθις ἀναβαλοῦμαι. τὸ μὲν οὖν αἴτημα 
τυχὸν οὐδὲ σοὶ προσήκει' περίεστι γάρ σοι 
καὶ σχολή, καὶ φύσεως ἔχεις εὖ, καὶ φιλοσοφίας 
ἐρᾷς, εἴπερ τις ἄλλος τῶν πώποτε. τρία δὲ ἅμα 
ταῦτα ξυνελθόντα ἤρκεσεν ἀποφῆναι τὸν ᾿Αμφί- 
ονα τῆς παλαιᾶς μουσικῆς εὑρετήν, χρόνος, 

1 ἐναργὲς is omitted by Suidas in his quotation of the 

2 ψυχῆς Suidas. 

3 βαρῶν Suidas, quoting from a faulty MS. 

4 ἡνίκα Suidas ; MS. ὁπηνίκα, not Julianic. 

ὃ περίεστι---δεόμενοι quoted from a more complete text by 

Suidas, Amphion; given by Hertlein as frag. 1; τὸ μὲν--- 
προσήκει omitted by Papadopoulos Y. 



because you considered that none of these things 
had to do with you. Then again, that you are 
willing and eager to aid that city! in which you 
had spent your time is a clear proof of the philo- 
sophic mind; so that in my opinion the former 
course is worthy of Socrates, the latter, I should say, 
of Musonius. For Socrates declared? that heaven 
would not permit a righteous man to be harmed by 
anyone inferior to him and worthless, while Musonius 
concerned himself with the welfare of Gyara? when 
Nero decreed his exile. These two points in your 
letter I approve, but I am at a loss how to take the 
third. For you write to urge me to warn you when- 
ever I think that you yourself do or say anything 
out of tune. For my part I could give you many 
proofs that I believe myself to be more in need than 
you are of such advice at the present time, but I will 
put that off till later. However the request is 
perhaps not even suitable for you to make; for 
you have abundant leisure, excellent natural gifts, 
and you love philosophy as much as any man who 
ever lived. And these three things combined 
sufficed to make Amphion known as the inventor 
of ancient music, namely, leisure, divine inspiration 

1 We cannot identify this city. Theodorus may have 
improved its water supply, which would give point to the 
allusion to Musonius at Gyara below. 

2 Plato, Apology 30D, Julian, Oration 2. 098. 

8 The Emperors banished offenders to this barren island, 
one of the Cyclades. For the discovery of water there by 
Musonius see Philostratus, Life of Apollonius 7. 16. The 
Nero of Philostratus is an imaginary dialogue with Musonius 
at Corinth, where he is supposed to have been set by Nero to 
dig the Corinthian canal; Julian praises Musonius in Vol. 2, 
To Themistius 2650, D, 



θεοῦ πνεῦμα, ἔρως τε 3 ὑμνωδίας" οὐδὲ 8 yap ἡ 
τῶν ὀργάνων ἔνδεια πρὸς ταῦτα πέφυκεν ἀντι- 
τάττεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῦτα ῥᾳδίως ἂν ὁ τῶν 
τριῶν τούτων μέτοχος ἐξεύροι. ἢ γὰρ οὐχὶ 
τοῦτον αὐτὸν ἀκοῇ παραδεδέγμεθα οὐ τὰς 
ἁρμονίας μόνον, αὐτὴν δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς ἐξευρεῖν τὴν 
λύραν, εἴτε δαιμονιωτέρᾳ χρησάμενον ἐπινοίᾳ, 
εἴτε τινὶ θείᾳ δόσει διά τινα συμμαχίαν ἀμήχανον; 
καὶ τῶν παλαιῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι τοῖς τρισὶ τούτοις 
ἐοίκασι μάλιστα προσσχόντες οὔτι πλαστῶς 
φιλοσοφῆσαι, οὐδενὸς ἄλλου δεόμενοι. χρὴ οὖν 
σε παρίστασθαι καὶ διὰ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν τὰ 
πρακτέα καὶ τὰ μὴ “παραινεῖν ἡμῖν 4 προθύμως" 
ὁρῶμεν γὰρ καὶ τῶν στρατευομένων. οὐ τοὺς 
εἰρηνεύοντας συμμαχίας δεομένους, τοὺς πονου- 
μένους δέ, οἶμαι, τῷ πολέμῳ, καὶ τῶν κυβερνητῶν 
οὐχ οἱ μὴ πλέῤντες τοὺς πλέοντας παρακαλοῦσιν, 
οἱ ναυτιλλόμενοι δὲ τοὺς σχολὴν ἄγοντας. οὕτως 
ἐξ ἀρχῆς δίκαιον ἐφάνη τοὺς σχολὴν ἄγοντας 
τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων ἀμύνειν καὶ παρεστάναι καὶ 
τὸ πρακτέον ὑφηγεῖσθαι, ἐπειδάν, οἶμαι, τὰ αὐτὰ 
πρεσβεύωσι. ταῦτα διανοούμενόν σε προσήκει 
τοῦθ᾽ ὅπερ ἀξιοῖς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν εἰς σὲ γίνεσθαι, 
δρᾶν, καὶ εἴ σοι φίλον, ταυτὶ ξυνθώμεθα, ἵν᾽ ἐγὼ 
μέν, ὅ τι ἄν μοι φαίνηται περὶ τῶν σῶν ἁπάντων, 

1 θεοῦ πνεῦμα Suidas, Hertlein; πνεῦμα θεῶν MSS. The 
former is more Julianic. 

* re Suidas omits. After ὕμνωδίας Suidas gives eight verses 
not found in the MSS. 

8 οὐδὲ---δεόμενοι Suidas quotes ; omitted by Papadopoulos 
MSS. 4 ἡμῖν Buecheler adds; 



and a love of minstrelsy.1 For nat even the lack of 
instruments avails to offset these gifts, but one who 
had these three for his portion could easily invent 
instruments also. Indeed, have we not received the 
tradition by hearsay that this very Amphion invented 
not only harmonies, but besides these the lyre itself, 
by employing either an almost godlike intelligence 
or some gift? of the gods in a sort of extraordinary 
co-operation with them? And most of the great 
ones of old seem to have attained to genuine philo- 
sophy ® by setting their hearts on these three things 
above all, and not to have needed anything else. 
Therefore it is you who ought to stand by me and 
in your letters show your willingness to advise me 
what I ought to do and what not. For we observe 
in the case of soldiers that it is not those of them 
who are at peace who need allies, but, I should say, 
those who are hard pressed in war, and in the case 
of pilots those who are not at sea do not call to their 
aid those who are at sea, but those who are navigating 
call on those who are at leisure. Thus it has from 
the very first seemed right that men who are at 
leisure should help and stand by those who are 
occupied with tasks, and should suggest the right 
course of action, that is whenever they represent 
the same interests. Itis well, then, that you should 
bear this in mind and act towards me as you think I 
should act towards you, and, if you like, let us make 

1 Possibly an echo of the lost play of Euripides, Amphion 
Srag. 192 Nauck; cf. Philostratus, Life of Apollonius 7. 34, 
for a similar passage. 

2 Apollo son of Zeus is said to have given the lyre to 

3 An echo of Plato, Sophist 2160 and Laws 642c; cf. Julian, 
Vol. 1, Oration 2. 828, 998. 




πρὸς σὲ σημαίνω,1 σὺ δὲ αὖθις πρὸς ἐμέ περὶ τῶν 
ἐμῶν λόγων καὶ πράξεων" ταύτης γάρ, οἶμαι, τῆς 
ἀμοιβῆς οὐδὲν a ἂν ἡμῖν γένοιτο κάλλιον. ἐρρωμένον 
σε ἡ θεία πρόνοια διαφυλάξαι πολλοῖς χρόνοις 
ἀδελφὲ ποθεινότατε. ἴδοιμί σε διὰ ταχέων, ὡς 



Πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα σοι μαρτυρεῖ καὶ τῆς 
ἰατρικῆς τέχνης εἰς τὰ πρῶτα ἀνήκειν, καὶ ἤθους 
καὶ ἐπιεικείας καὶ βίου σωφροσύνης συμφώνως 
πρὸς τὴν τέχνην ἔχειν, νῦν δὲ προσῆλθε τὸ 
κεφάλαιον. τῆς μαρτυρίας" τὴν τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων 
πόλιν ἀπὼν ἐπιστρέφεις εἰς σεαυτόν' τοσοῦτον 
αὐτῇ κέντρον ὥσπερ μέλιττα ἐγκαταλέλοιπας.3 
εἰκότως" καλῶς γὰρ εἰρῆσθαι καὶ .Ομήρῳ δοκεῖ τὸ 

Εἷς ἰητρὸς ἀνὴρ πολλῶν ἀντάξιος ἄλλων. 

σὺ δὲ οὐκ ἰατρὸς ἁπλῶς, ἀλλὰ καὶ διδάσκαλος 
τοῖς βουλομένοις τῆς τέχνης, ὥστε σχεδὸν ὃ ὃ πρὸς 
τοὺς πολλούς εἰσιν οἱ ἰατροί, τοῦτο ἐκείνοις σύ. 
λύει δέ σοι τὴν φυγὴν καὶ ἡ πρόφασις αὐτή, καὶ 
μάλα λαμπρῶς. εἰ γὰρ διὰ Τεώργιον μετέστης 

1 Weil; MS. ἐμμένω. 
2 Hertlein 45 ; ἀρχιητρῶ is added to the title in x. 
3 Wyttenbach, καταλέλοιπας MSS. Hertlein. 

1 Zeno had been exiled by George, the Arian bishop of 
Alexandria, in 360. He was a friend and correspondent, of 



this compact, that I am to point out to you what are 
my views concerning all your affairs, and you in 
return are to do the same for me concerning my 
sayings and doings. Nothing, in my opinion, could 
be more valuable for us than this reciprocity. May 
divine Providence keep you in good health for long 
to come, my well-beloved brother! May I see you 
soon, as I pray to do! 

To Zeno? 

Tuere is indeed abundant evidence of other kinds 
that you have attained to the first rank in the art of 
medicine and that your morals, uprightness and tem- 
perate life are in harmony with your professional skill, 
But now has been added the crowning evidence. 
Though absent, you are winning to your cause the 
whole city of Alexandria. So keen a sting, like a 
bee’s, have you left in her.?. This is natural; for I 
think that Homer was right when he said “One 
physician is worth many other men.” * And you are 
not simply a physician, but also a teacher of that art 
for those who desire to learn, so that I might almost 
say that what physicians are as compared with the 
mass of men, you are, compared with other physicians. 
This is the reason for putting an end to your exile, 
and with very great distinction for yourself. For if 
it was owing to George that you were removed 

Libanius. George had been murdered by the mob on 
December 24th, 361. 

2 For this echo of Eupolis, a sophistic commonplace, cf. 
Vol. 1. Oration 1. 33a. 

3 Iliad 11. 514; in our texts the line begins ἰητρὸς γάρ. 





τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, οὐ δικαίως μετέστης, Kal 
δικαιότατα ἂν ὀπίσω κατέλθοις. κάτιθι τοίνυν 
ἐπίτιμος καὶ τὸ πρότερον ἔχων ἀξίωμα, καὶ 
ἡμῖν κοινὴ παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέροις χάρις ἀποκείσθω, 
᾿Αλεξανδρεῦσι μὲν Ζήνωνα, σοὶ δὲ ἀποδοῦσα τὴν 


...« τοῦθ᾽ ὅπερ ὑπάρχει τοῖς ξύλοις, οὐκ ἄξιόν 
ἐστι νέμειν ἀνθρώποις ; ὑποκείσθω γὰρ ἄνθρωπον 
ἱερωσύνης ἀντειλῆφθαι τυχὸν οὐκ ἄξιον οὐ χρὴ 
φείδεσθαι μέχρι τοσούτου, μέχρις ἂν ἐπιγνόντες 
ὡς πονηρός ἐστι καὶ τῆς λειτουργίας αὐτὸν 
εἴρξαντες τὸ προπετῶς ἴσως προστεθὲν ὄνομα 
τοῦ ἱερέως ὑπεύθυνον ἀποδείξωμεν ὕβρει καὶ 
κολάσει καὶ ζημίᾳ; ταῦτα εἰ μὲν ἀγνοεῖς, οὐδὲ 
τῶν ἄλλων ἔοικας εἰδέναι τι τῶν μετρίων. ἐπεὶ 
σοὶ ποῦ μέτεστιν ἐμπειρίας ὅλως τῶν δικαίων, 
ὃς οὐκ οἶσθα τί μὲν ἱερεύς, τί δὲ ἰδιώτης ; ποῦ δέ 
σοι μέτεστι σωφροσύνης, ὅσπερ" ἠκίσω τοῦτον, 
6 καὶ θώκων ἐχρῆν ἐξανίστασθαι; ὃ αἴσχιστον ὃ 

1 Hertlein 62. The title is lost. 

2 ὅσπερ for εἴπερ Reiske, Hertlein. 

3% αἴσχιστον Hertlein suggests; MSS., Hertlein τὸ 

1 Julian writes as supreme pontiff, to whom a high-priest, 
perhaps Theodorus, had appealed for protection for a priest 
who had been assaulted. There is no evidence that this 
priest was the Pegasius of Letter 19, as Asmus thinks, 

2 The first part of the letter with the title is lost. 



from Alexandria, you were removed unjustly, and 
it would be most just that you should return from 
exile. Do you, therefore, return in all honour, and 
in possession of your former dignity. And let the 
favour that I bestow be credited to me by both 
parties in common, since it restores Zeno to the 
Alexandrians and Alexandria to you. 

To an Official 4 

. -7 is it not right to pay to human beings 
this respect that we feel for things made of wood ?3 
For let us suppose that a man who has obtained the 
office of priest is perhaps unworthy of it. Ought 
we not to show forbearance until we have actually 
decided that he is wicked, and only then by ex- 
cluding him from his official functions show that it 
was the overhasty bestowal of the title of “ priest”’ 
that was subject to punishment by obloquy and 
chastisement and a fine? If you do not know this 
you are not likely to have any proper sense at all of 
what is fitting. What experience can you have of 
the rights of men in general if you do not know the 
difference between a priest and a layman? And 
what sort of self-control can you have when you 
maltreated one at whose approach you ought to 
have risen from your seat? For this is the most 

_ 8 ὦ. 6. images of the gods. In Vol. 2, Fragment of a Letter 
297A, Julian says that we must respect priests no less than 
‘the stones of which altars are made. There are several close 
resemblances between these two pastoral letters. Reiske 
translated ξύλοις *‘ trees,” ὦ. 6. we allow them time to recover 
before cutting them down. : 

: 45 




ἁπάντων καί σοι μάλιστα μήτε πρὸς θεοὺς 
μήτε πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἔχον καλῶς. οἱ μὲν τῶν 
Γαλιλαίων ἴσως ἐπίσκοποι καὶ πρεσβύτεροι 
συγκαθίζουσί L εἰ μὴ ὃ iat be ἐμέ 
γκαθίξζουσί σοι, καὶ εἰ μὴ δημοσίᾳ! du ἐμέ, 
a ᾿ Ν \ Σ 
λάθρᾳ καὶ ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ" διὰ σὲ δὲ τέτυπται ὁ 
ε uf > \ x Ss 3 \ 4 ς ᾽ ς an 
ἱερεύς: ov yap ἂν ἦλθεν ἐπὶ ταύτην ὁ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν 
> \ \ / \ / > > 5 / 
ἀρχιερεὺς μὰ Δία τὴν δέησιν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδή σοι 
/ / ᾿, ΨΕ 7 a na U 
πέφηνε μυθώδη τὰ Tap Opunpe, τῶν τοῦ Διδυμαίου 
δεσπότου χρησμῶν ἐπάκουσον, εἴ σοι φανείη 
πάλαι μὲν ἔργῳ νουθετήσας καλῶς τοὺς “λληνας, 
ὕστερον δὲ τοὺς οὐ cwdppovodvtas διδάσκων τοῖς 
λογοις" ᾿ 

[ 5" > a > 4 , 

Οσσοι ἐς ἀρητῆρας ἀτασθαλίῃσι νόοιο 
᾿Αθανάτων ῥέζουσ᾽ ἀποφώλια, καὶ γεράεσσιν 
᾿Αντία βουλεύουσιν ἀδεισιθέοισι λογισμοῖς, 
Οὐκέθ᾽ ὅλην βιότοιο διεκπερόωσιν ἀταρπόν, 
/ a 
“Ὅσσοι περ μακάρεσσιν ἐλωβήσαντο θεοῖσιν 
ὯΩν κεῖνοι θεόσεπτον ἕλον θεραπηΐδα τιμήν. 

e \ ᾿ Ν > \ / »O\ \ ig / 
ὁ μὲν οὖν θεὸς ov τοὺς τύπτοντας οὐδὲ τοὺς ὑβρίζ- 
οντας, ἀλλὰ TOUS ἀποστεροῦντας τῶν τιμῶν εἶναι 
/3 θ Ὁ > θ 4 ‘ ς δὲ / e / ΓΝ 
φησί θεοῖς ἐχθρούς" ὁ δὲ τυπτήσας ἱερόσυλος ἂν 
εἴη. ἐγὼ τοίνυν, ἐπειδήπερ εἰμὶ KATA μὲν τὰ πάτρια 
μέγας ἀρχιερεύς, ἔλαχον δὲ νῦν καὶ τοῦ Διδυμαίου 
/ a / 
προφητεύειν, ἀπαγορεύω σοι τρεῖς περιόδους σε- 

1 δημοσίᾳ Cobet, δημοσίως Hertlein, MSS. 
2 οὐ Cobet adds. 
% For the lacuna after εἶναι Spanheim suggests φησί. 



disgraceful thing of all, and for it in the eyes of 
gods and men alike you are peculiarly to blame. 
Perhaps the bishops and elders of the Galilaeans sit 
with you, though not in public because of me, yet 
secretly and in the house; and the priest has actually 
been beaten by your order, for otherwise your high- 
priest would not, by Zeus, have come to make this 
appeal. But since what happened in Homer! seems 
to you merely mythical, listen to the oracular words 
of the Lord of Didymus,? that you may see clearly 
that, even as in bygone days he nobly exhorted the 
Hellenes in very deed, so too in later times he 
admonished the intemperate in these words : ‘* Who- 
soever with reckless mind works wickedness against 
the priests of the deathless gods and plots against 
their honours with plans that fear not the gods, 
never shall he travel life’s path to the end, seeing 
that he has sinned against the blessed gods whose 
honour and holy service those priests have in charge.” 
Thus, then, the god declares that those who even 
deprive priests of their honours are detested by the 
gods, not to mention those who beat and insult 
them! But a man who strikes a priest has com- 
mitted sacrilege. Wherefore, since by the laws of 
our fathers I am supreme pontiff, and moreover have 
but now received the function of prophecy from the 
god of Didymus,’ I forbid you for three revolutions 

1 Probably Julian refers to the wrong done to the priest 
Chryses which was avenged by Apollo in liad 1. 

2 Apollo. For this oracle cf. Vol. 2, Fragment of a Letter 
297cp, where it is also quoted. 

8 The oracle of the Didymaean Apollo was at Didyma, 
Miletus, where an inscription on a column in honour of 
Julian has been discovered; cf. Bulletin de correspondance 
hellénique, 1877. 



λήνης μὴ τοι τῶν εἰς ἱερέα μηδὲν ἐνοχλεῖν" εἰ δὲ 
ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ φανείης ἄξιος, ἐ ἐπιστείλαντός 
μοι τοῦ τῆς πόλεως ἀρχιερέως, εἰ παραδεκτὸς 
εἴης ἡμῖν, ἐσαῦθις μετὰ τῶν θεῶν βουλεύσομαι. 
ταύτην ἐγώ σοι τῆς προπετείας ἐπιτίθημι ζημίαν. 
τὰς δὲ ἐκ τῶν θεῶν ἀρὰς πάλαι μὲν εἰώθεσαν οἱ 
παλαιοὶ λέγειν καὶ γράφειν, οὐ μὴν ἔμοιγε φαί- 
νεται καλῶς ἐ ἔχειν' οὐδαμοῦ “γὰρ αὐτοὶ πεποιηκότες 
οἱ θεοὶ φαίνονται. καὶ ἄχλως εὐχῶν εἶναι δεῖ 
διακόνους ἡμᾶς. ὅθεν οἶμαι καὶ συνεύχομαί σοι 
πολλὰ λιπαρήσαντι τοὺς θεοὺς ἀδείας TUE ὧν 


1Πηγάσιον ἡ ἡμεῖς οὔποτ᾽ ἂν προσήκαμεν ῥᾳδίως, 
εἰ μὴ σαφώς ἐπεπείσμεθα, ὃ ὅτι καὶ πρότερον εἶναι 
δοκῶν τῶν Γαλιλαίων ἐπίσκοπος ἠπίστατο σέ- 
βεσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν τοὺς θεούς. οὐκ ἀκοὴν ἐγώ σοι 
ταῦτα ἀπαγγέλλω τῶν πρὸς ἔχθραν καὶ φιλίαν 
λέγειν εἰωθότων, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἐμοὶ πάνυ διετεθρύλητο 
τὰ τοιαῦτα περὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ναὶ μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς 
ὦμην οὕτω χρῆναι μισεῖν αὐτὸν ὡς οὐδένα τῶν 
πονηροτάτων. ἐπεὶ δὲ κληθεὶς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον 

1 Hertlein 78; first published from Huarleianus 5610 by 
Henning in Hermes, 1875. The title is lost. 

1 We do not know the name of this city and cannot identify 
the official who is in disgrace. 



of the moon to meddle in anything that concerns a 
priest. But if during this period you appear to be 
worthy, and the high-priest of the city + so writes to 
me, I will thereupon take counsel with the gods 
whether you may be received by us once more. 
This is the penalty that I award for your rash con- 
duct. As for curses from the gods, men of old in 
days of old used to utter them and write them, but 
I do not think that this was well done; for there 
is no evidence at all that the gods themselves devised 
those curses. And besides, we ought to be the 
ministers of prayers, not curses. Therefore I believe 
and join my prayers to yours that after earnest 
supplication to the gods you may obtain pardon for 
your errors. 

To a Priest 2 

I sHoutp never have favoured Pegasius unhesi- 
tatingly if I had not had clear proofs that even in 
former days, when he had the title of Bishop of the 
Galilaeans, he was wise enough to revere and honour 
the gods. This I do not report to you on hearsay 
from men whose words are always adapted to their 
personal dislikes and friendships, for much current 
gossip of this sort about him has reached me, and 
the gods know that I once thought I ought to detest 
him above all other depraved persons.? But when I 

_ ® Asmus is positive that this is the high-priest Theodorus, 
but there is no evidence for this. He dates the letter from 
Constantinople early in 362. Pegasius is otherwise unknown. 

Ὁ ὦ, 6, Christians, whom Julian often calls πονηροί, * de- 


362 or 
in δύ 


\ A 
ὑπὸ τοῦ μακαρίτου Κωνσταντίου ταύτην ἐπο- 
, \ ε 4 ᾽ \ na / 5, , 
ρευόμην τὴν ὁδόν, ἀπὸ τῆς Τρῳάδος ὄρθρου βαθέος 
ὃ \ rE >] Ν “CX \ ‘A 
ιαναστὰς ἦλθον eis τὸ Ἴλιον περὶ πλήθουσαν 
? , ς δὲ e 4 , 1 \ f \ 
ἀγοράν. ὁ δὲ ὑπήντησέ μοι 1 Kat βουλομένῳ τὴν 
πόλιν ἱστορεῖν---ἣν γάρ μοι τοῦτο πρόσχημα τοῦ 
aA > \ 
φοιτᾶν εἰς τὰ ἱερά---περιηγητής τε ἐγένετο Kal 
᾿ “ a ’ 
ἐξενάγηὴσέ με πανταχοῦ. ἄκουε τοίνυν ἔργα καὶ 
, > ΜυΊΦ Υ > , > » / 
λόγους, ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἄν τις εἰκάσειεν οὐκ ἀγνώμονα TA 
πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς αὐτόν. 
¢ afl 3 ¢/ “ n a 
Hp@ov ἐστιν “Exropos, ὅπου χαλκοῦς ἕστηκεν 
\ of a 
ἀνδριὰς ἐν ναΐσκῳ βραχεῖ. τούτῳ τὸν μέγαν 
. / 3 / 5.) \ Ὁ > \ 
ἀντέστησαν ᾿Αχιλλέα κατὰ τὸ ὕπαιθρον. εἰ τὸν 
/ 20 / / ὃ / θ ἃ / \ 
τόπον ἐθεάσω, γνωρίζεις δήπουθεν ὃ λέγω. τὴν 
\ 9 e , > A ς , ᾽ \ ει 
μὲν οὖν ἱστορίαν, δι᾿ ἣν ὁ μέγας ᾿Αχιλλεὺς ἀντι- 
τεταγμένος αὐτῷ πᾶν τὸ ὕπαιθρον κατείληφεν, 
ἔξεστί σοι τῶν περιηγητῶν ἀκούειν. ἐγὼ δὲ 
Ν 3 / 54 a / 7 
καταλαβὼν ἐμπύρους ἔτι, μικροῦ δέω φάναι 
λαμπροὺς ἔτι τοὺς βωμοὺς καὶ λιπαρῶς ἀληλιμ- 
μένην τὴν τοῦ “Exropos εἰκόνα, πρὸς Ἰ]ηγάσιον 
ἀπιδὼν ‘Ti ταῦτα"; εἶπον, ““᾿Ιλιεῖς θύουσιν; 
, / n 
ἀποπειρώμενος ἠρέμα, πῶς ἔχει γνώμης: ὁ δὲ 
“Kal τί τοῦτο ἄτοπον, ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν ἑαυτῶν 
/ [χά a ” yf \ 
πολίτην, ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς, ἔφη, “τοὺς μάρτυρας, εἰ 
’ \ 
θεραπεύουσιν᾽᾽᾽; ἡ μὲν οὗν εἰκὼν οὐχ ὑγιής" ἡ δὲ 
/ " al 
προαίρεσις ἐν ἐκείνοις ἐξεταζομένη τοῖς καιροῖς 
> , 7 ON \ \ A “ , ” 
ἀστεία. τί δὴ TO μετὰ τοῦτο; “Βαδίσωμεν, 


ἔφην, “ἐπὶ τὸ τῆς ᾿Ιλιάδος ᾿Αθηνᾶς τέμενος." 

1 μοι Hertlein would add. 


was summoned! to his headquarters by Constantius 
of blessed memory I was travelling by this route, 
and after rising at early dawn I came from Troas 
to Ilios about the middle of the morning. Pegasius 
came to meet me, as I wished to explore the city,— 
this was my excuse for visiting the temples,—and 
he was my guide and showed me all the sights. So 
now let me tell you what he did and said, and from 
it one may guess that he was not lacking in right 
sentiments towards the gods. 

Hector has a hero’s shrine there and his bronze 
statue stands in a tiny little temple. Opposite this 
they have set up a figure of the great Achilles in the 
unroofed court. If you have seen the spot you will 
certainly recognise my description of it. You can 
learn from the guides the story that accounts for the 
fact that great Achilles was set up opposite to him 
and takes up the whole of the unroofed court. Now I 
found that the altars were still alight, 1 might almost 
say still blazing, and that the statue of Hector had 
been anointed till it shone. So I looked at Pegasius 
and said: “ What does this mean? Do the people 
of Ilios offer sacrifices?” This was to test him 
cautiously to find out his own views. He replied: 
“Ts it not natural that they should worship a brave 
man who was their own citizen, just as we worship 
the martyrs?” Now the analogy was far from 
sound; but his point of view and intentions were 
those of a man of culture, if you consider the times 
in which we then lived. Observe what followed. 
“Let us go,” said he, “to the shrine of Athene of 

1 In the winter of 354, when he was on his way from 
Nicomedia to the court at Milan, after the death of Gallus ; 
first he came to Alexandria Troas, and then to New Ilios. 



ς \ \ 7 4 3 7 , \ b / 
ὁ δὲ καὶ μάλα προθύμως ἀπήγαγέ με Kal ἀνέῳξε 
Ν ὔ 
τὸν νεών, καὶ ὥσπερ μαρτυρόμενος ἐπέδειξέ μοι 
; a lal » 
᾿πάντα ἀκριβῶς σῶα τὰ ἀγάλματα, καὶ ἔπραξεν 
οὐδὲν ὧν εἰώθασιν οἱ δυσσεβεῖς ἐκεῖνοι πράττειν, 
an “ fal \ “4 
ἐπὶ τοῦ μετώπου τοῦ δυσσεβοῦς TO ὑπόμνημα 
: ΄΄ο Ψ lal 
σκιωγραφοῦντες, οὐδὲ ἐσύριττεν, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι, 
’ » 
αὐτὸς καθ᾽ ἑαυτόν ἡ γὰρ ἄκρα θεολογία παρ 
- ᾽ an \ \ 
αὐτοῖς ἐστι δύο ταῦτα, συρίττειν τε πρὸς τοὺς 
, an fa! , \ 
δαίμονας καὶ σκιαγραφεῖν ἐπὶ τοῦ μετώπου τὸν 
a an , 
Avo ταῦτα ἐπηγγειλάμην. εἰπεῖν σοι" τρίτον 
\ n n a 
δὲ ἐλθὸν ἐπὶ νοῦν οὐκ οἶμαι χρῆναι σιωπᾶν. 
> / / \ \ Kec? , e > / 
ἠκολούθησέ μοι καὶ πρὸς TO Αχίλλειον ὁ αὐτὸς, 
\ > / \ /, “Ὁ » / \ 
καὶ ἀπέδειξε τὸν τάφον σῶον" ἐπεπύσμην δὲ Kal 
A ee 25 > a 7 ς \ \ / 
τοῦτον ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διεσκάφθαι. ὁ δὲ Kal μάλα 
A a 3 “ 
σεβόμενος αὐτῷ προσήει. ταῦτα εἶδον αὐτός. 
lal A lal \ 
ἀκήκοα δὲ παρὰ τῶν viv ἐχθρῶς ἐχόντων πρὸς 
αὐτόν, ὅτι Kal προσεύχοιτο λάθρᾳ καὶ προσκυνοίη 
τὸν “ἥλιον. apa οὐκ ἂν ἐδέξω με καὶ ἰδιώτην 
an n / 
μαρτυροῦντα; Ths περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς διαθέσεως 
ἑκάστου τίνες ἂν εἶεν ἀξιοπιστότεροι μάρτυρες 
αὐτῶν τῶν θεῶν; ἡμεῖς ἂν ἱερέα ἸΠηγάσιον 
a a \ 
ἐποιοῦμεν, εἰ συνεγνώκειμεν αὐτῷ TL περὶ τοὺς 
a , 
θεοὺς δυσσεβές; εἰ δὲ ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς χρόνοις 
Yj ’ > / a 
εἴτε δυναστείας ὀρεγόμενος, εἴθ᾽, ὅπερ πρὸς ἡμᾶς 
” / ς \ a a “ fal \ “ 
ἐφη πολλάκις, ὑπὲρ τοῦ σῶσαι τῶν θεῶν τὰ ἕδη 
\ fal 
τὰ ῥάκια ταῦτα περιαμπέσχετο᾽ καὶ τὴν ἀσέβειαν 

1 repinunioxeto? Hertlein. 



llios.” Thereupon with the greatest eagerness he 
led me there and opened the temple, and as though 
he were producing evidence he showed me all the 
statues in perfect preservation, nor did he behave 
at all as those impious men do usually, I mean when 
they make the sign on their impious foreheads, nor 
did he hiss! to himself as they do. For these two 
things are the quintessence of their theology, to hiss 
at demons and make the sign of the cross on their 

These are the two things that I promised to tell 
you. But a third occurs to me which I think I 
must not fail to mention. This same Pegasius went 
with me to the temple of Achilles as well and 
showed me the tomb in good repair; yet I had been 
informed that this also had been pulled to pieces 
byhim. But he approached it with great reverence ; 
I saw this with my own eyes. And I have heard 
from those who are now his enemies that he also 
used to offer prayers to Helios and worship him 
in secret. Would you not have accepted me as 
a witness even if I had been merely a private 
citizen? Of each man’s attitude towards the gods 
who could be more trustworthy witnesses than the 
gods themselves? Should I have appointed Pegasius 
a priest if I had any evidence of impiety towards 
the gods on his part? And if in those past days, 
whether because he was ambitious for power, or, as 
he has often asserted to me, he clad himself in those 
‘rags in order to save the temples of the gods, and 
only pretended to be irreligious so far as the name 

1 Dieterich, Mithrasliturgic, pp. 40, 221, discusses the 
practice in magic, and especially in the ritual of Mithras, 
of hissing and whistling. 




μέχρις ὀνόματος Uirexpivato: πέφηνε yap οὐδὲν 
οὐδαμοῦ τῶν ἱερῶν ἠδικηκὼς πλὴν ὀλίγων παντά- 
πασι λίθων ἐκ καλύμματος, ἵνα αὐτῷ σώζειν 
ἐξῇ τὰ λοιπά τοῦτο ἐν λόγῳ ποιούμεθα καὶ 
οὐκ αἰσχυνόμεθα ταῦτα περὶ αὐτὸν πράττοντες 
ὅσαπερ ᾿Αφόβιος ἐποίει καὶ οἱ Γαλιλαῖοι πάντες 
προσεύχονται. πάσχοντα ἰδεῖν αὐτόν; εἴ τί μοι 
προσέχεις, οὐ τοῦτον μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς 
ἄλλους, of μετατέθεινται, τιμήσεις, ἵν᾽ οἱ μὲν 
ῥᾷον ὑπακούσωσιν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τὰ καλὰ προ- 
καλουμένοις, οἱ δ᾽ ἧττον yaipwow. εἰ δὲ τοὺς 
αὐτομάτους ἰόντας ἀπελαύνοιμεν, οὐδεὶς ὑπακού- 
σεται ῥᾳδίως παρακαλοῦσιν. 

>] 4, - 
Ἰουλιανὸς Θεοδώρῳ ἀρχιερεῖ." 

Ἐμοὶ πρὸς σὲ πεποίηται παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους 
ἰδιαίτερον ἐπιστολῆς εἶδος, ὅτε σοι καὶ πλέον 
μέτεστι τῆς πρὸς ἐμὲ φιλίας ἤπερ οἶμαι τοῖς ἄλ- 
λοις" ἔστι γὰρ ἡμῖν ὁ κοινὸς καθηγεμὼν οὐ μικρά, 
καὶ μέμνησαι δήπου. χρόνος δὲ οὐ βραχὺς ὅτε 
διατρίβων ἔτι κατὰ τὴν ἑσπέραν, ἐπειδή σε λίαν 
ἀρέσκειν ἐπυθόμην αὐτῷ, φίλον ἐνόμισα" καίτοι 
δοκεῖν ὃ ἔχον ἐκεῖνο καλῶς εἴωθεν ἐμοὶ διὰ περιτ- 
τὴν εὐλάβειαν τὸ οὐ γὰρ ἔγωγε ἤντησ᾽ οὐδὲ ἴδον, καὶ 

1 For καταλύματος MSS. Hertlein suggests καλύμματος. 

* Hertlein 63. Before Θεοδώρῳ Hertlein, following Heyler, 

brackets Kaloap the reading of Vossianus. 
3 δοκεῖν so Capps for a lacuna here ; Spanheim συμβαίνειν. 

1 See Introduction. Those who date this letter early in 
363, following Reiske, regard it as part of the Letter to a 
Priest, Vol. 2, written after the burning of the temple of 



of the thing went—indeed it is clear that he never 
injured any temple anywhere except for what 
amounted to a few stones, and that was as a blind, 
that he might be able to save the rest—well then 
we are taking this into account and are we not 
ashamed to behave to him as Aphobius did, and as 
the Galilaeans all pray to see him treated? If you 
care at all for my wishes you will honour not him 
only but any others who are converted, in order 
that they may the more readily heed me when I 
summon them to good works, and those others may 
have less cause to rejoice. But if we drive away 
those who come to us of their own free will, no one 
will be ready to heed when we summon. 

To the High-priest Theodorus ἷ 

I HAVE written you a more familiar sort of letter 

than to the others, because you, I believe, have ya 

more friendly feelings than others towards me. For 
it means much that we had the same guide,? and I 
am sure you remember him. A long time ago, when 
I was still living in the west,? I learned that he 
had the highest regard for you, and for that reason 
I counted you my friend, and yet because of their 
excessive caution, I have usually thought these 
words well said, 

“For I never met or saw him” ;4 

Apollo at Daphne in October 362. It seems more likely that 
that fragment contains the general instructions for priests 
promised by Julian in this letter. 

* Maximus of Ephesus, who had initiated Julian and 
perhaps Theodorus also into the Mysteries of Mithras. 

3 2,6. in Gaul. 4 Tliad 4. 374; Odyssey 4. 200. 




καλῶς 1 ἡγεῖσθαι χρὴ φιλίας μὲν γνῶσιν, γνώσεως 
δὲ πεῖραν. ἀλλ᾽ ἣν τις, ὡς ἔοικεν, οὐκ ἐλάχιστος 
παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ λόγος καὶ τοῦ Αὐτὸς ἔφα. διόπερ ἐγὼ 
καὶ τότε σε τοῖς γνωρίμοις ὦμην δεῖν ἐγκαταλέγειν, 
καὶ νῦν ἐπιτρέπω πρᾶγμα ἐμοὶ μὲν φίλον, ἀνθρώ- 
ποις δὲ πᾶσι πανταχοῦ λυσιτελέστατον. σὺ δὲ 
εἰ καλῶς, ὥσπερ οὖν ἄξιον ἐλπίζειν, αὐτὸ μετα- 
χειρίσαιο, ἴσθι πολλὴν μὲν εὐφροσύνην ἐνταῦθα 
παρέξων, ἐλπίδα δὲ ἀγαθὴν ᾿μείξονα τὴν εἰς τὸ 
μέλλον. οὐ γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐσμεν τῶν πεπει- 
σμένων τὰς ψυχὰς ἤτοι προαπόλλυσθαι τῶν σω- 
μάτων ἢ συναπόλλυσθαι, πειθόμεθα δὲ τῶν μὲν 
ἀνθρώπων οὐδενί, τοῖς θεοῖς δὲ μόνον, ods δὴ καὶ 
μάλιστα. ταῦτα εἰκὸς εἰδέναι μόνους, εἴ γε χρὴ 
καλεῖν εἰκὸς τὸ ἀναγκαῖον" ὡς τοῖς μὲν ἀνθρώποις 
ἁρμόξει περὶ τῶν τοιούτων εἰκάζειν, ἐπίστασθαι 
δὲ αὐτὰ τοὺς θεοὺς a ἀνάγκη. 

Τί τοῦτο οὖν ἐστιν ὅ φημί σοι νῦν ἐπιτρέπειν ; 
ἄρχειν τῶν περὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν i ἱερῶν ἁπάντων αἱρου- 
μένῳ ἢ τοὺς καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πόλιν "ἱερέας καὶ ἀπο- 
νέμοντι τὸ πρέπον ἑκάστῳ. πρέπει δὲ ἐπιείκεια 
μὲν πρῶτον ἄρχοντι χρηστότης τε ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ 
φιλανθρωπία πρὸς τοὺς ἀξίους αὐτῶν τυγχάνειν. 
ὡς ὅστις γε ἀδικεῖ μὲν ἀνθρώπους, ἀνόσιος δ᾽ ἐστὶ 
πρὸς θεούς, θρασὺς δὲ πρὸς πάντας, ἢ διδακτέος 
μετὰ παρρησίας ἐστὶν ἢ μετ ᾿ἐμβριθείας κολαστέος. 
ὅσα μὲν οὖν χρὴ κοινῇ συντάξαι περὶ τῶν ἱερέων 8 

1 καὶ καλῶς Capps; ὡς MSS., Hertlein. 

+s OUMEVW Vossianus ; ἐπισκοπουμένῳ Hertlein ; αἱρουμένῳ 

8 Hertlein, MSS. ἱερῶν, 


and well said is “ Before we love we must know, and 
before we can know we must test by experience.” 
But it seems that after all a certain other saying 
has most weight with me, namely, “ ‘The Master has 
spoken.” + That is why I thought even then that 
I ought to count you among my friends, and now I 
entrust to you a task that is dear to my heart, while 
to all men everywhere it is of the greatest benefit. 
And if, as I have the right to expect, you administer 
the office well, be assured that you will rejoice me 
greatly now and give me still greater good hope for 
the future life. For I certainly am not one of those 
who believe that the soul perishes before the body 
or along with it, nor do I believe any human being 
but only the gods; since it is likely that they alone 
have the most perfect knowledge of these matters, 
if indeed we ought to use the word “likely” of 
what is inevitably true; since it is fitting for men 
to conjecture about such matters, but the gods must 
have complete knowledge. 

What then is this office which I say.I now entrust 
to you? It is the government of all the temples in 
Asia, with power to appoint the priests in every city 
and to assign to each what is fitting. Now the 
qualities that befit one in this high office are, in the 
first place, fairness, and next, goodness and bene- 
volence towards those who deserve to be treated 
thus. For any priest who behaves unjustly to his 
fellow men and impiously towards the gods, or is 
overbearing to all, must either be admonished with 
plain speaking or chastised with great severity. As 
for the regulations which I must make more com- 
plete for the guidance of priests in general, you 

+ This Pythagorean phrase is the original of 7988 dizit. 


ἁπάντων ἐντελέστερον, αὐτίκα μάλα σὺν τοῖς ἄλ- 
λοις εἴσει, μ μικρὰ δὲ τέως ὑποθέσθαι σοι βούλομαι. 
δίκαιος δὲ εἷ πείθεσθαί μοι τὰ τοιαῦτα. καὶ γὰρ 
οὐδὲ ἀποσχεδιάζω τὰ πολλὰ τῶν τοιούτων, ὡς 
ἴσασιν οἱ θεοὶ πάντες, ἀλλά, εἴπερ τις ἄλλος, 
εὐλαβής εἰμι καὶ φεύγω τὴν καινοτομίαν ἐν ἅπασι 
μέν, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ ἐν τοῖς πρὸς τοὺς 
θεούς, οἰόμενος ,»χρῆναι. τοὺς πατρίους ἐξ ἀρχῆς 
φυλάττεσθαι νόμους, οὺς ὅτι μὲν ἔδοσαν οἱ θεοί, 
φανερόν' οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἦσαν οὕτω καλοὶ παρὰ ἀνθρώ- 
πων ἁπλῶς γενόμενοι. συμβὰν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἀμε- 
ληθῆναι καὶ διαφθαρῆναι πλούτου καὶ τρυφῆς 
ἐπικρατησάντων, οἶμαι δεῖν ὥ ὥσπερ ἀφ᾽ ἑστίας ἐπι- 
μεληθῆναι τῶν τοιούτων. ὁρῶν οὖν πολλὴν μὲν 
ὀλυγωρίαν οὖσαν ἡμῖν πρὸς τοὺς θεούς, ἅπασαν 
δὲ εὐλάβειαν τὴν εἰς τοὺς xpetrrovas ἀπεληλα- 
μένην ὑπὸ τῆς ἀκαθάρτου καὶ ὶ χυδαίας 1 τρυφῆς, ἀεὶ 
μὲν ὠδυράμην eye κατ᾽ ἐμαυτὸν τὰ τοιαῦτα, τοὺς 
μὲν TH ᾿Τουδαίων 5 εὐσεβείας σχολῇ προσέχοντας 
οὕτω διαπύρους, ὡς αἱρεῖσθαι μὲν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς 
θάνατον, ἀνέχεσθαι δὲ πᾶσαν ἔνδειαν καὶ λεμόν, 
ὑείων ὅπως μὴ γεύσαιντο μηδὲ πνικτοῦ 3 μηδ᾽ ἄρα 
τοῦ ἀποθλιβέντος" ἡμᾶς δὲ οὕτω ῥᾳθύμως τὰ 
πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς διακειμένους, ὥστε ἐπιλελῆσθαι 
μὲν τῶν πατρίων, ἀγνοεῖν δὲ λοιπόν, εἰ καὶ ἐτάχθη 

1 καὶ χυδαίας Hertlein suggests for lacuna ; ταύτης Cobet. 
2 τῇ Ἰουδαίων Hertlein suggests for lacuna. MEV... We 
3... . τοῦ MS. πνικτοῦ Spanheim. 

1 Literally ‘‘from the hearth,” 7.e. from their origin, a 

* For Julian’s tolerant attitude to the Jewish religion, ef. 
To the Jews, p. 177. 



as well as the others will soon learn them from 
me, but meanwhile I wish to make a few sugges- 
tions to you. You have good obey me 
in such matters. Indeed in such a case I very 
seldom act offhand, as all the gods know, and 
no one could be more circumspect; and I avoid 
innovations in all things, so to speak, but more 
peculiarly in what concerns the gods. For I hold 
that we ought to observe the laws that we have 
inherited from our forefathers, since it is evident 
that the gods gave them to us. For they would not 
be as perfect as they are if they had been derived 
from mere men. Now since it has come to pass that 
they have been neglected and corrupted, and wealth 
and luxury have become supreme, I think that I 
ought to consider them carefully as though from 
their cradle.t Therefore, when I saw that there is 
among us great indifference about the gods and that 
all reverence for the heavenly powers has been 
driven out by impure and vulgar luxury, I always 
secretly lamented this state of things. For I saw 
that those whose minds were turned to the doctrines 
of the Jewish religion? are so ardent in their belief \, 
that they would choose to die for it, and to endure 
utter want and starvation rather than taste pork or 
any animal that has been strangled 8 or had the life “ 
squeezed out of it; whereas we are in such a state 
of apathy about religious matters that we have for- 
gotten the customs of our forefathers, and therefore 
we actually do not know whether any such rule has 

8 This is not directly prohibited in the Old Testament, but 
ef. Deuteronomy 12. 23, where it is implied; and, for the 
New Testament, Acts 15, 29 ‘‘That ye abstain from things 





πώποτέ TL τοιοῦτον. ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοι μὲν ἐν μέρει 
θεοσεβεῖς ὄντες, ἐπείπερ θεὸν! τιμῶσι τὸν ws? 
ἀχηθῶς ὄντα δυνατώτατον καὶ ἀγαθώτατον, ὃς 
ἐπιτροπεύει τὸν αἰσθητὸν κόσμον, ὃν εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι 
καὶ ἡμεῖς ἄλλοις θεραπεύομεν ὀνόμασιν, εἰκότα 
μοι δοκοῦσι ποιεῖν, τοὺς νόμους μὴ παραβαίνοντες, 
ἐκεῖνο δὲ 8 μόνον ἁμαρτάνειν, ὅτε μὴ καὶ τοὺς 
ἄλλους θεοὺς, ἀρέσκοντες τούτῳ μάλιστα τῷ θεῷ, 
θεραπεύουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡμῖν οἴονται τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἀπο- 
κεκληρῶσθαι μόνοις αὐτούς, ἀλαζονείᾳ βαρβαρικῇ 

| πρὸς ταυτηνὶ τὴν ἀπόνοιαν ἐπαρθέντες" οἱ δὲ ἐκ 

τῆς Γαλιλαίας * δυσσεβείας ὥσπερ τι νόσημα τῷ. 
βίῳ τὴν ἑαυτῶν... .. 


Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ ᾿Ιουλιανὸς Μέγιστος 
Σεβαστὸς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων τῷ δήμῳ 

Ei μὴ TOV ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν "οἰκιστὴν ὑμῶν καὶ 
πρό γε τούτου τὸν θεὸν τὸν μέγαν τὸν ἁγιώτατον 
Σάραπιν. αἰδεῖσθε, τοῦ κοινοῦ γοῦν ὑμᾶς καὶ ἀνθρω- 
πίνου καὶ πρέποντος πῶς οὐκ εἰσῆλθε λόγος οὐδείς; 
προσθήσω δὲ ὅτι" καὶ ἡμῶν, ods οἱ θεοὶ πάντες, ἐν 

1 θεὸν Cobet suggests, ὃν MSS. 

2 tov ws Cobet suggests τιμῶσι. . . ἀλλ᾽ MSS. οὐ νεκρὸν 
ἀλλ᾽ Heyler suggests. 
3 δὲ Reiske adds. 4 Ταλιλαίων Hercher. 

5 Hertlein 10, Asmus thinks that before Μέγιστος the 
word ’Apxiepeds, ““ high priest,” has fallen out; cf. Vol. 2, 
Fragment of a Letter, 298 Ὁ. The phrase would then mean 
‘** Pontifex Maximus.” 

ὁ Hertlein suggests ἔτι. 



ever been prescribed. But these Jews are in pa 
god-fearing, seeing that they revere a god who is 
truly most powerful and most good and governs this 
world of sense, and, as I well know, is worshipped by 
us also under other names. They act as is right and 
seemly, in my opinion, if they do not transgress the 
laws; but in this one thing they err in that, while 
reserving their deepest devotion for their own god, 
they do not conciliate the other gods also; but the 
other gods they think have been allotted to us 
Gentiles only, to such a pitch of folly have they 
been brought by their barbaric conceit. But those 
who belong to the impious sect of the Galilaeans, 
as if some disease . . .? 


The Emperor Julian Caesar, most Mighty Augustus, 
to the People of Alexandria ὃ 

Ir you de not revere the memory of Alexander, 
your founder, and yet more than him the great god, 
the most holy Serapis, how is it that you took no 
thought at least for the welfare of your community, 
for humanity, for decency? Furthermore, I will add 
that you took no thought for me either, though all 

1 Cf. Against the Galilaeans 3548, where Julian says that 
he always worships the God of Abraham, who is gracious to 
those that do him reverence μέγας τε Sv πάνυ καὶ δυνατός, 
‘‘for he is very great and powerful.” 

2 The conclusion of the sentence is lost, and was probably 
deleted by a Christian because of some disrespectful reference 
to Christ. 

8 Quoted entire by Socrates, History of the Church 3. 3; 
cited by Sozomen, 5. 7. 9; for the murder of Bishop George 
to which it refers, see Introduction, under Athanasius. 





πρώτοις δὲ ὁ μέγας Σάραπις ἄρχειν ἐδικαίωσαν 
τῆς οἰκουμένης" οἷς πρέπον ἣν τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἦδι- 
κηκότων ὑμᾶς φυλάξαι διάγνωσιν. ἀλλ᾽ ὀργὴ 
τυχὸν ἴσως ὑμᾶς ἐξηπάτησε καὶ θυμός, ὅ ὅσπερ οὖν 
εἴωθε “ τὰ δεινὰ πράττειν, τὰς φρένας μετοικίσας,᾽ 

οἱ τὰ τῆς ὁρμῆς ἀναστείλαντες τοῖς παραχρῆμα 
βεβουλευμένοις καλῶς ὕστερον ἐπηγάγετε τὴν 
παρανομίαν, οὐδὲ ἢσχύνθητε δῆμος ὄντες τολμῆ- 
σαι ταὐτά, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐκείνους ἐμισήσατε δικαίως. 
εἴπατε γάρ μοι πρὸς τοῦ Σαράπιδος, ὑπὲρ ποίων 
ἀδικημάτων ἐχαλεπήνατε Γεωργίῳ ; τὸν μακαρί- 
την Κωνστάντιον, ἐ ἐρεῖτε δήπουθεν, ὅ ὅτι καθ᾽ ὑμῶν 
παρώξυνεν, εἶτα εἰσήγαγεν εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν 
στρατόπεδον, καὶ κατέλαβεν ὁ στρατηγὸς τῆς 
Αἰγύπτου τὸ ἁγιώτατον τοῦ θεοῦ τέμενος, ἀποσυ- 
λήσας ἐκεῖθεν εἰκόνας καὶ ἀναθήματα καὶ τὸν ἐν. 
τοῖς ἱεροῖς κόσμον. ὑμῶν δὲ ἀγανακτούντων εἰκό- 
TOS καὶ πειρωμένων ἀμύνειν τῷ θεῷ, μᾶλλον δὲ 
τοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ κτήμασιν, ὁ δὲ ἐτόλμησεν ὑμῖν 
ἐπιπέμψαι τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἀδίκως καὶ “παρανόμως 
καὶ ἀσεβῶς, ἴσως Γεώργιον μᾶλλον ἢ ἢ τὸν Κωνστάν- 
τιον δεδοικώς, ὃ ὃς αὐτὸν παρεφύλαττεν, εἰ μετριώ- 
τερον ὑμῖν καὶ πολιτικώτερον, ἀλλὰ μὴ τυραννι- 
κώτερον πόρρωθεν προσφέροιτο. τούτων οὖν 
ἕνεκεν ὀργιζόμενοι τῷ θεοῖς ἐχθρῷ Γεωργίῳ τὴν 

1 οἱ τὰ Hertlein suggests ; εἰ τὰ Heyler; εἶτα MSS. 
2 Cobet ; μακαριώτατον MSS., Hertlein. 

1 Plutarch, On the Restraint of Anger 453; quoted from 
Melanthius the tragic poet; frag. 1, Nauck. ‘This is the 
only extant fragment of Melanthius and is often quoted. 

2 Artemius, military prefect of Egypt; he was executed 



the gods, and, above all, the great Serapis, judged it 
right that I should rule over the world. The proper 
course was for you to reserve for me the decision 
concerning the offenders. But perhaps your anger 
and rage led you astray, since it often “‘ turns reason 
out of doors and then does terrible things” 1; for 
after you had restrained your original impulse, you 
later introduced lawlessness to mar the wise resolu- 
tions which you had at the first adopted, and were 
not ashamed, as a community, to commit the same 
rash acts as those for which you rightly detested 
your adversaries. For tell me, in the name of 
Serapis, what were the crimes for which you were 
incensed against George? You will doubtless 
answer: He exasperated against you Constantius 
of blessed memory; then he brought an army into 
the holy city, and the general? in command of 
Egypt seized the most sacred shrine of the god and 
stripped it of its statues and offerings and of all the 
ornaments in the temples. And when you were 
justly provoked and tried to succour the god, or 
rather the treasures of the god,? Artemius dared to 
send his soldiers against you, unjustly, illegally and 
impiously, perhaps because he was more afraid of 
George than of Constantius; for the former was 
keeping a close watch on him to prevent his behaving 
to you too moderately and constitutionally, but not 
to prevent his acting far more like a tyrant. Accord- 
ingly you will say it was because you were angered 
for these reasons against George, the enemy of the 
by Julian at the request of the Alexandrians, in the summer 
of 362; Ammianus 22, 11. 

3 Serapis; the Serapeum according to Ammianus 22. 16, 

was, next to the Capitol at Rome, the most splendid temple 
in the world. For this incident see Sozomen 4. 30. 9, 



ἱερὰν αὖθις ἐμιάνατε πόλιν, ἐξὸν ὑποβάλλειν αὐ- 
τὸν ταῖς τῶν δικαστῶν ψήφοις: οὕτω γὰρ ἐγένετο 
ἂν οὐ φόνος οὐδὲ “παρανομία τὸ πρᾶγμα, δίκη δὲ 
ἐμμελής, ὑμᾶς μὲν ἀθῴους “πάντη φυλάττουσα, 
τιμωρουμένη pied 1 τὸν ἀνίατα δυσσεβήσαντα, σω- 
φρονίξουσά δὲ 2 τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας ὅσοι τῶν 
θεῶν ὀλιγωροῦσι καὶ προσέτι τὰς τοιαύτας πόλεις 
καὶ τοὺς ἀνθοῦντας δήμους ἐ ἐν οὐδενὶ τίθενται, τῆς 
ἑαυτῶν δὲ ποιοῦνται πάρεργον δυναστείας τὴν 
κατ᾽ ἐκείνων ὠμότητα. 

Παραβάλλετε τοίνυν ταύτην μου τὴν ἐπιστο- 
λὴν ἧ μικρῷ πρῴην ἐπέστειλα, καὶ τὸ διάφορον 
κατανοήσατε. πόσους μὲν ὑμῶν ἐπαίνους ἔγρα- 
φον τότε; ; νυνὶ δὲ μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ἐθέλων ὑμᾶς 
ἐπαινεῖν οὐ δύναμαι. διὰ τὴν παρανομίαν. τολμᾷ 
δῆμος ὥσπερ οἱ κύνες λύκον ὃ ἄνθρωπον σπαράτ- 
τειν, εἶτα οὐκ αἰσχύνεται τὰς χεῖρας προσάγειν 
τοῖς θεοῖς αἵματι ῥεούσας. ἀλλὰ Peapyos ἄξιος 
ἣν τοῦ τοιαῦτα παθεῖν. καὶ τούτων ἴσως ἐγὼ 
φαίην ἂν χείρονα καὶ πικρότερα. καὶ δι᾽ ὑμᾶς, 
ἐρεῖτε. σύμφημι καὶ αὐτός" παρ᾽ ὑμῶν δὲ εἰ 
λέγοιτε, τοῦτο οὐκέτι συγχωρῶ. νόμοι γὰρ ὑμῖν 
εἰσίν, ods χρὴ τιμᾶσθαι μάλιστα μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων 
ἰδίᾳ καὶ στέργεσθαι. πλὴν ἐπειδὴ συμβαΐίνει τῶν 
καθ᾽ ἕκαστόν τινας παρανομεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὰ κοινὰ 
γοῦν εὐνομεῖσθαι χρὴ καὶ πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς νόμοις 

1 Hertlein suggests δὲ from correction in margin. 
2 Hertlein suggests re. 
3. Asmus supplies ; cf. Vol. 1, Oration 1. 4806. 

1 On the turbulence of the Alexandrians cf. Ammianus 
| 11: ἃ; 



gods, that you once more! desecrated the holy city, 
when you might have subjected him to the votes of 
the judges. For in that case the affair would not have 
resulted in murder? and lawlessness but in a lawsuit 
in due form, which would have kept you wholly free 
from guilt, while it+would have punished that 
impious man for his inexpiable crimes, and would 
have checked all others who neglect the gods, and who 
moreover lightly esteem cities like yours and flourish- 
ing communities, since they think that cruel behaviour 
towards these is a perquisite of their own power. 
Now compare this letter of mine with the one 8 that 
I wrote to you a short time ago, and mark the 
difference well. What words of praise for you did I 
write then! But now, by the gods, though I wish 
to praise you, I cannot, because you have broken the 
law. Your citizens dare to tear a human being in 
pieces as dogs tear a wolf, and then are not ashamed 
to lift to the gods those hands still dripping with 
blood! But, you will say, George deserved to be 
treated in this fashion. Granted, and I might even 
admit that he deserved even worse and more cruel 
treatment. Yes, you will say, and on your account. 
To this I too agree; but if you say by your hands, I 
no longer agree. For you have laws which ought 
by all means to be honoured and cherished by you 
all, individually. Sometimes, no doubt, it happens 
that certain persons break one or other of these 
laws; but nevertheless the state as a whole ought 
_to be well governed and you ought to obey the laws 

3 Ammianus 22. 11. 8 describes the murder by the mob 
of Bishop George and two officials of the Emperor Con- | 
stantius on December 24th, 361. 

8. This letter is not extant. 

> 65 



ὑμᾶς, καὶ μὴ παραβαίνειν ὅσαπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐνο- 
μίσθη καλῶς. Εὐτύχημα γέγονεν ὑμῖν, ἄνδρες 
᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς, ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ πλημμελῆσαι τοιοῦτό TL 
ὑμᾶς, ὃς αἰδοῖ τῇ πρὸς τὸν θεὸν καὶ διὰ τὸν θεῖον 
τὸν ἐμὸν καὶ ὁμώνυμον, ὃς ἦρξεν αὐτῆς τε Αὐγύ- 
πτου καὶ τῆς ὑμετέρας πόλεως, ἀδελφικὴν εὔνοιαν 
ὑμῖν ἀποσώζξω. τὸ γὰρ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀκαταφρόνη- 
τον καὶ τὸ ἀπηνέστερον καὶ καθαρὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς 
οὔποτε ἂν δήμου περιίδοι τόλμημα μὴ οὐ καθάπερ 
νόσημα χαλεπὸν. πικροτέρῳ διακαθῆραι φαρμάκῳ. 
προσφέρω δ᾽ ἐγὼ ὑμῖν ov ἅσπερ ἔναγχος ἔφην 
αἰτίας τὸ ,προσηνέστατον, παραίνεσιν καὶ λόγους, 
ὑφ᾽ ὧν εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι πείσεσθε “μᾶλλον, εἶπερ ἐστέ, 
καθάπερ ἀκούω, τό τε ἀρχαῖον “Ἕλληνες, καὶ τὰ 
νῦν ἔτι τῆς εὐγενείας ἐκείνης ὕπεστιν ὑμῖν ἀξιό- 
λογος καὶ γενναῖος ἐν τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύ- 

μασιν ὁ χαρακτήρ. 
ΠΡροτεθήτω τοῖς ἐμοῖς πολίταις ᾿Αλεξανδρεῦσιν. 

᾿Αρσακίῳ ἀρχιερεῖ Γαλατίας. 

Ὁ ᾿Ἑλληνισμὸς οὔπω πράττει κατὰ λόγον 
ἡμῶν ἕνεκα τῶν μετιόντων αὐτόν' τὰ γὰρ τῶν 
θεῶν λαμπρὰ καὶ μεγάλα, κρείττονα πάσης μὲν 
εὐχῆς, πάσης δὲ ἐλπίδος. ἵλεως δὲ ἔστω τοῖς 
λόγοις ἡμῶν ᾿Αδράδτεια' τὴν γὰρ ἐν ὀλίγῳ τοιαύ- 

1 Hertlein 49. This letter is quoted in full by Sozomen 
5. 16, and is not extant in any MS. of Julian. 



and not transgress those that from the beginning 
were wisely established. 

It is a fortunate thing for you, men of Alexandria, 
that this transgression of yours occurred in my reign, 
since by reason of my reverence for the god and out 
of regard for my uncle! and namesake, who governed 
the whole of Egypt and your city also, I preserve for 
you the affection of a brother. For power that would 
be respected and a really strict and unswerving govern- 
ment would never overlook an outrageous action of 
a people, but would rather purge it away by bitter 
medicine, like a serious disease. But, for the reasons 
I have just mentioned, I administer to you the very 
mildest remedy, namely admonition and arguments, 
by which I am very sure that you will be the more 
convinced if you really are, as I am told, originally 
Greeks, and even to this day there remains in your 
dispositions and habits a notable and honourable 
impress of that illustrious descent. 

Let this_be publicly proclaimed to my citizens of 
Alexandria, : 

To Arsacius, High-priest of Galatia 

Tue Hellenic religion does not yet prosper as I 
desire, and it is the fault of those who profess it; 
for the worship of the gods is on a splendid and 
magnificent scale, surpassing every prayer and every 
hope. May Adrasteia? pardon my words, for indeed 

1 Julian, Count of the East; cf. IMisopogon 365c; he had 
held some high office in Egypt, under Constantius. 

.3 The goddess ‘‘whom none may escape” is a variant of 
Nemesis, often invoked in a saving clause, cf. 70 Alypius, 

Ρ. 17 


On his 
way to 
in June? 



τὴν Kal τηλικαύτην μεταβολὴν οὐδ᾽ ἂν εὔξασθαί 
TLS ὀλίγῳ πρότερον ἐτόλμα. τί οὖν ἡμεῖς οἰόμεθα 
ταῦτα ἀρκεῖν, οὐδὲ ἀποβλέπομεν, ὡς μάλιστα τὴν 
ἀθεότητα συνηύξησεν ἡ περὶ τοὺς ξένους φιλαν- 
θρωπία καὶ ἡ περὶ τὰς ταφὰς τῶν νεκρῶν. προ- 

μήθεια καὶ ἡ πεπλασμένη σεμνότης κατὰ τὸν 
βίον ; ὧν ἕκαστον οἴομαι χρῆναι Tap ἡμῶν ἀλη- 
θῶς ἐπιτηδεύεσθαι. καὶ οὐκ ἀπόχρη τὸ σὲ μόνον 
εἶναι τοιοῦτον, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἁπαξαπλῶς ὅσοι 
περὶ τὴν Γαλατίαν εἰσὶν ἱερεῖς" ods ἢ δυσώπησον 
ἢ πεῖσον εἶναι σπουδαίους, ἢ ἢ τῆς ἱερατικῆς λει- 
τουργίας ἀποστῆσον, εἰ μὴ προσέρχοιντο μετὰ γυ- 
ναικῶν καὶ παίδων καὶ θεραπόντων τοῖς θεοῖς, 
ἀλλὰ ἀνέχοιντο τῶν οἰκετῶν ἢ υἱέων ἢ τῶν γαμε- 
τῶν ἀσεβούντων μὲν εἰς τοὺς θεούς, ἀθεότητα δὲ 
θεοσεβείας προτιμώντων. ἔπειτα παραίνεσον ἱερέα 
μήτε θεάτρῳ παραβάλλειν μήτε ἐν καπηλείῳ πί- 
νειν ἢ τέχνης τινὸς καὶ ἐργασίας αἰσχρᾶς καὶ 
ἐπονειδίστου προΐστασθαι" καὶ τοὺς μὲν πειθομέ- 
νους τίμα, τοὺς δὲ ἀπειθοῦντας ἐξώθει. ἕενοδο- 
κεῖα καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πόλιν κατάστησον πυκνά, ἵν᾽ 
ἀπολαύσωσιν οἱ ξένοι τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν φιλανθρω- 
πίας, οὐ τῶν ἡμετέρων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄλλων 
ὅστις ἂν δεηθῇ" χρημάτων. ὅθεν δὲ εὐπορήσεις, 
ἐπινενόηταί μοι τέως. ἑκάστου γὰρ ἐνιαυτοῦ τρισ- 
puptous μοδίους κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Γαλατίαν ἐκέ- 
λευσα δοθῆναι σίτου καὶ ἑξακισμυρίους οἴνου 

1 ἐνδεηθῇ Hertlein, not necessary. 

1 Julian often calls Christianity ‘‘ atheism.” 

2 In the Fragment of a Letter, Vol. 2, Julian admonishes 
priests to imitate Christian virtues, cf. especially 289-290 ; 
it is the favourite theme of his pastoral letters; for a fuller 



no one, a little while ago, would have ventured even 
to pray for a change of such a sort or so complete 
within so short a time. Why, then, do we think 
that this is enough, why do we not observe that it 
is their benevolence to strangers, their care for the 
graves of the dead and the pretended holiness of 
their lives that have done most to increase atheism ? + 
I believe that we ought really and truly to practise 
every one of these virtues.?_ And it is not enough 
for you alone to practise them, but so must all the 
priests in Galatia, without exception. Either shame_ 
or persuade them into righteousness or else remove 
them from their priestly office, if they do not, 
together with their wives, children and servants, 
attend the worship of the gods but allow their 
servants or sons or wives to show impiety towards 
the gods and honour atheism more than piety. In 
the second place, admonish them that no priest 
may enter a theatre or drink in a tavern or control 
any craft or trade that is base and not respectable. 
Honour those who obey you, but those who disobey, 
expel from office. In every city establish frequent 
hostels in order that strangers may profit by our 
benevolence; I do not mean for our own people 
only, but for others also who are in need of money. 
I have but now made a plan by which you may be 
well provided for this; for I have given directions 
that 30,000 modii of corn shall be assigned every 
year for the whole of Galatia, and 60,000 pints® of 

account of his attempt to graft Christian discipline on 
paganism, see Gregory Nazianzen, Against Julian, Oration ὃ, 
and Sozomen 5. 16. 

8 Modius, “peck,” and sextarius, ‘‘ pint,” are Latin words ; 
ef. use in the Letters of mpiBarois, privitis, BpéBia, brevic, 
σκρινίοις, scrintis. 




ξέστας" ὧν τὸ μὲν πέμπτον εἰς τοὺς πένητας τοὺς 
τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὑπηρετουμένους ἀναλίσκεσθαί φημι 
χρῆναι, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα τοῖς ξένοις καὶ τοῖς μεταιτοῦ- 
σιν ἐπινέμεσθαι παρ᾽ ἡμῶν. αἰσχρὸν γάρ, εἰ τῶν 
μὲν ᾿Ιουδαίων οὐδεὶς μεταιτεῖ, τρέφουσι δὲ οἱ 
δυσσεβεῖς Τ᾽αλιλαῖοι πρὸς τοῖς ἑαυτῶν καὶ τοὺς 
ἡμετέρους, οἱ δὲ ἡμέτεροι τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐπικου- 
ρίας ἐνδεεῖς φαίνονται. δίδασκε δὲ καὶ συνεισφέ- 
ρειν τοὺς “Ελληνιστὰς εἰς τὰς τοιαύτας λειτουργίας 
καὶ τὰς “Ελληνικὰς κώμας ἀπάρχεσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς 
τῶν καρπῶν, καὶ τοὺς ‘EXAnviKOvS ταῖς τοιαύταις 
εὐποιίαις προσέθιζε, διδάσκων αὐτούς, ὡς τοῦτο 
πάλαι ἣν ἡμέτερον ἔργον. “Ὅμηρος γοῦν τοῦτο 
πεποίηκεν Εὔμαιον λέγοντα" 

a? vy / ” bd 50» > , / 
ξεῖν, οὔ μοι θέμις ἔστ᾽, οὐδ᾽ εἰ κακίων σέθεν 
“ > ἃς “ \ \ ‘a ’ ev 
ξεῖνον ἀτιμῆσαι' πρὸς yap Διός εἰσιν ἅπαντες 
ἴω / / ’ > / / 
ξεῖνοι Te πτωχοί τε. δόσις δ᾽ ὀλίγη τε φίλη τε. 
\ \ \ > a \ a 
μὴ δὴ τὰ Tap ἡμῖν ἀγαθὰ παραζηλοῦν ἄλλοις 
συγχωροῦντες αὐτοὶ τῇ ῥᾳθυμίᾳ καταισχύνωμεν, 
μᾶλλον δὲ καταπροώμεθα τὴν εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐλά- 
βειαν. εἰ ταῦτα πυθοίμην ἐγώ σε πράττοντα, 
μεστὸς εὐφροσύνης ἔσομαι. 
\ / a , δ 
Τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ὀλιγάκις ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας ὅρα, τὰ 
πλεῖστα δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπίστελλε. εἰσιοῦσι δὲ εἰς τὴν 
, ς 7 \ > cal ε / > ᾽ Ὁ“ 
πόλιν ὑπαντάτω μηδεὶς αὐτοῖς ἱερέων, ἀλλ᾽, ὅταν 
εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ φοιτῶσι τῶν θεῶν, εἴσω τῶν προθύρων. 
ἡγείσθω δὲ μηδεὶς αὐτῶν εἴσω στρατιώτης, ἑπέσθω 
ἈΦ / 7 \ > \ > \ 5S “Ὁ 
δὲ ὁ βουλόμενος: ἅμα γὰρ εἰς τὸν οὐδὸν ἦλθε τοῦ 

1 Klimek ; αὐτὸ MSS., Hertlein. 


wine. I order that one-fifth of this be used for the 
poor who serve the priests, and the remainder be 
distributed by us to strangers and beggars. For it 
is disgraceful that, when no Jew ever has to beg, 
and the impious Galilaeans support not only their 
own poor but ours as well, all men see that our 
people lack aid from us.1_ Teach those of the 
Hellenic faith to contribute to public service of 
this sort, and the Hellenic villages to offer their | 
first fruits to the gods; and accustom those who 
love the Hellenic religion to these good works by 
teaching them that this was our practice of old. 
At any rate Homer makes Eumaeus say: “ Stranger, 
it is not lawful for me, not even though a baser 
man than you should come, to dishonour a stranger. 
For from Zeus come all strangers and beggars. And 
a gift, though small, is precious.”’* Then let us not, 
by allowing others to outdo us in good works, dis- 
grace by such remissness, or rather, utterly abandon, 
the reverence due to the gods. If I hear that you 
are carrying out these orders I shall be filled with 
hs for the government officials, do not interview 
them often at their homes, but write to them 
frequently. And when they enter the city no priest 
must go to meet them, but only meet them within the 
vestibule when they visit the temples of the gods. 
Let no soldier march before them into the temple, but 
any who will may follow them; for the moment that 
_one of them passes over the threshold of the sacred 

1 For a comparison of the charity of the Galilaeans with 
Pagan illiberality, cf. Vol. 2, Misopogon 363A, B. 

2 Odyssey 14. 56; cf. Fragment of a Letter 2918, where it is 
quoted in a similar context. 





τεμένους καὶ γέγονεν ἰδιώτης. ἄρχεις yap αὐτός, 
ὡς οἶσθα, τῶν ἔνδον, ἐπεὶ καὶ ὁ θεῖος ταῦτα ἀπαι- 
τεῖ θεσμός. καὶ οἱ μὲν πειθόμενοι κατὰ ἀλήθειάν 
εἰσι θεοσεβεῖς, οἱ δὲ ἀντεχόμενοι τοῦ τύφου δοξο- 
κόποι καὶ κενόδοξοι. 

Τῇ Πεσσινοῦντι βοηθεῖν ἕτοιμός εἰμι, εἰ τὴν 
μητέρα τῶν θεῶν ἵλεων καταστήσουσιν ἑαυτοῖς" 
ἀμελοῦντες δὲ αὐτῆς οὐκ ἄμεμπτοι μόνον, ἀλλὰ, μὴ 
πικρὸν εἰπεῖν, μὴ καὶ τῆς Tap ἡμῶν ἀπολαύσωσι 

οὐ γάρ μοι θέμις ἐστὶ κομιζέμεν οὐδ᾽ ἐλεαίρειν 

ἀνέρας, οἵ κε θεοῖσιν ἀπέχθωντ᾽ ἀθανάτοισιν. 
πεῖθε τοίνυν αὐτούς, εἰ τῆς παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ κηδεμονίας 
ἀντέχονται, πανδημεὶ τῆς μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν ἱκέτας 

᾿Εκδικίῳ ἐπάρχῳ Αἰγύπτου 1 

ἼΛλλοι μὲν ἵππων, ἄλλοι δὲ ὀρνέων, ἄλλοι δὲ 3 
θηρίων ἐρῶσιν' ἐμοὶ δὲ βιβλίων κτήσεως ἐκ παι- 
δαρίου δεινὸς ἐντέτηκε πόθος. ἄτοπον οὗν, εἰ 
ταῦτα περιίδοιμι σφετερισαμένους ἀνθρώπους, οἷς 
οὐκ ἀρκεῖ τὸ χρυσίον μόνον ἀποπλῆσαι τὸν πολὺν 
ἔρωτα τοῦ πλούτου, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ὕφαι- 

1 Hertlein 9. 
2 Doehner suggests ; Hertlein suggests ἄλλων. 

1 This letter was probably written after Julian’s visit to 
Pessinus on his way to Antioch. The probable date for his 
arrival at Antioch is the first half of July. 



precinct he becomes a private citizen. For you 
yourself, as you are aware, have authority over what 
is within, since this is the bidding of the divine 
ordinance. Those who obey it are in very truth 
god-fearing, while those who oppose it with arrogance 
are vainglorious and empty-headed. 

I am ready to assist Pessinus! if her people suc-\. 

ceed in winning the favour of the Mother of the 
Gods. But, if they neglect her, they are not only 

not free from blame, but, not to speak harshly, 

let them beware of reaping my enmity also. “ For 
it is not lawful for me to cherish or to pity men 
who are the enemies of the immortal gods.” 2 
Therefore persuade them, if they claim my 

patronage, that the whole community must become | 

suppliants of the Mother of the Gods. 

To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt ὃ 

Some men have a passion for horses, others for 
birds, others, again, for wild beasts; but I, from 
childhood, have been penetrated by ἃ passionate 
longing‘ to acquire books. It would therefore be 
absurd if I should suffer these to be appropriated by 
men whose inordinate desire for wealth gold alone 

Odyssey 10. 73; Julian alters the original which is said 
by Aeolus to Odysseus : 

οὐ γάρ μοι θέμις ἐστὶ κομιζέμεν οὐδ᾽ ἀποπέμπειν 
ἄνδρα τὸν ὅς κε θεοῖσιν ἀπέχθηται μακάρεσσιν. 
3 See Introduction, under Ecdicius. 
4 A proverbial phrase ; cf. Vol. 1, Oration 4. 1300, Vol. 2, 

Oration 8. 251p; Plato, Menexenus 45D, For Julian's love 
of books, Vol. 1, Oration 3. 123p. foll. 



End of 



ρεῖσθαι ῥᾳδίως διανοουμένους. ταύτην οὖν ἰδιωτι- 
κήν μοι δὸς τὴν χάριν, ὅπως “ἀνευρεθῇ πάντα τὰ 
Γεωργίου βιβλία. πολλὰ μὲν γὰρ ἣν φιλόσοφα 
παρ᾽ αὐτῷ, πολλὰ δὲ ῥ ῥητορικά, πολλὰ δὲ ἦν καὶ 
τῆς τῶν δυσσεβῶν Ἰ᾿αλιλαίων διδασκαλίας" ἃ 
βουλοίμην μὲν ἠφανίσθαι πάντη, τοῦ δὲ μὴ σὺν 
τούτοις ὑφαιρεθῆναι τὰ χρησιμώτερα, ζητείσθω 
κἀκεῖνα μετ᾽ ἀκριβείας ἅπαντα. ἡγεμὼν δὲ τῆς 
ξητήσεως ἔστω σοι ταύτης ὁ νοτάριος Γ εωργίου, 
ὃς μετὰ πίστεως μὲν ἀνιχνεύσας αὐτὰ γέρως ἴστω 
τευξόμενος ἐλευθερίας, εἰ δ᾽ ἁμωσγέπως γένοιτο 
κακοῦργος περὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα, βασάνων εἰς πεῖραν 
ἥξων. ἐπίσταμαι δὲ ἐγὼ τὰ Tewprytou βιβλία, 
καὶ εἰ μὴ πάντα, πολλὰ μέντοι" μετέδωκε γάρ μοι 
περὶ τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ὄντι πρὸς μεταγραφήν 
τινα, καὶ ταῦτα ἔλαβε πάλιν. 

᾿Αλεξανδρεῦσι διάταγμα 

᾿Εχρῆν τὸν ἐξελαθέντα βασιλικοῖς πολλοῖς 
πάνυ καὶ πολλῶν αὐτοκρατόρων προστάγμασιν 
ἕν γοῦν ἐπίταγμα περιμεῖναι βασιλικόν, εἶθ᾽ οὕτως 
εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ κατιέναι, ἀλλὰ μὴ τόλμῃ μηδ᾽ ἀπο- 
νοίᾳ χρησάμενον « ὡς οὐκ οὗσιν ἐνυβρίζειν τοῖς 
νόμοις, ἐπεί τοι καὶ τὸ νῦν τοῖς Γαλιλαίοις τοῖς 

1 Hertlein 26. 

1 Perhaps to be identified with Porphyrius, to whom Julian 
wrote the threatening Letter 38, p. 123. 
2 2,6. when he was interned for six years by Constantius at 



cannot satiate, and who unscrupulously design to steal 
these also. Do you therefore grant me this per- 
sonal favour, that all the books which belonged to 
George be sought out. For there were in his house 
many on philosophy, and many on rhetoric ; many 
also on the teachings of the impious Galilaeans. 
These latter I should wish to be utterly annihilated, 
but for fear that along with them more useful works 
may be destroyed by mistake, let all these also be 
sought for with the greatest care. Let George’s 
secretary ἢ take charge of this search for you, and if 
he hunts for them faithfully let him know that he will 
obtain his freedom as a reward, but that if he prove 
in any way whatever dishonest in the business he 
will be put to the test of torture. And I know 

what books George had, many of them, at any 

rate, if not all; for he lent me some of them to 
copy, when I was in Cappadocia,? and these he 
received back, 

To the Alexandrians, an Edict ὃ 

One who had been banished by so many imperial 
decrees issued by many Emperors ought to have 
waited for at least one imperial edict, and then on 
the strength of that returned to his own country, 
and not displayed rashness and folly, and insulted 
the laws as though they did not exist. For we 
have not, even now, granted to the Galilaeans who 

Macellum in Cappadocia. George was then at Caesarea near 
® See Introduction, under Athanasius. 






φυγαδευθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ μακαρίτου Κωνσταντίου 
οὐ κάθοδον εἰς τὰς ἐκκλησίας αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ τὴν 
εἰς τὰς πατρίδας συνεχωρήσαμεν. ᾿Αθανάσιον δὲ 
πυνθάνομαι τὸν τολμηρότατον ὑπὸ τοῦ συνήθους. 
ἐπαρθέντα θράσους ἀντιλαβέσθαι τοῦ λεγομένου 
παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐπισκοπῆς θρόνου, τοῦτο δὲ εἶναι καὶ 
τῷ θεοσεβεῖ τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων δήμῳ οὐ μετρίως 
ἀηδές. ὅθεν αὐτῷ “προαγορεύομεν ἀπιέναι, τῆς πό- 
λεως, ἐξ ἡ ἧς ἂν ἡμέρας τὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἡμερότη- 
τος γράμματα δέξηται παραχρῆμα' μένοντι δ᾽ 

αὐτῷ τῆς πόλεως εἴσω μείξους πολὺ καὶ χαλεπω- 
τέρας προαγορεύομεν τιμωρίας. 

Evaypio ! 

Συγκτησείδιον μικρὸν ἀγρῶν “τεττάρων δοθέν- 
των μοι παρὰ τῆς τήθης ἐν τῇ Βιθυνίᾳ τῇ σῇ 
διαθέσει δῶρον δίδωμι, ἔλαττον μὲν ἢ ὥστε ἄνδρα 
εἰς περιουσίαν ὀνῆσαί τι μέγα καὶ ἀποφῆναι Od- 
βιον, ἔχον δὲ οὐδὲ ὡς παντάπασιν ἀτερπῆ τὴν 
δόσιν, εἴ σοι τὰ καθ᾽ ἕκαστα περὶ αὐτοῦ διέλθοι- 
μι. παίξειν δὲ οὐδὲν κωλύει πρὸς σὲ χαρίτων 
γέμοντα καὶ εὐμουσίας. ἀπῴκισται μὲν τῆς θα- 

1 Hertlein 46. In the codex found at Chalke, ῥήτορι is 
added to the title. 

1 Constantius was an Arian and had appointed Bishop 
George of Cappadocia to the see of Alexandria. Athanasius 
was then in exile by the decree of Constantius. 

2 Athanasius had installed himself in his church on 
February 21st, 362. 



were exiled by Constantius! of blessed memory 
to return to their churches, but only to their own 
countries. Yet I learn that the most audacious 
Athanasius, elated by his accustomed insolence, has 
again seized what is called among them the episcopal 
throne,’ and that this is not a little displeasing to the 
God-fearing citizens 5 of Alexandria. Wherefore we 
publicly warn him to depart from the city forthwith, 
on the very day that he shall receive this letter of 
our clemency. But if he remain within the city, we 
publicly warn him that he will receive a much greater 
and more severe punishment. 

To Evagrius 5 

A sMAtt estate of four fields, in Bithynia, was given 
to me by my grandmother,® and this I give as an 
offering to your affection for me. It is too small 
to bring a man any great benefit on the score of 
wealth or to make him appear opulent, but even so 
it is a gift that cannot wholly fail to please you, as 
you will see if I describe its features to you one by 
one. And there is no reason why I should not write 
in a light vein to you who are so full of the graces 
and amenities of culture. It is situated not more 

3 i.e. the Pagans. 
. 4 Athanasius withdrew from Alexandria, but not from 
Egypt, in consequence of this edict. For a second edict 
banishing him from Egypt, see p. 151. 

5 For Evagrius see above, p. 25. 

6 Cf. Vol. 2. 290p; and 251} for his childhood’s associ- 
ations with this coast. 





λάττης σταδίους οὐ πλέον εἴκοσι, καὶ οὔτε ἔμπορος 
οὔτε ναύτης ἐνοχλεῖ) λάλος καὶ ὑβριστὴς τῷ χωρίῳ. 
οὐ μὴν ἀφήρηται τὰς παρὰ τοῦ Νηρέως. χάριτας 
παντελῶς, ἔχει δὲ i ἰχθὺ ὺν πρόσφατον a ἀεὶ καὶ ἀσπαί- 
ροντᾶ, καὶ ἐπί τίνος ἀπὸ τῶν δωμάτων προελθὼν 
γηλόφου ὄψει τὴν θάλατταν τὴν Προποντίδα Kal 
τὰς νήσους τήν τε ἐπώνυμον πόλιν τοῦ γενναίου 
βασιλέως, οὐ φυκίοις ἐφεστὼς καὶ βρύοις,. οὐδὲ ἐ ἐνο- 
χλούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκβαλλομένων εἰς τοὺς αἰγια- 
λοὺς καὶ τὰς ψάμμους ἀτερπῶν πάνυ καὶ οὐδὲ 
ὀνομάξειν ἐπιτηδείων λυμάτων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ σμίλακος 
καὶ θύμου καὶ πόας εὐώδους. ἡσυχία δὲ πολλὴ 
κατακλινομένῳ καὶ εἴς τι! βιβλίον ἀφορῶντι, εἶτα 
διαναπαύοντι τὴν ὄψιν ἥδιστον ἀπιδεῖν εἰς τὰς 
ναῦς καὶ τὴν θάλατταν. τοῦτο ἐμοὶ μειρακίῳ 
κομιδῇ νέῳ θερίδιον ἐδόκει φίλτατον" ἔχει γὰρ καὶ 
πηγὰς οὐ φαύλας καὶ λουτρὸν οὐκ ἀναφρόδιτον 
καὶ κῆπον καὶ δένδρα. ἀνὴρ δ᾽ ὧν ἤδη τὴν πα- 
λαιὰν ἐκείνην ἐπόθουν δίαιταν, καὶ ἦλθον πολλά- 
κις, καὶ γέγονεν ἡμῖν οὐκ ἔξω λόγων ἡ σύνοδος. 
ἔστι δ᾽ ἐνταῦθα καὶ γεωργίας ἐμῆς μικρὸν ὑπό- 
μνημα, φυταλία βραχεῖα, φέρουσα οἶνον εὐώδη τε 
καὶ ἡδύν, οὐκ ἀναμένοντά τι παρὰ τοῦ χρόνου 
προσλαβεῖν. τὸν Διόνυσον ὄψει καὶ τὰς Χάριτας. 
ὁ βότρυς δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀμπέλου καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ληνοῦ 
θλιβόμενος ἀπόξει τῶν , ῥόδων, τὸ γλεῦκος δὲ ἐν 
τοῖς πίθοις ἤδη νέκταρός ἐστιν ἀπορρὼξ Ὁμήρῳ 
πιστεύοντι. τί δῆτα οὐ πολλὴ 3 γέγονεν οὐδ᾽ ἐπὶ 
πλέθρα πάνυ πολλὰ ἡ τοιαύτη ἄμπελος ; 8 τυχὸν 
1 Hertlein suggests; MSS. εἰς τό. 

2 Hercher suggests ; πολὺ MSS, Hertlein. 
8 Hercher suggests ; τοιούτων ἀμπέλων MSS., Hertlein. 



than twenty stades from the sea, so that no trader 
or sailor with his chatter and insolence disturbs the 
place. Yet it is not wholly deprived of the favours 
of Nereus, for it has a constant supply of fish, fresh 
and still gasping; and if you walk up on to a sort of 
hill away from the house, you will see the sea, the 
Propontis and the islands, and the city that bears 
the name of the noble Emperor ;1 nor will you have 
to stand meanwhile on seaweed and brambles, or be 
annoyed by the filth that is always thrown out on to 
seabeaches and sands, which is so very unpleasant 
and even unmentionable; but you will stand on 
smilax and thyme and fragrant herbage. Very peace- 
ful it is to lie down there and glance into some book, 
and then, while resting one’s eyes, it is very agree- 
able to gaze at the ships and the sea. When I was 
still hardly more than a boy I thought that this was 
the most delightful summer place, for it has, more- 
over, excellent springs and a charming bath and 
garden and trees. When 1 had grown to manhood 
I used to long for my old manner of life there and 
visited it often, and our meetings there did not lack 
talks about literature. Moreover there is there, as 
a humble monument of my husbandry, a small vine- 
yard that produces a fragrant, sweet wine, which 
does not have to wait for time to improve its flavour. 
You will have a vision of Dionysus and the Graces. 
The grapes on the vine, and when they are being 
crushed in the press, smell of roses, and the new- 
made wine in the jars is a “rill of nectar,” if one 
may trust Homer.? Then why is not such a vine as 
this abundant and growing over very many acres? 

1 Constantinople, named after Constantine. 
2 Odyssey 9. 359 νέκταρός ἐστιν ἀπορρώξ. 




μὲν οὐδὲ ἐγὼ γεωργὸς γέγονα πρόθυμος" ἀλλὰ 
ἐπεὶ ἐμοὶ νηφάλιος ὁ τοῦ Διονύσου κρατὴρ καὶ 
ἐπὶ πολὺ τῶν νυμφῶν δεῖται, ὅ ὅσον εἰς ἐμαυτὸν καὶ 
τοὺς φίλους" “ὀλίγον δέ ἐστι τὸ χρῆμα τῶν ἀνδρῶν' 
παρεσκευασάμην. νῦν δή σοι δῶρον, ὧ “φίλη 
κεφαλή, δίδωμι μικρὸν μὲν ὅπερ ἐστί, χαρίεν δὲ 
φίλῳ παρὰ φίλου, οἴκοθεν οἴκαδε, κατὰ τὸν σοφὸν 
ποιητὴν Πίνδαρον. τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐπισύρων πρὸς 
λύχνον γέγραφα, ὥστε, εἴ τι ἡμάρτηται, μὴ 
πικρῶς ἐξέταξε μηδ᾽ ὡς ῥήτωρ ῥήτορα. 


A μὲν παροιμία φησὶν Οὐ πόλεμον “ἀγγέλλεις, 
ἐγὼ δὲ προσθείην ἐκ τῆς κωμφδίας "Ss χρυσὸν 
ἀγγείλας ἐπῶν. ἴθι οὗν ἔργοις αὐτὸ δεῖξον, καὶ 
σπεῦδε παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς" ἀφίξῃ γὰρ φίλος παρὰ φίλον. 

ἡ δὲ mept τὰ πράγματα κοινὴ καὶ συνεχὴς ἀσχολία 
δοκεῖ μὲν εἶναί πως τοῖς μὴ πάρεργον αὐτὰ ποιοῦ- 
σιν ἐπαχθής, οἱ δὲ τῆς “ἐπιμελείας κοινωνοῦντές 
εἰσιν ἐπιεικεῖς, ὡς ἐμαυτὸν πείθω, καὶ συνετοὶ καὶ 
πάντως ἱκανοὶ πρὸς πάντα. διδοῦσιν οὖν μοι 
ῥᾳστώνην, ὥστε ἐξεῖναι μηδὲν ὀλιγωροῦντι καὶ 
ἀναπαύεσθαι: σύνεσμεν γὰρ ἀλλήλοις οὐ μετὰ 
τῆς αὐλικῆς ὑποκρίσεως, ἧς μόνης οἶμαί σε μέχρι 

1 Hertlein 12. 

1 2,6. of water. 
2 Olympian Ode 6. 99; 7.5 
3 Tor Basil, see ited iavesg 



Perhaps I was not a very industrious gardener. 
But since my mixing bowl of Dionysus is inclined to 
soberness and calls for a large proportion of the 
nymphs,! I only provided enough for myself and my 
friends—and they are very few. Well then, I now 
give this to you as a present, dear heart, and though 
it be small, as indeed it is, yet it is precious as coming 
from a friend to a friend, “from home, homeward 
bound,’ in the words of the wise poet Pindar.” 
I have written this letter in haste, by lamplight, so 
that, if I have made any mistakes, do not criticise 
them severely or as one rhetorician would another. 

To Basil 3 

* Nor of war is thy report,’ 4 says the proverb, 
but I would add, from comedy, “O thou whose 
words bring tidings of gold!’’5 Come then, show it 
by your deeds and hasten to me, for you will come 
as friend to friend. It is true that continuous 
attention to public business is thought to be a heavy 
burden on men who pursue it with all their energy ; 
but those who share the task of administration with 
me are, I am convinced, honest and reasonable 
men, intelligent and entirely capable for all they 
have to do. So they give me leisure and the 
opportunity of resting without neglecting anything. 
For our intercourse with one another is free from 
that hypocrisy of courts of which alone you have 

4 Plato, Phaedrus 2428, Laws 102p, cf. paroles de paix. 
5 Aristophanes, Plutus 268. 6 Plato, Menexenus 9478. 

VOL, 111, G 


in 362 




τοῦ δεῦρο πεπειρᾶσθαι, καθ᾽ ἣν ἐπαινοῦντες μι- 
σοῦσι τηλικοῦτον μῖσος ἡλίκον οὐδὲ τοὺς πολεμιω- 
τάτους, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῆς προσηκούσης ἀλλήλοις 
ἐλευθερίας ἐξελέγχοντές τε ὅταν δέῃ καὶ ἐπιτι- 
μῶντες οὐκ ἔλαττον φιλοῦμεν ἀλλήλους τῶν 
σφόδρα ἑταίρων: ἔνθεν ἔξεστιν ἡμῖν: ἀπείη δὲ 
φθόνος: ἀνειμένοις τε σπουδάζειν καὶ σπουδά- 
ζουσι μὴ ταλαιπωρεῖσθαι, καθεύδειν δὲ ἀδεῶς. 
ἐπεὶ καὶ ἐγρηγορὼς οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτοῦ μᾶλλον 
ἢ καὶ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων, ὡς εἰκός, 

Ταῦτα ἴσως κατηδολέσχησά σου καὶ κατελή- 
ρησα, παθών τι βλακῶδες: ἐπήνεσα γὰρ ἐμαυτὸν 
ὥσπερ ᾿Αστυδάμας. ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα σε πείσω προὔργου 
τι μᾶλλον ἡμῖν τὴν σὴν παρουσίαν ἅτε ἀνδρὸς ἔμ- 
φρονος ποιήσειν ἢ παραιρήσεσθαί τι τοῦ καιροῦ, 
ταῦτα ἐπέστειλα. σπεῦδε οὖν, ὅπερ ἔφην, δημοσίῳ 
χρησάμενος δρόμῳ' συνδιατρίψας δὲ ἡμῖν ἐφ᾽ 
ὅσον σοι φίλον, οἵπερ ἂν θέλῃς ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν πεμπό- 
μενος, ὡς προσῆκόν ἐστι, βαδιεῖ. 


; hi ἡ P 
Βασιλεῖ μὲν πρὸς κέρδος ὁρῶντι χαλεπὸν ἂν 

al r \ 
ὑμῶν ἐφάνη τὸ αἴτημα, καὶ οὐκ ἂν φήθη δεῖν τὴν 
aA , » ᾽ὔ 
δημοσίαν εὐπορίαν βλάπτειν τῇ πρὸς τινας ἰδίᾳ 

1 Hertlein 47. 

1 A proverb derived from Philemon, frag. 190; for the 
whole verse, see below, p. 159. 
2 2,6, the cursus publicus ; ct. To Hustathius, Ὁ. 139. 



hitherto, I think, had experience, that hypocrisy 
which leads men to praise one another even while 
they hate with a hatred more deadly than they feel 
for their worst enemies in war. But we, though we 
refute and criticise one another with appropriate 
frankness, whenever it is necessary, love one another 
as much as the most devoted friends. Hence it is 
that I am able—if I may say so without odium— 
to work and yet enjoy relaxation, and when at 
work to be free from strain and sleep securely. For 
when I have kept vigil it was less on my own behalf 
probably than on behalf of all my subjects. 

But perhaps I have been wearying you with my 
chatter and nonsense, displaying stupid conceit, for 
I have praised myself, like Astydamas.t However, I 
have despatched this letter to you to convince you 
that your presence, wise man that you are, will be 
serviceable to me rather than any waste of my time. 
Make haste then, as I said, and use the state post.? 
And when yeu have stayed with me as long as you 
desire you shall go your way whithersoever you 
please, with an escort furnished by me, as is proper. 

To the Thracians 8 

To an Emperor who had an eye solely to gain, 
your request would have appeared hard to grant, 
and he would not have thought that he ought to 
injure the public prosperity by granting a par ticular 

5. An answer to a petition. For Julian’s remission of 
arrears, ἐλλείματα, Latin reliqua, of taxes at Antioch, cf. 
Miscpogon, 3658. For his popularity with the provincials 
due to this liberality, cf. Ammianus 25, 4. 15. 






χάριτι" ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡμεῖς οὐχ ὅ, τι πλεῖστα παρὰ τῶν 
ὑπηκόων ἀθροίζειν πεποιήμεθα σκοπόν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι 
πλείστων ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῖς αἴτιοι γίγνεσθαι, τοῦτο 
καὶ ὑμῖν ἀπολύσει τὰ ὀφλήματα. ἀπολύσει δὲ 
οὐχ ἁπλῶς ἅπαντα, ἀλλὰ μερισθήσεται τὸ πρᾶγ- 
μα, τὸ μὲν εἰς ὑμᾶς, τὸ δὲ εἰς τὴν τῶν στρατιω- 
τῶν χρείαν, ἐξ ἡ ἧς οὐκ ἐλάχιστα καὶ αὐτοὶ δήπου 
φέρεσθε, τὴν εἰρήνην καὶ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν. τοιγαρ- 
οῦν μέχρι μὲν τῆς τρίτης ἐπινεμήσεως ἀφίεμεν 
ὑμῖν πάντα, ὅσα ἐκ τοῦ φθάνοντος ἐλλείπει χρό- 
νου" μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ εἰσοίσετε κατὰ τὸ ἔθος. ὑμῖν 
τε γὰρ τὰ ἀφιέμενα χάρις ἱκανή, “καὶ ἡμῖν τῶν 
κοινῶν οὐκ ἀμελητέον. περὶ τούτου καὶ τοῖς 
ἐπάρχοις ἐπέσταλκα, ἵν᾽ ἡ χάρις ὑμῖν εἰς ἔργον. 
προχωρήσῃ. ἐρρωμένους ὑμᾶς οἱ θεοὶ σώζοιεν 
τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον. 

᾿Ανεπίγραφος ὑπὲρ ᾿Αργείων } 
Ὑπὲρ τῆς ᾿Αργείων πόλεως πολλὰ μὲν ἄν τις 

εἰπεῖν ἔχοι, σεμνύνειν αὐτὴν ἐθέλων, παλαιὰ καὶ 
νέα πράγματα. τοῦ τε γὰρ Τρωικοῦ, καθάπερ 

1 Hertlein 35. 

1 Apparently he means that the arrears are remitted down 
to the year 359, but they must pay what is due from that date. 

2 If the date is correct, this was probably a private com- 
munication to the newly- appointed Proconsul of Achaia, 
Praetextatus. Under the Roman dominion, Greek cities to 
settle their disputes had recourse to lawsuits which were 
often long and tedious. Seven years before Julian’s accession, 
Corinth had successfully claimed the right to tax Argos. 



indulgence to any. But since I have not made it 
my aim to collect the greatest possible sums from 
my subjects, but rather to be the source of the 
greatest possible blessings to them, this fact shall for 
you too cancel your debts. Nevertheless it will not 
cancel the whole sum absolutely, but there shall be 
a division of the amount, and part shall be remitted 
to you, part shall be used for the needs of the army ; 
since from it you yourselves assuredly gain no slight 
advantages, namely, peace and security. Accordingly 
I remit for you, down to the third assessment,! the 
whole sum that is in arrears for the period preceding. 
But thereafter you will contribute as usual. For the 
amount remitted is sufficient indulgence for you, 
while for my part I must not neglect the public 
interest. Concerning this I have sent orders to the 
prefects also, in order that your indulgence may be 
carried into effect. May the gods keep you prosper- 
ous for all time! 

On behalf of the Argives; unaddressed 3 

On behalf of the city of Argos, if one wished to 
recount her honours, many are the glorious deeds 
both old and new that one might relate. For 
instance, in the achievements of the Trojan War 

The money was spent on wild beast shows and similar enter- 
tainments at Corinth. The Argives appealed to Julian for 
a revision of the case, and he now writes to the Proconsul of 
Achaia, leaving the decision to him, but strongly supporting 
the claim of Argos. As this letter is the only evidence for 
the Corinthian exaction or the Argive appeal, we do not 
know the result. Nor can we determine whether Julian is 
writing in 362 or 363. It seems unlikely that the Argives 
appealed to him when he was a student at Athens in 355, 
as some scholars have maintained, See Introduction. ‘ 


C ὕστερον ᾿Αθηναίοις καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις τοῦ Περσι- 


fal 1 / \ / > , 7 ὃ al A 
Kov,' προσήκει TO πλέον ἐκείνοις ἔργου. δοκεῖ μὲν 
Ν ” fel “ \ a ς / 
yap ἄμφω κοινῇ πραχθῆναι παρὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος" 
ἄξιον δὲ ὥσπερ τῶν ἔργων καὶ τῆς φροντίδος, 
οὕτω καὶ τῶν ἐπαίνων τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τὸ πλέον 
μετέχειν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἀρχαῖά πως εἶναι δο- 
a \ \ 5» \ 4 σ΄ « a / 
κεῖ, Ta δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἥ τε Ηρακλειδῶν κάθοδος 
καὶ ὡς τῷ πρεσβυτάτῳ γέρας éEnpéOn, ἥ τε εἰς 
/ a 
Μακεδόνας ἐκεῖθεν ἀποικία, καὶ τὸ Λακεδαιμο- 
/ a 
νίοις οὕτω πλησίον παροικοῦντας ἀδούλωτον ἀεὶ 
καὶ ἐλευθέραν φυλάξαι τὴν πόλιν, οὐ μικρᾶς οὐδὲ 
a / > ὃ / 5 > \ ὃ} \ \ 
τῆς τυχούσης ἀνὸρείας ἣν. ἀλλὰ δὴ καὶ TA TO- 
σαῦτα περὶ τοὺς Πέρσας ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων 
γενόμενα ταύτῃ προσήκειν τῇ πόλει δικαίως ἄν 
΄ \ 
τις ὑπολάβοι" Φιλίππου τε yap καὶ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου 
n lal / 
τῶν πάνυ TOV προγόνων πατρὶς ἣν αὕτη. Ῥω- 
/ \ Ὁ > e “ al a \ 
patos δὲ ὕστερον οὐχ ἁλοῦσα μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ 
ξυμμαχίαν ὑπήκουσε, καὶ ὥσπερ οἶμαι μετεῖχε 
\ “τὺ / e \ “ > , \ 
καὶ αὐτὴ καθάπερ ai λοιπαὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας Kal 
lal / / -“ 
τῶν ἄλλων δικαίων, ὁπόσα νέμουσι ταῖς περὶ τὴν 
ς ’ὔ , e lal A ὦ 
Ελλάδα πόλεσιν οἱ κρατοῦντες ἀεί. 
cal \ / a 
Κορίνθιοι δὲ viv αὐτὴν προσνεμομένην 5 αὐτοῖς" 
οὕτω γὰρ εἰπεῖν εὐπρεπέστερον' ὑπὸ 8 τῆς βασι- 
1 Duebner suggests ; lacuna Hertlein, MSS. 

2 Hertlein suggests ; MSS. προσγενομένην. 
3 Hertlein suggests ; ἀπὸ MSS. 

1 Temenus the Heraclid received Argos as his share ; his 
descendants were expelled and colonised Macedonia; cf. 
Julian, Oration 3, 106p ; Herodotus 8. 137. 



they may claim to have played the chief part even 
as did the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, in later 
times, in the Persian War. For though both wars 
are held to have been waged by all Greece in 
common, yet it is fitting that the leaders, just as 
they had the larger share of toils and anxiety, should 
have also a larger share of the praise. These events, 
however, may seem somewhat antiquated. But 
those that followed, I mean the return of the Hera- 
cleidae, the taking of his birthright from the eldest,1 
the sending from Argos of the colony to Mace- 
donia, and the fact that, though they were such 
near neighbours to the Lacedaemonians, they always 
preserved their city unenslaved and free, are proofs 
of no slight or common fortitude. But, further- 
more, all those great deeds accomplished by the 
Macedonians against the Persians might with justice 
be considered to belong to this city; for this was 
the native land of the ancestors of Philip and Alex- 
ander,” those illustrious men. And in later days 
Argos obeyed the Romans, not so much because she 
was conquered as in the character of an ally, and, 
as I think, she too, like the other states, shared in 
the independence and the other rights whicli our 
rulers always bestow on the cities of Greece. 

But now the Corinthians, since Argos has been 
assigned to their territory—for this is the less in- 
vidious way of expressing it—by the sovereign city,’ 

2 Alexander claimed to be an Argive. For the colonisation 
of Macedonia cf. Herodotus 5. 22. 

3 Rome, cf. Oration 4. 1310. Corinth had been made 
a Roman colony by Augustus, and claimed authority over 
certain other cities that were not colonies; the Roman 
Proconsul regularly resided at Corinth. 




4 / a 
λευούσης πόλεως εἰς κακίαν ἐπαρθέντες συντελεῖν 
αὑτοῖς ἀναγκάζουσι, καὶ ταύτης ἦρξαν, ὥς φασι, 
τῆς καινοτομίας ἕβδομος οὗτος ἐνιαυτός, οὔτε τὴν 
Δελφῶν οὔτε τὴν ᾿Ηλείων ἀτέλειαν, ἧς ἠξιώθησαν 

a / “ 
ἐπὶ τῷ διατιθέναι τοὺς παρὰ σφίσιν ἱεροὺς ἀγῶνας, 

> / an 
αἰδεσθέντες. τεττάρων yap ὄντων, ws ἴσμεν, TOV 
μεγίστων καὶ λαωπροτάτων ἀγώνων περὶ τὴν Ἕλ- 
λάδα, "Arcelor μὲν ᾿Ολύμπια, Δελφοὶ δὲ Πύθια, 

\ \ 5 ᾽ A , , - \ \ a 
καὶ τὰ ἐν ᾿Ισθμῷ Κορίνθιοι, ᾿Αργεῖοι δὲ τὴν τῶν 
Νεμέων συγκροτοῦσι πανήγυριν. πῶς οὖν εὔλο- 


γον ἐκείνοις μὲν ὑπάρχειν τὴν ἀτέλειαν τὴν πάλαι 

lal a e 
δοθεῖσαν, τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁμοίοις δαπανήμασιν 
> / / \ \ > \ \ > ‘ e 
ἀφεθέντας πάλαι, τυχὸν δὲ οὐδὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπα- 

“Ὁ “ ’ὔ 
χθέντας νῦν ἀφηρῆσθαι τὴν προνομίαν ἧς ἠξιώ- 
θησαν; πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ᾿Ηλεῖοι μὲν καὶ Δελφοὶ 
\ a 
διὰ τῆς πολυθρυλήτου πενταετηρίδος ἅπαξ ἐπι- 

a \ a 
τελεῖν εἰώθασι, διττὰ δ᾽ ἐστὶ Néwea παρὰ τοῖς 
"A , θ / "T θ \ K θί > 

ργείοις, καθάπερ Ισθμια παρὰ Κορινθίοις. ἐν 
/ / aA 4 / 
μέντοι τούτῳ TO χρόνῳ Kal δύο πρόκεινται παρὰ 
n > nr 
τοῖς ᾿Αργείοις ἀγῶνες ἕτεροι τοιοίδε, ὥστε εἶναι 
n / lal 
τέσσαρας τοὺς πάντας ἐν ἐνιαυτοῖς τέσσαρσι. πῶς 
οὖν εἰκὸς ἐκείνους μὲν ἀπράγμονας εἶναι λειτουρ- 
γοῦντας ἅπαξ, τούτους δὲ ὑπάγεσθαι καὶ πρὸς ἑτέ- 
7 a 
ρων συντέλειαν ἐπὶ τετραπλασίοις τοῖς οἴκοι λει- 
/ » »5ῸΝ \ «ς \ »Q\ 
τουργήμασιν, ἄλλως TE οὐδὲ πρὸς “Ελλληνικὴν οὐδὲ 
παλαιὰν πανήγυριν ; οὐ γὰρ ἐς χορηγίαν ἀγώνων 
γυμνικῶν ἢ μουσικῶν οἱ Κορίνθιοι τῶν πολλῶν 
δέονται χρημάτων, ἐπὶ δὲ τὰ κυνηγέσια τὰ πολ- 

1 ἡ, ὁ. the Corinthians ought to have allowed similar 
immunity to Argos. 
2 One of these festivals was the Heraean games. 



have grown insolent in ill-doing and are compelling 
the Argives to pay them tribute; it is seven years, 
as I am told, since they began this innovation, and 
they were not abashed by the immunity of Delphi 
or of the Eleans,! which was granted to them so that 
they might administer their sacred games. For 
there are, as we know, four very important and 
splendid games in Greece ; the Eleans celebrate the 
Olympian games, the Delphians the Pythian, the 
Corinthians those at the Isthmus, and the Argives 
the Nemean festival. How then can it be reason- 
able that those others should retain the immunity 
that was granted to them in the past, whereas the 
Argives, who, in consideration of a similar outlay, had 
their tribute remitted in the past, or perhaps were 
not even subject to tribute originally, should now be 
deprived of the privilege of which they were deemed 
worthy? Moreover, Elis and Delphi are accustomed 
to contribute only once in the course of their far- 
famed four-year cycles, but in that period there 
are two celebrations of the Nemean games among 
the Argives, and likewise of the Isthmian among the, 
Corinthians. And besides, in these days two other 
games? of this sort have been established among 
the Argives, so that there are in all in four years 
four games. How then is it reasonable that those 
others who bear the burden of this function only 
once should be left free from the tax, whereas 
the Argives are obliged to contribute to yet other 
games in addition to their fourfold expenditure at 
home; especially as the contribution is for a festival 
that is neither Hellenic nor of ancient date? For 
it is not to furnish gymnastic or musical contests 
that the Corinthians need so much money, but they 



λακις ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ἐπιτελούμενα ἄρκτους Kal 
παρδάλεις ὠνοῦνται. ἀτὰρ αὐτοὶ μὲν εἰκότως φέ- 
ρουσι διὰ τὸν πλοῦτον τῶν ἀναλωμάτων τὸ μέγε- 
A a 
Qos, ἄλλως TE καὶ πολλῶν πόλεων, ὡς εἰκός, 
αὐτοῖς εἰς τοῦτο συναιρομένων, ὥστε ὠνοῦνται τὴν 
/ an / 1 >A o δὲ / 
τέρψιν τοῦ φρονήματος. ργεῖοι δὲ χρημάτων τε 
Μ 5 / \ a / \ > + 
ἔχοντες ἐνδεέστερον καὶ ξενικῇ θέᾳ καὶ παρ᾽ ἄλλοις 
ἐπιδουλεύειν ἀναγκαζόμενοι πῶς οὐκ ἄδικα μὲν 
n 7 
καὶ παράνομα, τῆς δὲ περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀρχαίας 
δυνάμεώς τε καὶ δόξης ἀνάξια πείσονται, ὄντες 
γ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀστυγείτονες, ods προσῆκον ἣν ἀγα- 
πᾶσθαι μᾶλλον, εἴπερ ὀρθῶς ἔχει τὸ “οὐδ᾽ ἂν βοῦς 
/ ' a 
ἀπόλοιτο, εἰ μὴ διὰ κακίαν γειτόνων ᾽" ᾿Αργεῖοι 
δὲ ἐοίκασιν οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἑνὸς πολυπραγμονούμενοι 
, a \ ’ > a > > 
βοιδίου ταῦτα τοὺς Κορινθίους αἰτιᾶσθαι, ἀλλ 
ig \ n ‘ / > 4 > 
ὑπὲρ πολλὼν καὶ μεγάλων ἀναλωμάτων, οἷς οὐ 
δικαίως εἰσὶν ὑπεύθυνοι. 
, \ 
Καίτοι πρὸς τοὺς Κορινθίους εἰκότως av τις καὶ 
a Σ , a a la} 
τοῦτο προσθείη, πότερον αὐτοῖς δοκεῖ καλῶς ἔχειν 
a n a «ς / “ / Xx 
τοῖς τῆς παλαιᾶς “Ελλάδος ἕπεσθαι νομίμοις ἢ 
a a ” ὃ a \ A 
μᾶλλον οἷς ἔναγχος δοκοῦσι παρὰ τῆς βασιλευ- 
οὔσης προσειληφέναι πόλεως ; εἰ μὲν γὰρ τὴν 
τῶν παλαιῶν νομίμων ἀγαπῶσι σεμνότητα, οὐκ 
a / 
᾿Αργείοις μᾶλλον eis Κόρινθον ἢ ἹΚορινθίοις εἰς 
ἼΑργος συντελεῖν προσήκει" εἰ δὲ τοῖς νῦν ὑπάρ- 
1 ὥστε Bidez suggests; ὧν Reiske; ὠνοῦνται---φρόνηματος 

Hertlein, following Horkel. would delete; ὠνοῦνται οὖν 
Capps suggests; ὠνουμένων Keil. 

I follow Heyler in interpreting φρόνημα as the pleasure- 


buy bears and panthers for the hunting shows which 
they often exhibit in their theatres. And they 
themselves by reason of their wealth are naturally 
able to support these great expenses,—especially as 
many other cities, as is to be expected, help by con- 
tributing for this purpose,—so that they purchase the 
pleasure of indulging their temperaments.4 But the 
Argives are not so well off for money, and com- 
pelled as they are to slave for a foreign spectacle 
held in the country of others, will they not be 
suffering unjust and illegal treatment and moreover 
unworthy of the ancient power and renown of their 
city being, as they are, near neighbours of Corinth, 
who therefore ought to be the more kindly treated, 
if indeed the saying is true, “ Not so much as an ox 
would perish? except through the wrongdoing of 
one’s neighbours”? But it appears that when the 
Argives bring these charges against the Corinthians 
they are not raising a dispute about a single paltry 
ox, but about many heavy expenses to which they 
are not fairly liable. 

And yet one might put this question also to the 
Corinthians, whether they think it right to abide 
by the laws and customs of ancient Greece, or rather 
by those which it seems they recently took over 
from the sovereign city? For if they respect the 
high authority of ancient laws and customs, it is no 
more fitting for the Argives to pay tribute to Corinth 
than for the Corinthians to pay it to Argos. If, on 

loving ‘‘temperament,” genius, of the Corinthians. Others 
translate ‘‘ pride.” 

2 A paraphrase of Hesiod, Works and Days 348, οὐδ᾽ 
ἂν Bots ἀπόλοιτ, εἰ μὴ γείτων κακὸς εἴῃ ; cf. Plautus, Mercatur 
4, 4, 31. 





Eaot τῇ πόλει, ἐπειδὴ τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν ἀποικίαν 
ἐδέξαντο, ἰσχυριζόμενοι πλέον ἔχειν ἀξιοῦσι, Tap- 
αἰτησόμεθα μετρίως αὐτοὺς μὴ τῶν πατέρων 
φρονεῖν μεῖζον, μηδὲ ὅσα καλῶς ἐκεῖνοι κρίναντες 
ταῖς περὶ τὴν “Ελλάδα διεφύλαξαν πόλεσιν ἔθιμα, 
ταῦτα καταλύειν καὶ καινοτομεῖν ἐπὶ βλάβῃ καὶ 
λύμῃ τῶν ἀστυγειτόνων, ἄλλως τε καὶ νεωτέρᾳ 
χρωμένους τῇ ψήφῳ καὶ τὴν ἀπραγμοσύνην τοῦ 
λαχόντος ὑπὲρ τῆς ᾿Αργείων πόλεως τὴν δίκην 
εἰσελθεῖν ἕρμαιον ἔχοντας τῆς πλεονεξίας. εἰ γὰρ 
ἐφῆκεν ἔξω τῆς “Ελλάδος ἀπάγων τὴν δίκην, οἱ 
Κορίνθιοι ἔλαττόν τε ἰσχύειν ἔμελλον καὶ τὸ δί- 
καιον ἐξεταζόμενον κακῶς φαίνεσθαι πρὸς τῶν 
πολλῶν καὶ γενναίων τούτων συνηγόρων, ὑφ᾽ ὧν 
εἰκός ἐστι τὸν δικαστήν, προστιθεμένου καὶ τοῦ 
κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἀξιώματος, δυσωπούμενον ταύτην 
τὴν ψῆφον ἐξενεγκεῖν. 

᾿Αλλὰ τὰ μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως δίκαια καὶ τῶν 

4 f > / > 7 29 “ \ / 2 al 
PNTOPWY, εἰ μόνον ἀκούειν ἐθελοιῖς καὶ λέγειν αὑτοῖς 

ἐπιτραπείη τὴν δίκην, ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς πεύσῃ, καὶ τὸ 
παραστὰν ἐκ τῶν λεγομένων ὀρθῶς κριθήσεται. 
ὅτι δὲ χρὴ καὶ τοῖς τὴν πρεσβείαν ταύτην προσά- 
γουσι δι’ ἡμῶν πεισθῆναι, μικρὰ προσθεῖναι χρὴ 
περὶ αὐτῶν. Διογένης μέν τοι καὶ Λαμπρίας φι- 
a / 7 5, a θ᾽ Crem 
λοσοφοῦσι μέν, εἴπερ τις ἄλλος τῶν KAU ἡμᾶς, 

1 Hertlein suggests ; εἰς τὴν πόλιν Reiske ; τὴν πόλιν MSS. 

1 2.6. the present embassy led by Diogenes and Lamprias ; 
see below, 4108. 
2 Julian now addresses the Proconsul directly. If 355 is the 


i .. .. 


the other hand, in reliance on the laws they 
now have, they claim that their city has gained 
advantages since they received the colony from 
Rome, then we will exhort them in moderate lan- 
guage not to be more arrogant than their fathers 
and not to break up the customs which their fathers 
with sound judgment maintained for the cities of 
Greece, or remodel them to the injury and detri- 
ment of their neighbours; especially since they are 
relying on a recent decision, and, in their avarice, 
regard as a piece of luck the inefficiency of the man 
who was appointed to represent the case of the city 
of Argos. For if he had appealed and taken the 
suit outside of the jurisdiction of Greece, the Corin- 
thians would have had less influence; their rights, 
would have been shown to be weak, when investigated 
by these numerous and upright advocates,) and, 
swayed by these, it is likely that the judge would 
have been awed into giving the proper decision, 
especially as the renown of Argos would also have 
had weight. | 

But as for the rights of the case with respect to 
the city you? will learn them from the beginning 
from the orators if only you will consent to hear 
them and they are permitted to present their case, 
and then the situation will be correctly judged from 
their arguments. But in order to show that we 
ought to place confidence in those who have come 
on this embassy, I must add a few words concerning 
them. Diogenes and Lamprias*® are indeed philo- 
sophers equal to any in our time, and they have 

correct date the Proconsul may be the insolent person referred 
to in 70 Theodorus, Ὁ. 37, as having slighted Julian’s wishes. 
8. These men are otherwise unknown. 




τῆς πολιτείας δὲ τὰ μὲν ἔντιμα καὶ Kepdaréa 
διαπεφεύγασι' τῇ πατρίδι δὲ ἐπαρκεῖν ἀεὶ κατὰ 
δύναμιν προθυμούμενοι, ὅταν ἡ πόλις ἐν χρείᾳ 
μεγάλῃ γένηται, τότε ῥητορεύουσι καὶ πολιτεύ- 
ονται καὶ πρεσβεύουσι καὶ δαπανῶσιν ἐκ τῶν 
ὑπαρχόντων προθύμως, ἔργοις ἀπολογούμενοι τὰ 
φιλοσοφίας ὀνείδη καὶ τὸ δοκεῖν ἀχρήστους εἶναι 
ταῖς πόλεσι τοὺς μετιόντας φιλοσοφίαν ψεῦδος 
ἐλέγχοντες" χρῆται γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἥ τε πατρὶς εἰς 

n \ “ a b] a \ / ᾽ 
ταῦτα, καὶ πειρῶνται βοηθεῖν αὐτῇ τὸ δίκαιον δι 

ἡμῶν, ἡμεῖς δ᾽ αὖθις διὰ σοῦ. τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ 
μόνον λείπεται τοῖς ἀδικουμένοις εἰς τὸ σωθῆναι, 
τὸ τυχεῖν δικαστοῦ κρίνειν τε ἐθέλοντος καὶ δυνα- 
μένου καλῶς: ὁπότερον" γὰρ ἂν ἀπῇ τούτων, 
ἐξαπατηθέντος ἢ καταπροδόντος αὐτοῦ τὸ δίκαιον 
οἴχεσθαι πάντως ἀνάγκη. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ νῦν ἡμῖν 
τὰ μὲν τῶν δικαστῶν ὑπάρχει κατ᾽ εὐχάς, λέγειν 
δ᾽ οὐκ ἔνι μὴ τότε ἐφέντας, ἀξιοῦσι τοῦτο πρῶτον 
αὐτοῖς ἀνεθῆναι, καὶ μὴ τὴν ἀπραγμοσύνην τοῦ 
τότε συνειπόντος τῇ πόλει καὶ τὴν δίκην ἐπιτρο- 
πεύσαντος αἰτίαν αὐτῇ γενέσθαι εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα 
αἰῶνα βλάβης τοσαύτης. 

ἼΛτοπον δὲ οὐ χρὴ νομίζειν τὸ τὴν δίκην αὖθις 
ἀνάδικον ποιεῖν" τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἰδιώταις ξυμφέρει 
τὸ κρεῖττον καὶ λυσιτελέστερον ὀλίγον παριδεῖν, 
τὴν εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον ἀσφάλειαν ὠνουμένοις" 
ὄντος γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὀλίγου βίου, ἡδὺ μὲν Kal τὸ ἐπ᾽ 
ὀλίγον ἡσυχίας ἀπολαῦσαι, φοβερὸν δὲ καὶ τὸ 

1 Hertlein suggests; MSS., Hertlein ἔννομα. 
* 8 τι Hertlein suggests for lacuna, cf. τίς for πότερος 
Caesars 320 Ο ; ὁπότερον Aldine. 



avoided the honours and lucrative offices of the 
state; but they are ever zealous to serve their 
country to the best of their ability, and whenever 
the city is in any great emergency, then they plead 
causes, assist in the government, go on embassies, 
and spend generously from their own resources. 
Thus by their actions they refute the reproaches 
brought against philosophy,! and disprove the com- 
mon opinion that those who pursue philosophy are 
useless to the state. For their country employs 
them for these tasks and they are now endeavouring 
to aid her to obtain justice by my assistance, as 1 
in turn by yours. For this is indeed the only hope 
of safety left for the oppressed, that they may 
obtain a judge who has both the will and ability 
to give a fair decision. For if either of these 
qualities be lacking, so that he is either imposed on 
or faithless to his trust, then there is no help for 
it—the right must perish. But now, since we have 
judges who-are all that we could wish, and yet are 
not able to plead because they did not appeal at the 
time, they beg that this disability may first of all be 
removed for them, and that the lack of energy of 
the man who at that time was the city’s advocate 
and had the suit in charge may not be the cause of 
so great detriment to her for all time to come. 

And we ought not to think it irregular that the 
ease should again be brought to trial. For, though 
in the affairs of private persons it is expedient to 
forego a little one’s advantage and the more profit- 
able course, and thereby purchase security for the 
future—since in their little life it is pleasant, even 
for a little, to enjoy peace and quiet; moreover it 

1 Cf. Plato, Republic 489a. 


πρὸς τῶν δικαστηρίων ἀπολέσθαι κρινόμενον, καὶ 
παισὶ παραπέμψαι τὴν δίκην ἀτελῆ: ὥστε κινδυ- 
νεύει κρεῖσσον εἶναι τὸ καὶ ὁπωσοῦν προσλαβεῖν 
ἥμισυ ἢ περὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἀγωνιζόμενον ἀποθανεῖν" 
τὰς πόλεις δὲ ἀθανάτους οὔσας εἰ μή τις δικαίως 
κρίνας τῆς πρὸς ἀχλήλας φιλονεικίας ἀπαλλάξει, 
a ἄνατον ἔχειν τὴν δύσνοιαν πάντως ἀναγκαῖον, 
καὶ τὸ μῖσος δὲ ὦ ἰσχυρὸν τῷ χρόνῳ κρατυνόμενον. 
εἴρηται, φασὶν οἱ ῥήτορες, & γ᾽ ἐμὸς λόγος, 
κρίνοις δ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς τὰ δέοντα. 

᾿Ιουλιανῷ θείῳ 1 
Ei τὰς σὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐγὼ παρὰ φαῦλον ποιοῦ- 
ἐξ Hea δή μοι ἔπειτα θεοὶ φρένας ὥλεσαν αὐτοί. 

τί γὰρ οὐκ ἔνεστιν ἐν τοῖς σοῖς καλόν; εὔνοια, 
πίστις, ἀλήθεια, καὶ τὸ πρὸ πούτων, οὗ “χωρὶς 
οὐδέν ἐστι τἄλλα, φρόνησις ἅπασι τοῖς ἑαυτῆς 
μέρεσιν, ἀγχινοίᾳ, συνέσει, εὐβουλίᾳ διαδεικνυ- 
μένη. ὅτι δὲ οὐκ ἀντιγράφω, τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ 
κατεμέμψω, σχολὴν οὐκ ἄγω, μὰ τοὺς θεούς, καὶ 
μὴ νομίσῃς ἀκκισμὸν εἶναι μηδὲ παιδιὰν τὸ 
πρᾶγμα. μαρτύρομαι τοὺς λογίους θεούς, ὅτι 
πλὴν Ὅμηρου καὶ Πλάτωνος οὐκ ἀκολουθεῖ μοι 
πυκτίον οὔτε φιλόσοφον οὔτε ῥητορικὸν οὔτε 
γραμματικὸν οὔθ᾽ ἱστορία τις τῶν ἐν κοινῇ χρείᾳ" 

1 Papadopoulos 1 *; not in Hertlein. 


is a terrible thought that one may die while one’s 
case is on trial before the courts and hand down 
the lawsuit to one’s heirs unsettled, so that it seems 
better to secure the half by any possible means than 
to die while struggling to gain the whole,—cities on 
the other hand do not die, and unless there be 
found someone to give a just decision that will free 
them from their quarrels with one another, they 
must inevitably maintain undying ill-will, and their 
hatred moreover is deep-rooted and gains strength 
with time. 

I have said my say, as the orators express it. You 
must yourselves determine what is proper to do. 

To his Uncle Julian 

Ir I set small store by your letters, “Then the 
gods themselves have destroyed my wits.”’! For 
all the virtues are displayed in them: goodwill, 
loyalty, truth, and what is more than all these, since 
without it the rest are nought, wisdom, displayed by 
you in all her several kinds, shrewdness, intelligence 
and good judgement. You reproached me for not 
answering them, but I have no time, heaven knows, 
and pray do not suppose that this is affectation or 
a jest. The gods of eloquence bear me witness 
that, except for Homer and Plato, I have with me 
not so much as a pamphlet 2 on philosophy, rhetoric, 
or grammar, or any historical work of the sort that is 
in general use. And even these that I have are 

1 Tliad 7. 360. 

2 Lit. ‘‘ folding tablet ;” the more usual form is πτυκτίον. 

VOL, ΠῚ, u 



καὶ ταῦτα δὲ αὐτὰ τοῖς περιάπτοις ἔοικε καὶ 
φυλακτηρίοις" δέδεται γὰρ ἀεί. ὀλίγα λοιπὸν 
καὶ εὔχομαι καίτοι δεόμενος, ὡς εἰκός, εἴ πέρ ποτε 
ἄχλοτε καὶ νῦν εὐχῶν πολλῶν πάνυ, καὶ μεγάλων. 
ἀλλ᾽ ἄγχει πάντοθεν * περιεχόμενα τὰ πράγ- 
ματα, ὄψει δὲ ἴσως καὶ αὐτός, ὅταν εἰς τὴν Συρίαν 

Περὶ δὲ ὧν ἐπέστειλάς μοι, πάντα ἐπαινῶ, 
πάντα θαυμάζω ἃ évvoeis,? οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀπό- 
βλητον ἐξ ἐκείνων ἴσθι οὖν ὅτι καὶ πάντα 
πράξω σὺν θεοῖς. 

τοὺς κίονας τοὺς Δαφναίους θοῦ πρὸ τῶν 
ἄλλων' τοὺς ἐκ βασιλείων τῶν πανταχοῦ λαβὼν 
ἀποκόμισον, ὑπόστησον δὲ εἰς τὰς ἐκείνων χώρας 
τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἔναγχος κατειλημμένων οἰκιῶν" εἰ δὲ 
κἀκεῖθεν ἐπιλείποιεν, ὀπτῆς πλίνθου καὶ κόνεως 
τέως * ἔξωθεν μαρμαρώσαντες εὐτελεστέροις XPN- 
σώμεθα' τὸ δὲ ὅσιονδϑ ὅτι πολυτελείας ἐ ἐστὶ κρεῖττον 
καὶ τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσιν ἡδονὴν ἐν βίῳ καὶ τῇ χρήσει 
ἔχον πολλήν, αὐτὸς οἶδας. 

1 Weil, πάντοτε MS. 

2 MS. ἐν ois; ἅ ἐννοεῖς Weil. 

3 πάντα ἐπαινῶ--ἐκείνων Weil regards as quotation from 
the elder Julian’s letter. 

4 Capps; MS. ἕως, Biicheler deletes. 

5 Asmus, cf. Vol. 2, 2138p; MS. αἴσιον. 

1 For the use of such amulets in the Mithraic ritual to 
which Asmus here sees an allusion, see Mithrasliturgie, p. 20, 

2 Julian left Constantinople soon after May 12th for 
Antioch, where his uncle then was. 

8. The ‘temple of Apollo at Daphne, the suburb of Antioch, 

which was burned on October 22nd during Julian’s visit, 



like personal ornaments or amulets,! for they are 
always tied fast to me. For the rest I do not even 
offer up many prayers, though naturally I need now 
more than ever to pray very often and very long. 
But I am hemmed in and choked by public business, 
as you will perhaps see for yourself when I arrive in 

As for the business mentioned in your letter, I 
approve of everything and admire everything you 
propose, nothing of that must be rejected. Be 
assured, then, that with the aid of the gods I shall 
leave nothing undone. 

First of all set up the pillars of the temple of 
Daphne ;* take those that are in any palace anywhere, 
and convey them thence; then set up in their places 
others taken from the recently occupied houses.* 
And if there are not enough even from that source, 
let us use cheaper ones. meanwhile, of baked brick 
and plaster, casing them with marble,> for you are 
well aware that piety is to be preferred to splendour, 
and, when put in practice, secures much pleasure for 
the righteous in this life. Concerning the affair 

had fallen into disrepair in the reign of Constantius, and 
columns had been removed by the Christians; cf. Zonaras 
13. 12, who relates that at Tarsus, on his way to Persia, 
Julian learned that the Christians had robbed the temple of 
Asclepius at Aegae, on the coast, of its columns and used 
them to build achurch. Julian ordered the columns to be 
restored to the temple at the expense of the Christians. 

* Perhaps he means the Christian church dedicated to St. 
Babylas, which his half-brother Gallus had erected opposite 
the temple. 

> i.e. a coat of stucco made with marble dust, 



Περὶ δὲ τῶν πρὸς “Λαυρίκιον * οὐθὲν οἶμαι δεῖν 
ἐπιστέλλειν σοι, πλὴν τοσοῦτον παραινῶ, πᾶσαν 
ὀργὴν ἄφες, ἐπίτρεψον ἅπαντα τῇ δίκῃ, τὰς ἀκοὰς 
ὑφέξων αὐτοῦ τοῖς λόγοις μετὰ πάσης πίστεως 
τῆς πρὸς τὸ δίκαιον. καὶ οὔ φημι τοῦτο, ὡς οὐκ 
ἐπαχθῆ τὰ πρὸς σὲ γραφέντα καὶ πλήρη πάσης 
ὕβρεως καὶ ὑπεροψίας, ἀλλὰ χρὴ φέρειν' ͵ ἀνδρὸς 
yap ἐστιν ἀγαθοῦ καὶ μεγαλοψύχου ἀκούειν μὲν 
κακῶς, λέγειν δὲ μὴ κακῶς. ὥσπερ γὰρ τὰ βαλλό- 
μενα πρὸς τοὺς στερεοὺς καὶ γενναίους τοίχους 
ἐκείνοις μὲν οὐ προσιζάνει, οὐδὲ πλήττει, οὐδὲ 
ἐγκάθηται, σφοδρότερον δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς βάλλοντας 
ἀνακλᾶται, οὕτω πᾶσα λοιδορία καὶ βλασφημία 
καὶ ὕβρις ἄδικος ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ καταχυθεῖσα 
θιγγάνει μὲν οὐδαμῶς ἐκείνου, τρέπεται δὲ ἐπὶ 
τὸν καταχέοντα. ταῦτά σοι παραινῶ, τὰ δὲ ἑξῆς 
ἔσται τῆς κρίσεως. ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν ἐμῶν ἐπιστολῶν 
ἅς φησί σε λαβόντα παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ δημοσιεῦσαι, 
γελοῖον. εἶναί μοι φαίνεται φέρειν εἰς κρίσιν' οὐθὲν 
γὰρ ἐγώ, μὰ τοὺς θεούς, πρός σε πώποτε γέγραφα 
οὔτε πρὸς ἄλλον ἄνθρωπον οὐδένα, ὃ ὃ μὴ δημοσίᾳ 
τοῖς πᾶσι προκεῖσθαι βούλομαι" τίς γὰρ ἀσέλγεια, 
τίς ὕβρις, τίς “προπηλακισμός, τίς λοιδορία, τίς 
αἰσχρορρημοσύνη ταῖς ἐμαῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ἐνεγράφη 
ποτέ; ὅς γε, καὶ εἰ πρός τινα τραχύτερον εἶχον," 
διδούσης μοι τῆς ὑποθέσεως ὥσπερ ἐξ ἁμάξης 

1 Λαυράκιον MS., Λαυρίκιον Geficken, to identify him with 
the correspondent ‘of Libanits. 

2 Biicheler; MS. εἰ καὶ----ἔχων ; καίπερ----ἔχων Papadopoulos 

1 Possibly to be identified with Bassidius Laaricius, 
governor of the province of Isauria in 359, a Christian 



of Lauricius,' I do not think I need write you any 
instructions ; but | give you just this word of advice : 
renounce all feeling of anger, trust all to justice, 
submitting your ears to his words with complete 
confidence in the right. Yet I do not deny that 
what he wrote to you was annoying and full of every 
kind of insolence and arrogance; but you must put 
up with it. For it becomes a good and great-souled 
man to make no counter charge when he is maligned. 
For, just as missiles that are hurled against hard, 
well-built walls, do not settle on them, or penetrate 
them, or stay where they strike, but rebound with 
increased force against the hand that throws them, 
just so every aspersion directed against an upright 
man, slander, calumny, or unmerited insolence, 
touches him not at all, but recoils on the head of 
him who made the aspersion. This is my advice to 
you, but the sequel will be for the law to decide, 
With regard, however, to the letters which he asserts 
you made public after receiving them from me, it 
seems to me ridiculous to bring them into court. 
For I call the gods to witness, I have never written 
to you or any other man a word that I am not willing 
to publish for all to see. ‘ Have I ever in my letters 
employed brutality or insolence, or abuse or slander, 
or said anything for which I need to blush? On the 
contrary, even when I have felt resentment against 
someone and my subject gave me a chance to use 
ribald language like a woman from a cart,” the sort 

correspondent of Libanius; Ammianus 19. 13.2; Libanius, 
Letter 585, Foerster. The little that we know about Lauricius 
gives no clue to what follows. 

2 A proverbial reference to the scurrilous language per- 
mitted to the women who rode in wagons in the Eleusinian 
processions ; cf. Aristophanes, Plutus 1014. 



εἰπεῖν, οἷα ψευδῶς ἐπὶ τοῦ Λυκάμβου 1 ᾿Αρχί- 
λοχος, σεμνότερον αὐτὰ " καὶ σωφρονέστερον 
ἐφθεγξάμην ἤ τις ὃ ἱερὰν ὑπόθεσιν μετῇει. εἰ 
δὲ τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ἡμῖν πρὸς ἀλλήλους εὐνοίας 
ἔμφασιν εἶχε τὰ γράμματα, τοῦτο ἐγὼ λανθάνειν 
ἠβουλόμην ἢ ἢ ἀποκρύπτεσθαι ; * διὰ τί; μάρτυρας 
ἔχω τοὺς θεοὺς πάντας τε καὶ πάσας, ὅτι, καὶ 
ὅσα μοι πρὸς τὴν γαμετήν, οὐκ ἄν ἠχθέσθην, εἴ τις 
ἐδημοσίευσεν' οὕτως ἢ ἣν πάντα σωφροσύνης πλήρη. 
εἰ δέ, ἃ ἃ πρὸς τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ θεῖον ἐπέστειλα, ταῦτα 
καὶ ἄλλος τίς ἀνέγνω. καὶ δεύτερος, ὁ «πικρῶς 
οὕτως ave vevoas αὐτὰ δικαιοτέραν ἄν ὑπόσχοι 
μέμψιν ἢ ὁ γράψας ἐγὼ ἢ σὺ ἢ καὶ ἄλλος ἀνα- 
γνούς. “πλὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦτο συγχώρει καὶ μὴ 
ταραττέτω σε, σκόπει δὲ ἐκεῖνο μόνον" πονηρὸς 
ἐστι Λαυρίκιος, “ὑπέξελθε γενναίως αὐτόν. εἰ δὲ 
ἐπιεικὴς καὶ μέτριός ἐστι, καὶ ἥμαρτε περὶ σέ, 
δὸς αὐτῷ συγγνώμην" τοὺς γὰρ ἀγαθοὺς δημοσίᾳ, 
Kav ἰδίᾳ “περὶ ἡμᾶς οὐ καθήκοντες γένωνται, 
φιλεῖν χρή. τοὺς πονηροὺς δὲ ἐ ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς, κἂν 
ἡμῖν κεχαρισμένοι διὰ χειρὸς ἔχειν, οὐ μισεῖν οὐδὲ 
ἐκτρέπεσθαί φημι, φυλακὴν δὲ προβεβλῆσθαί ° 
τίνα, ὅπως μὴ λήσωσι κακουργοῦντες, εἰ δὲ 
δυσφύλακτοι λίαν εἶεν, χρῆσθαι πρὸς μηδὲν αὐτοῖς. 
ὑπὲρ οὗ γέγραφας καὶ αὐτός, ὅτι θρυνούμενος ἐπὶ 
πονηρίᾳ τὴν ἰατρικὴν ὑποκρίνεται, ἐκλήθη μὲν 
παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ὡς σπουδαῖος, πρὶν δὲ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν 

1 ’ Weil, MS. Λαυδακίδον. 
2 Bidez, MS. αὐτόν. 
! ’ Bidez, ἤ τις Weil, ὡς εἴτις Papadopoulos, . . εἴτις MS. 
; Weil adds ; Papadgpoulos inserts μὴ before λανθάνειν. 
δ 1 Biche MS. προβέβλησό. 



of libels that Archilochus launched against Lycambes,! 
I have always expressed myself with more dignity 
and reserve than one observes even on a sacred sub- 
ject. And if my letters did give emphatic proof of 
the kindly feeling that you and I have towards one 
another, did I wish this to be unknown or concealed ? 
For what purpose? I call all the gods and goddesses 
to witness that I should not have resented it, even if 
someone had published abroad all that I ever wrote 
to my wife, so temperate was it in every respect. 
And if this or that person has read what I wrote to 
my own uncle, it would be fairer to blame the man who 
ferreted it out with such malevolence, rather than 
me, the writer, or you, or any other who read it. 
Nevertheless, concede this to me, do not let it disturb 
your peace of mind, only look at the matter thus—if 
Lauricius is really dishonest get rid of him in a dig- 
nified way. But if he is a well-meaning person of 
average honesty, and has treated you badly, forgive 
him. For-when men are honest in public life we 
must be on good terms with them, even though they 
do not behave properly to us in their private capacity. 
On the other hand, when men are dishonest in public 
affairs, even though they have won our favour, we 
must keep them under control; I do not mean that 
we must hate or avoid them, but keep careful watch 
on them, so that we may not fail to detect them 
when they misbehave, though if they are too hard to 
control in this way, we must not employ them at all. 
_ As for what you, as well as others, have written, that 
though notorious for bad conduct he masquerades as 
a physician, I did send for him, thinking that he was 
trustworthy, but before he had an interview with me 

1 Cf. Horace, Epode 6. 13. 


φωραθεὶς ὅστις ἦν, μᾶλλον δὲ καταμηνυθείς" τὸ 
δὲ ὑπὸ τίνος αὐτὸς ἐντυχὼν φράσω σοι" κατεφρο- 
νήθη" σοὶ δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ τούτου χάριν οἶδα. 

Τῶν αἰτηθέντων ἀ ἀγρῶν ἐπειδήπερ ἔφθην ἐ ἐκείνους 
δεδωκώς" εἰσί δέ μοι μάρτυρες ὁμόγνιοι καὶ φίλιοι ἴ 
θεοί: δώσω μακρῷ λυσιτελεστέρους, αἰσθήσῃ δὲ 
καὶ αὐτός. 

Ἰουλιανὸς Φιλίππῳ 3 

Ἦ, \ \ \ θ \ » a x 5 / , 
y@ vn τοὺς θεοὺς e€TL καίσαρ ὧν ἐπέστειλα 
σοι, καὶ νομίξω πλέον ἢ ἅπαξ. ὥρμησα μέντοι 
πολλάκις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκώλυσαν ἄλλοτε ἄλλαι προφά- 
σεις, εἶτα ἡ γενομένη διὰ τὴν ἀνάρρησιν ἐμοί τε 
καὶ τῷ μακαρίτῃ Κωνσταντίῳ λυκοφιλία" παντά- 
πᾶσι γὰρ ἐφυλαττόμην t ὑπὲρ τὰς "Adres ἐπιστεῖ- 
λαί τινι, μὴ πραγμάτων αὐτῷ χαλεπῶν αἴτιος 
γένωμαι. τεκμήριον δέ μοι 8 ποιοῦ τῆς εὐνοίας 
τὸ μὴ γράφειν" οὐ γὰρ ἐθέλει πολλάκις ὁμολογεῖν 
ἡ γλῶττα τῇ διανοίᾳ. καὶ ἴσως ἔχει μέν τι πρὸς 
τὸ γαυριᾶν καὶ ἀλαζονεύεσθαι τοῖς ἰδιώταις. ἡ 
τῶν βασιλικῶν ἐπιστολῶν ἐπίδειξις, ὅ ὅταν πρὸς 
τοὺς ἀσυνήθεις, ὥσπερ δακτύλιοί τινες ὑπὸ τῶν 
ἀπειροκάλων φερόμενοι, κομίζωνται. φιλία δὲ 

1 φίλοι MS., φίλιοι Weil. 2 Hertlein 68. 
3 μοι ποιοῦ, τοῦτο---γράφειν MSS.; μὴ---γράφειν Reiske, Hert- 
lein ; μοι---μὴ γράφειν Cobet. 

1 Schwarz wrongly suspects this letter on stylistic grounds. 
Philip was perhaps the Cappadocian to whom Libanius wrote 
several extant letters, e.g. Letter 1190. For his zeal in aiding 


his true character was detected, or rather he was 
denounced to me—when I meet you I will tell you 
by whom—and he was treated with contempt. For 
this too I have to thank you. 

Instead of the estates that you asked for, since I 
have already given those away—lI call to witness the 
gods of our family and of friendship—I will give 
you some that pay far better, as you shall yourself 

To Philip’ 

I catt the gods to witness that, when I was still 
Caesar I wrote to you, and 1 think it was more than 
once. However, I started to do so many times, but 
there were reasons that prevented me, now of one 
kind, now another, and then followed that wolf’s 
friendship that arose between myself and Constantius 
of blessed memory, in consequence of the proclama- 
tion.? I was exceedingly careful not to write to 
anyone beyond the Alps for fear of getting him into 
serious trouble. So consider the fact that I did not 
write a proof of my goodwill. For it is often impractic- 
able to make one’s language harmonise with one’s 
real sentiments. Then, too, letters from the Emperor 
to private persons might well lead to their display 
for bragging and making false pretences when they 
come into the hands of persons with no sense of pro- 
priety, who carry them about like seal-rings and 
show them to the inexperienced. Nay, genuine 

Julian to restore paganism he suffered persecution after the 
Emperor’s death. 

2 2,6. of himself as Augustus by the army in Gaul, early in 
360; cf. Vol. 2, Letter to the Athenians 283-286; he was 
Caesar 355-360, 




ἀληθινὴ γίνεται μάλιστα μὲν ov ὁμοιότητος, ἡ 
δευτέρα δέ, ὅ ὅταν τις ἀληθῶς, ἀλλὰ μὴ πλαστῶς 
θαυμάξῃ, καὶ παρὰ τοῦ τύχῃ καὶ συνέσει κρείτ- 
τονος ὁ πρᾷος καὶ μέτριος καὶ σώφρων ἀγαπηθῇ. 
τὰ γραμματεῖα δὲ ταῦτα πολλοῦ τύφου καὶ 
πολλῆς φλυαρίας ἐστὶ μεστά, καὶ ἔγωγε πολλάκις 
ἐμαυτῷ μέμφομαι μακρότερα ποιούμενος αὐτὰ 
καὶ λαλίστερος ὦν, ἐξὸν ἸΤυθαγόρειον διδάσκειν 
τὴν γλῶτταν. 

“Ὑπεδεξάμην μέντοι τὰ σύμβολα, φιάλην ἀργυ- 
ρᾶν, ἕλκουσαν μίαν μνᾶν, καὶ χρυσοῦ νόμισμα. 
καλέσαι δέ σε πρὸς ἐμαυτόν, ὥσπερ ἐπέστειλας, 
ἐβουλόμην. ἤδη δὲ ἔαρ ὑποφαίνέι καὶ τὰ δένδρα 
βλαστάνει, χελιδόνες δὲ ὅσον οὔπω προσδοκώ- 
μεναι τοὺς συστρατευομένους ἡμᾶς, ὅταν ἐπεισ- 
έλθωσιν, ἐξελαύνουσι τῶν οἰκιῶν, καί φασι δεῖν 
ὑπερορίους εἶναι. “πορευσόμεθα δὲ δ ὑμῶν, 
ὥστε μοι βέλτιον ἂν ἐντύχοις, ἐθελόντων θεῶν, 
ἐν τοῖς σαυτοῦ. τοῦτο δὲ οἶμαι ταχέως ἔσεσθαι, 
πλὴν εἰ μή τι δαιμόνιον γένοιτο κώλυμα. καὶ 
τοῦτο δὲ αὐτὸ τοῖς θεοῖς εὐχόμεθα. 

᾽ a , \ na > lal xf 
Ἰουλιανοῦ νόμος περὶ τῶν ἰατρῶν. 
Τὴν ἰατρικὴν ἐπιστήμην σωτηριώδη τοῖς 
ἀνθρώποις τυγχάνειν τὸ ἐναργὲς τῆς χρείας 

1 Hertlein 20 ἢ. In the MSS. this document has no 
title; it was placed by Hertlein after Letter 25 in his 

1 Such tokens were often sent tofriends; cf. Zo Hecebolius, 
p. 219. 



friendship is produced first and foremost by similarity 
of disposition, but a second kind is, when one feels 
true and not pretended admiration, and a humane, 
moderate and virtuous man is cherished by one who 
is his superior in fortune and intelligence. Moreover 
letters of this sort are full of conceit and nonsense, 
and, for my part, I often blame myself for making 
mine too long, and for being too loquacious when I 
might discipline my tongue to Pythagorean silence. 

Yes, I received the tokens, namely, a silver bowl 
weighing one mina and a gold coin.t I should be 
very glad to invite you to visit me as you suggest 
in your letter. But the first signs of spring are here 
already, the trees are in bud, and the swallows, which 
are expected almost immediately, as soon as they 
come drive our band of campaigners out of doors, 
and remind us that we ought to be over the border. 
We shall travel through your part of the country,? 
so that you would have a better chance of seeing 
me, if the gods so will it, in yourown home. ‘This 
will, I think, be soon, unless some sign from heaven 
should forbid it. For this same meeting I am 
praying to the gods. 

A decree concerning Physicians® 

Tuat the science of medicine is salutary for man- 
kind is plainly testified by experience. Hence the 

* Julian set out for Antioch about May 12th, 362, and ex- 
pected to see Philip in Cappadocia. 

8 This edict, preserved more briefly in Codex Theodosianus 
13. 3. 4, was Julian’s Jast known legislative act before he left 
Constantinople. It confirmed the immunity granted to phy- 
sicians by Constantine, and was probably meant to apply 
only to the heads of the medical faculties, archiatri, since 
the Latin edict is addressed to them, 




μαρτυρεῖ. διὸ καὶ ταύτην ἐξ οὐρανοῦ πεφοιτη- 
κέναι δικαίως φιλοσόφων παῖδες κηρύττουσι. 
τὸ γὰρ ἀσθενὲς τῆς ἡμετέρας φύσεως καὶ τὰ 
τῶν ἐπισυμβαινόντων ἀρρωστημάτων ἐπανορ- 
θοῦται διὰ ταύτης. ὅθεν κατὰ τὸν τοῦ δικαίου 
λογισμὸν συνῳδὰ τοῖς ἄνωθεν βασιλεῦσι θεσπί- 
ἕοντες ἡμετέρᾳ φιλανθρωπίᾳ κελεύομεν τῶν 
βουλευτικῶν λειτουργημάτων ἀνενοχλήτους ὑμᾶς 
τοὺς λοιποὺς χρόνους διάγειν. 


Τὸ βιβλίον, ὅπερ ἀπέστειλας διὰ Μυγδονίου, 
δεδέγμεθα, καὶ προσέτι πάντα ὅσα σύμβολα διὰ 
τῆς ἑορτῆς ἡμῖν ἐπέμπετο. ἔστι μὲν οὖν μοι καὶ 
τούτων ἕκαστον ἡδὺ,3 παντὸς δὲ ἥδιον, εὖ ἴσθι, τὸ 
πεπύσθαι με περὶ τῆς σῆς ἀγαθότητος, ὅτι σὺν θεοῖς 
ἔρρωταί σοι τὸ σῶμα, καὶ τὰ περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς 
ἐπιμελέστερον ἅμα καὶ συντονώτερον σπουδά- 
ἕεται παρὰ σοῦ. περὶ δὲ ὧν πρὸς τὸν φιλόσοφον 
Μάξιμον ἔγραψας, ὡς τοῦ φίλου μου Σελεύκου 
ιαφόρως ἔχοντος πρὸς σέ, πέπεισο μηθὲν αὐτὸν 
Tap ἐμοὶ τοιοῦτον πράττειν ἢ λέγειν, ἐξ ὧν ἄν σε 

1 Papadopoulos 2* ; not in Hertlein. 
2 Weil; MS. ἰδεῖν. 

1 For Mygdonius cf. Letter 33, and Libanius, Letlers 471, 
518 written in 357. 

* Literally ‘‘ tokens,” tesserae, probably the same as the 
συνθήματα mentioned by Sozomen 5. 16; they were letters of 
recommendation for the use of Christian travellers ; Sozomen 
says that Julian wished to establish this custom among the 



sons of the philosophers are right in proclaiming that 
this science also is descended from heaven. For by 
its means the infirmity of our nature and the dis- 
orders that attack us are corrected. Therefore, in 
accordance with reason and justice, we decree what 
is in harmony with the acts of former Emperors, and 
of our benevolence ordain that for the future ye may 
live free from the burdens attaching to senators. 

To the priestess Theodora 

I nave received through Mygdonius! the books 
that you sent me, and besides, all the letters of 
recommendation? that you forwarded to me through- 
out the festival. Every one of these gives me pleasure, 
but you may be sure that more pleasant than anything 
else is the news about your excellent self,’ that by 
the grace of the gods you are in good physical health, 
and are devoting yourself to the service of the gods 
more earnestly and energetically. As regards what 
you wrote to the philosopher Maximus, that my 
friend Seleucus‘ is ill-disposed towards you, believe 
me that he neither does nor says in my pres- 
ence anything that he could possibly intend as 

8 Literally “your Goodness” ; with this use of ἀγαθότης cf. 
_ Oribasius, Introduction to his ἰατρικαὶ συναγωγαὶ 1. παρὰ τῆς 
σῆς θειότητος, αὐτόκρατορ ᾿Ιουλιανὲ --Ξ- “‘by your god-like self,” 
literally ‘‘ your Divinity ” ; see above, p. 3. 

4 Of Cilicia. He was an old friend of the Emperor’s and 
accompanied him on the Persian campaign. From the letters 
of Libanius it seems that Julian had appointed Seleucus to 
some high priestly office in 362. 




μάλιστα δ. αβάλλοι' τοὐναντίον δὲ πάντα εὔφημα 
διεξέρχεται περὶ σοῦ, καὶ οὔπω λέγω τοῦθ' ὅτι 
καὶ διάκειται περὶ σὲ καλῶς" ἐκεῖνο μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸς 
ἂν εἰδείη καὶ οἱ πάντα ὁρῶντες θεοί" τὸ δὲ ὅτι 
πάντων ἀπέχεται τῶν τοιούτων ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ, λίαν 
ἀληθεύων φημί. γελοῖον οὖν εἶναί μοι φαίνεται, 
μὴ τὰ πραττόμενα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ σκοπεῖν ἀλλὰ 
τὰ κρυπτόμενα, καὶ ὧν οὐδέν ἐστί μοι φανερὸν 
τεκμήριον ἐξετάζειν. ἐπεὶ δὲ κατέδραμες αὐτοῦ 
πολλὰ πάνυ, καὶ mepl αὑτῆς ἐδήλωσάς τινα, τὴν 
αἰτίαν μοι τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχθείας φανερὰν 
ποιοῦσα, τοσοῦτον ἐγώ φημι πρὸς σε διαρρήδην, 
ὡς, εἴ τινα ἀνδρῶν ἢ γυναικῶν ἢ ἐλευθέρων ἢ 
δούλων ἀγαπᾷς οὔτε νῦν σέβοντα θεοὺς οὔτε 
ἐν ἐλπίδι τοῦ πείσειν αὐτὸν ἔχουσα, ἁμαρτάνεις. 
ἐννόησον γὰρ ὡς ἐπὶ σαυτῆς πρῶτον, εἴ τις οἰκετῶν 
τῶν φιλουμένων ὑπὸ σοῦ τοῖς λοιδορουμένοις καὶ 
βλασφημοῦσί σε συμπράττοι καὶ θεραπεύοι 
πλέον ἐκείνους, ἀποστρέφοιτο δὲ καὶ βδελύττοιτο 
τοὺς σοὺς φίλους ἡμᾶς, ap οὐ τοῦτον αὐτίκα 
ἂν ἀπολέσθαι ἐθέλοις, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ αὐτὴ 
τιμωρήσαιο; τί οὗν; οἱ θεοὶ τῶν φίλων εἰσὶν 
ἀτιμότεροι; λόγισαι καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῶν τοῦτο, 
δεσπότας μὲν ἐκείνους ὑπολαβοῦσα, δούλους 
δὲ ἡμᾶς. εἴ τις οὖν ἡμῶν, οἵ φαμεν εἶναι θερά- 
TOVTES θεῶν, οἰκέτην στέργοι τὸν βδελυττόμενον 
αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀποστρεφόμενον αὐτῶν τὴν θρησκείαν, 
ap’ οὐ δίκαιον ἢ πείθειν αὐτὸν καὶ σώξειν, ἢ τῆς 
οἰκίας ἀποπέμπεσθαι καὶ πιπράσκειν, εἴ τῳ μὴ 

1 Weil; MS. ἐθέλεις. 



slandering. On the contrary, all that he tells me 
about you is favourable ; and while I do not go so far 
as to say that he actually feels friendly to you—only 
he himself and the all-seeing gods can know the 
truth as to that—still I can say with perfect sincerity 
that he does refrain from any such calumny in my 
presence. Therefore it seems absurd to scrutinise 
what is thus concealed rather than what he actually 
does, and to search for proof of actions of which I 
have no shred of evidence. But since you have 
made so many accusations against him, and have 
plainly revealed to me a definite cause for your own 
hostility towards him, I do say this much to you 
frankly; if you are showing favour to any person, 
man or woman, slave or free, who neither worships 
the gods as yet, nor inspires in you any hope that you 
may persuade him to do so, you are wrong. For do 
but consider first how you would feel about your own 
household. Suppose that some slave for whom you 
feel affection should conspire with those who slan- 
dered and spoke ill of you, and showed deference to 
them, but abhorred and detested us who are your 
friends, wouid you not wish for his speedy destruc- 
tion, or rather would you not punish him yourself? ! 
Well then, are the gods to be less honoured than our 
friends? You must use the same argument with 
reference to them, you must consider that they are 
our masters and we their slaves. It follows, does it 
not, that if one of us who call ourselves servants of 
~the gods has a favourite slave who abominates the 
gods and turns from their worship, we must in justice 
either convert him and keep him, or dismiss him from 
the house and sell him, in case some one does not 

1 An echo of Plato, Zuthyphro 13p; ef. Vol. 2, 2898. 



ῥάδιον ὑπερορᾶν οἰκέτου κτήσεως ; ἐγὼ δὲ οὐκ ἂν 
δεξαίμην ὑπὸ τῶν μὴ φιλούντων θεοὺς ἀγα- 
πᾶσθαι: ὃ δὴ καὶ σὲ καὶ πάντας φημὶ δεῖν τοὺς 
ἱερατικῶν ) ἀντιποιουμένους ἐντεῦθεν ἤδη διανοη- 
θέντας ἅψασθαι συντονώτερον τῆς εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς 
ἁγιστείας" ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας δὲ σεβασμὸν 3 εὔλογον 
παρέχεσθαι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ τὸν ἱερέα, καὶ πρώτην 
αὐτὴν ὅλην ot ὅλης ἀποφῆναι καθαρὰν τῶν 
τηλικούτων νοσημάτων. 

Θεοδώρᾳ τῇ αἰδεσιμωτάτῃ. 

Τὰ πεμφθέντα παρὰ σοῦ βιβλία πάντα 
ὑπεδεξάμην καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἄσμενος διὰ 
τοῦ βελτίστου Μυγδονίου. καὶ μόγις ἄγων 
σχολήν, ὡς ἴσασιν οἱ θεοί, οὐκ ἀκκιζόμενος λέγω," 
ταῦτα ἀντέγραψα πρός σε. σὺ δὲ εὖ πράττοις 
καὶ γράφοις ἀεὶ τοιαῦτα. 


᾿Εδεξάμην" ὅσα ἐπέστειλεν ἡ σὴ φρόνησις 
ἀγαθὰ καὶ καλὰ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἡμῖν ἐπαγ- 
γέλματα καὶ δῶρα' καὶ πολλὴν ὁμολογήσας 

1 Biicheler, Weil; Papadopoulos ἱερατικῆς (λειτουργία) ; 
MS. ἱερατικῶς. 

2 Weil; MS. ἕκαστον. 8 Hertlein 5. 

* Cobet ; οὐ κακιζομένην λόγω MSS., Hertlein ; οὐκ ἀκκιζο- 
μένην Reiske. 

δ Papadopoulos 6*, Not in Hertlein, 



find it easy to dispense with owning a slave? For 
my part I would not consent to be loved by those 
who do not love the gods; wherefore I now say 
plainly that you and all who aspire to priestly offices 
must bear this in mind, and engage with greater 
energy in the temple worship of the gods. And it is 
reasonable to expect that a priest should begin with 
his own household in showing reverence, and first of 
all prove that it is wholly and throughout pure of 
such grave distempers. 

To the most reverend Theodora} 

I was glad to receive all the books that you 
sent me, and your letters through the. excellent 
Mygdonius.?_ And since I have hardly any leisure,— 
as the gods know, I speak without affectation,—I 
have written you these few lines. And now fare- 
well, and may you always write me letters of the 
same sort! — 

To Theodora ? 8 

I nave received from you who are wisdom itself 
your letter telling me of the fair and blessed 
promises and gifts of the gods to us. First I 

_ 1 The epithet as well as the preceding letter show that she 
was a priestess. 

* Mygdonius protected Libanius in Constantinople in 343. 
There is nothing to show whether Julian was at Antioch or 
Constantinople when he wrote these letters to Theodora. 

8’ This unaddressed letter must have been written to a 
priestess, who was almost certainly Theodora, 



date as 





χάριν τοῖς οὐρανίοις θεοῖς ἐν δευτέρῳ τῇ σῇ 
μεγαλοψυχίᾳ άριν ἔσχον, ὅτι καὶ προσλιπαρεῖν 
ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν τοὺς θεοὺς ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα προθυμῇ 
καὶ τὰ φανέντα map αὑτῇ ἀγαθὰ διὰ ταχέων 
ἡμῖν καταμηνύειν σπουδάζεις. 

᾿Αριστοξένῳ φιλοσόφῳ. 

“Apa γε χρὴ περιμένειν. κλῆσιν, καὶ τὸ ἀκλητὶ 
προτιμᾶν μηδαμοῦ ; ἀλλ᾽ ὅρα μὴ χαλεπὴν ταύτην 
εἰσαγάγωμεν νομοθεσίαν, εἰ ταὐτὰ χρὴ παρὰ τῶν 
φίλων περιμένειν, ὅσα καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἁπλῶς καὶ 
ὡς ἔτυχε γνωρίμων. ἀπορήσει τις ἐνταῦθα, πῶς 
οὐκ ἰδόντες " ἀλλήλους ἐσμὲν φίλοι; πῶς δὲ τοῖς 
πρὸ χιλίων ἐτῶν γεγονόσι καὶ ναὶ μὰ Δία 
δισχιλίων ; ὅτι σπουδαῖοι πάντες ἧσαν καὶ τὸν 
τρόπον καλοί τε κἀγαθοί. ἐπιθυμοῦμεν δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς 
εἶναι τοιοῦτοι, εἰ καὶ τοῦ εἶναι, τό ye εἰς ἐμέ, 
πάμπληθες ἀπολειπόμεθα. πλὴν ἀλλ' ἥ γε ἐπι- 
θυμία τάττει πως ἡμᾶς εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν ἐκείνοις 
μερίδα. καὶ τί ταῦτα ἐγὼ ληρῶ μακρότερον; 
εἴτε γὰρ ἄκλητον ἰέναι χρή, ἥξεις δήπουθεν" εἴτε 
καὶ κλῆσιν περιμένεις, ἰδού σοι καὶ παράκλησις 
ἥκει παρ᾽ ἡμῶν. ἔντυχε οὖν ἡμῖν περὶ τὰ Τύανα 
πρὸς Διὸς φιλίου, καὶ δεῖξον ἡμῖν ἄνδρα ἐν Kar- 

1 Hertlein 4. 

2 Wyttenbach, Cobet from Parisinus; εἰδότες MSS., 



acknowledged the great gratitude that I owed to 
the heavenly gods, and in the second place I ren- 
dered thanks to your generosity of soul, in that you 
are zealous, no one more so, in entreating the gods 
on my behalf, and moreover you lose no time but 
inform me without delay of the blessings that have 
been revealed where you are. 

To Aristoxenus, a Philosopher! 

Must you then really wait for an invitation and never 
prefer to come uninvited? Nay, see to it that you 
and I do not introduce this tiresome convention 
of expecting the same ceremony from our friends 
as from mere chance acquaintances. At this point 
will somebody or other raise the question how we 
come to be friends when we have never seen one 
another? I answer: How are we the friends of 
those who lived a thousand, or, by Zeus, even two 
thousand years ago? It is because they were all 
virtuous, of upright and noble character. And we, 
likewise, desire to be such as they, even though, to 
speak for myself, we completely fail in that aspira- 
tion. But, at any rate, this ambition does in some 
degree rank us in the same category as_ those 
persons. But why do 1 talk at length about these 
tries? For if it is right that you should come 
without an invitation you will certainly come; if, 
-on the other hand, you are really waiting for an 
invitation, herewith you have from me an urgent 
summons. Therefore meet me at Tyana, in the 
name of Zeus the god of friendship, and show me 

1 This Hellenised Cappadocian is otherwise unknown. 



On the 
way to 



: \ \ \ 
παδόκαις καθαρῶς “Βλληνα. τέως γὰρ τοὺς μὲν 
οὐ βουλομένους, ὀλίγους δέ τινας ἐθέλοντας μέν, 
οὐκ εἰδότας δὲ θύειν ὁρῶ. 


Παιδείαν * ὀρθὴν εἶναι νομίζομεν. οὐ τὴν ἐν 
τοῖς ῥήμασι καὶ τῇ γλώττῃ πραγματευομένην " 
εὐρυθμίαν, ἀλλὰ διάθεσιν ὑγιῆ νοῦν ἐχούσης 
διανοίας καὶ ἀληθεῖς δόξας ὑπέρ τε ἀγαθῶν καὶ 
κακῶν, ἐσθλῶν τε καὶ αἰσχρῶν. ὅστις οὖν ἕτερα 
μὲν φρονεῖ, διδάσκει δὲ ἕ ἕτερα τοὺς πλησιάξοντας, 
οὗτος ἀπολελεῖφθαι τοσούτῳ δοκεῖ τῆς παιδείας, 
ὅσῳ καὶ τοῦ χρηστὸς ἀνὴρ εἶναι. καὶ εἰ μὲν ἐπὶ 
σμικροῖς εἴη τὸ διάφορον τῆς γνώμης πρὸς τὴν 
γλῶτταν, κακὸν μὲν οἰστὸν δὲ ὅμως ὁπωσοῦν 
γίνεται" εἰ δὲ ἐ ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις ἄλλα μὲν φρονοίη 
τις, ἐπ᾽ ἐναντίον δὲ ὧν φρονεῖ διδάσκοι, πῶς οὐ 
τοῦτο ἐκεῖνο καπήλων ἐστίν, οὔτι χρηστῶν, ἀλλὰ 
παμπονήρων ἀνθρώπων, οἱ μάλιστα ὃ ἐπαινοῦσιν * 
ὅσα μάλιστα φαῦλα νομίζουσιν, ἐξαπατῶντες καὶ 
δελεάζοντες τοῖς ἐπαίνοις εἰς ods μετατιθέναι τὰ 
σφέτερα ἐθέλουσιν, οἶμαι, κακά. πάντας μὲν οὖν 
χρὴ τοὺς καὶ ὁτιοῦν διδάσκειν ἐπαγγελλομένους 
εἶναι τὸν τρόπον ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ μὴ μαχόμενα οἷς 

1 Hertlein 42. Suidas quotes the first three sentences. 

2 πραγματευομένην Asmus ; πολιτευομένην Suidas, Hertlein ; 
πολυτελῆ MSS. (‘‘ expensive”) may be defended. 

3 μάλιστα Klimek would delete. 

4 ἐπαινοῦσιν Naber because of ἐπαίνοις below; παιδεύουσιν 
Hertlein, MSS. ° © διατίθεσθαι Ὁ Hertlein. 


i I Φ ὰ 


a genuine Hellene among the Cappadocians.t For 
I observe that, as yet, some refuse to sacrifice, and 
that, though some few are zealous, they lack 

Rescript on Christian Teachers 3 

I ποῖ that a proper education results, not in 
laboriously acquired symmetry of phrases and langu- 
age, but in a healthy condition of mind, I mean a 
mind that has understanding and true opinions about 
things good and evil, honourable and base. There- 
fore, when a man thinks one thing and teaches his 
pupils another, in my opinion he “fails to educate 
exactly in proportion as he fails to be an honest man. 
And if the divergence between a man’s convictions 
and his utterances is merely in trivial matters, that 
can be tolerated somehow, though it is wrong. But 

‘if in matters of the greatest importance a man has 

certain opinions and teaches the contrary, what is 
that but the conduct of hucksters, and not honest 
but thoroughly dissolute men in that they praise 
most highly the things that they believe to be most 
worthless, thus cheating and enticing by their praises 
those to whom they desire to transfer their worthless 
wares. Now all who profess to teach anything what- 

ever ought to be men of upright character, and ought 

* The Cappadocians were, for the most part, Christians ; 
Julian visited Tyana in June on his way to Antioch. 

2 For this law see Introduction; Zonaras 13. 12; Sozo- 
men 5. 18; Socrates 3. 16.1; Theodoret 8, 8. This version 
is, no doubt, incomplete. , 






δημοσίᾳ μεταχειρίξονται τὰ ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ φέρειν 

δοξάσματα, πολὺ δὲ πλέον ἁπάντων οἶμαι δεῖν. 

εἶναι τοιούτους ὅσοι ἐπὶ λόγοις τοῖς νέοις συγ- 
γίγνονται, τῶν παλαιῶν ἐξηγηταὶ γιγνόμενοι 
συγγραμμάτων, εἴτε ῥήτορες εἴτε γραμματικοί, 
καὶ ἔτι πλέον οἱ σοφισταί. βούλονται γὰρ πρὸς 
τοῖς ἄλλοις οὐ λέξεων μόνον, ἠθῶν. δὲ εἶναι διδά- 
σκαλοι, καὶ κατὰ σφᾶς εἶναί φασι τὴν πολιτικὴν 
φιλοσοφίαν. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀληθὲς ἢ μή, τοῦτο 
ἀφείσθω τὰ 3 νῦν. ἐπαινῶν δὲ αὐτοὺς οὕτως 
ἐπαγγελμάτων καλῶν ὀρεγομένους ἐπαινέσαιμ᾽ 
ἂν ἔτι πλέον, εἰ μὴ ψεύδοιντο μηδ᾽ ἐξελέγχοιεν 
αὑτοὺς ἕτερα μὲν φρονοῦντας, διδάσκοντας δὲ 
τοὺς πλησιάξοντας ἕτερα. τί οὖν ; Ὁμήρῳ 
μέντοι καὶ ἩΗσιόδῳ καὶ Δημοσθένει καὶ Ἡροδότῳ 
καὶ Θουκυδίδῃ καὶ ᾿Ισοκράτει καὶ Λυσίᾳ θεοὶ 
πάσης ἡγοῦνται παιδείας. οὐχ οἱ μὲν Ἕρμοῦ 
σφᾶς ἱερούς, οἱ δὲ Μουσῶν ἐνόμιζον; ἄτοπον μὲν 

9 4 5 ie , \ ͵ ? ΄ 
οὖν οἶμαι τοὺς ἐξηγουμένους τὰ τούτων ἀτιμάζειν. 

\ £2.95 ag θ θ ΄ > \ > \ 
Tous ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν τιμηθέντας θεούς. ov μὴν ἐπειδὴ 
τοῦτο ἄτοπον οἶμαι, φημὶ δεῖν αὐτοὺς peTa- 
θεμένους τοῖς νέοις συνεῖναι"; δίδωμι δὲ αἵρεσιν 
μὴ διδάσκειν ἃ μὴ νομίζουσι σπουδαῖα, βουλο- 
μένους δὲ διδάσκειν ἔργῳ πρῶτον πείθειν τοὺς 
μαθητὰς ὡς οὔτε Ὅμηρος οὔτε Ἡσίοδος οὔτε 
τούτων τις, Os ἐξηγοῦνται καὶ ὧν κατεγνωκότες 

1 οἷς---μεταχειρίζονται Bidez; τοῖς δημοσίᾳ. [μεταχαρακτη- 
piCovras] Hertlein. 

2 καὶ τὸ κατὰ Hertlein MSS; τὸ Asmus deletes. 

3 χὰ Asmus adds, 

4 μὲν MSS., Hertlein; μέντοι Reiske; μὲν οὖν Hertlein 

° καὶ after πρῶτον MSS, ; Hertlein would delete, 





not to harbour in their souls opinions irreconcilable 
with what they publicly profess; and, above all, I 
believe it is necessary that those who associate with 
the young and teach them rhetoric should be of that 
upright character ; for they expound the writings of 
the ancients, whether they be rhetoricians or gram- 
marians, and still more if they are sophists. For 
these claim to teach, in addition to other things, not 
only the use of words, but morals also, and they 
assert that political philosophy is their peculiar field. 
Let us leave aside, for the moment, the question 
whether this is true or not. But while I applaud 
them for aspiring to such high pretensions, I should 
applaud them still more if they did not utter false- 
hoods and convict themselves of thinking one thing 
and teaching their pupils another. What! Was it 
not the gods who revealed all their learning to 
Homer, Hesiod, Demosthenes, Herodotus, Thucy- 
dides, Isocrates and Lysias?! Did not these men 
think that they were consecrated, some to Hermes,? 
others to the Muses? I think it is absurd that men 
who expound the works of these writers should 
dishonour the gods whom they used to honour. 
Yet, though I think this absurd, I do not say that 
they ought to change their opinions and then instruct 
the young. But I give them this choice; either not 
to teach what they do not think admirable, or, if 
they wish to teach, let them first really persuade 

' their pupils that neither Homer nor Hesiod nor 

any of these writers whom they expound and have 

1 So too in Oration 7. 236-237c. Julian compares the impiety 
of the Cynics, who in his opinion had much in common with 
the Christians, with Plato’s and Aristotle’s reverence for 
religion, 2 Hermes was the god of eloquence, 




εἰσὶν ἀσέβειαν ἄνοιάν τε Kal πλάνην εἰς τοὺς 
θεούς, τοιοῦτός ἐστιν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐξ ὧν ἐκεῖνοι 
γεγράφασι παρατρέφονται μισθαρνοῦντες, εἶναι 
ὁμολογοῦσιν αἰσχροκερδέστατοι καὶ δραχμῶν 
ὀλίγων ἕνεκα πάντα ὑπομένειν. ἕως μὲν οὖν 
τούτου πολλὰ ἣν τὰ αἴτια τοῦ μὴ φοιτᾶν εἰς τὰ 
ἱερά, καὶ ὁ πανταχόθεν ἐπικρεμάμενος φόβος 
ἐδίδουν συγγνώμην ἀποκρύπτεσθαι τὰς ἀλη- 
θεστάτας ὑπὲρ τῶν θεῶν δόξας" ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἡμῖν 
οἱ θεοὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἔδοσαν, ἄτοπον εἶναί μοι 
φαίνεται διδάσκειν ἐκεῖνα τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ὅσα 
μὴ νομίζουσιν εὖ ἔχειν. GAN εἰ μὲν οἴονται 
σοφοὺς ὧν εἰσιν ἐξηγηταὶ καὶ ὧν ὥσπερ προφῆται 
κάθηνται, ζηλούντων αὐτῶν πρῶτοι τὴν εἰς 
τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσέβειαν" εἰ δε εἰς τοὺς τιμιωτάτους 
ὑπολαμβάνουσι πεπλανῆσθαι, βαδιζόντων εἰς 
τὰς τῶν Ταλιλαίων ἐκκλησίας ἐξηγησόμενοι 
Ματθαῖον καὶ Λουκᾶν, οἷς πεισθέντες ἱερείων 
ὑμεῖς ἀπέχεσθαι νομοθετεῖτε. ᾿ βούλομαι ὑμῶν 
ἐγὼ καὶ τὰς ἀκοἂς ἐξαναγεννηθῆναι," ὡς ἂν ὑμεῖς 
εἴποιτε, καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν τούτων, ὧν ἔμοιγε εἴη 
μετέχειν ἀεὶ καὶ ὅστις ἐμοὶ φίλα νοεῖ τε καὶ 
πράττει. τοῖς μὲν καθηγεμόσι καὶ διδασκάλοις 
οὑτωσὶ κοινὸς κεῖται νόμος" ὁ βουλόμενος δὲ 
τῶν νέων φοιτᾶν οὐκ ἀποκέκλεισται. οὐδὲ γὰρ 
οὐδὲ εὔλογον ἀγνοοῦντας ἔτι τοὺς παῖδας, ἐφ᾽ 6 
1 πρῶτοι Hertlein suggests for πρῶτον MSS. 

2 ἐξαναγεννηθῆναι follows γλῶτταν in MSS. Hertlein; trans- 
posed by Cobet as a peculiarly Christian word. 

4 i.e. under the Christian Emperors Constantine and 
Constantius it was dangerous to worship the gods openly. 
* i.e. the beliefs of the poets about the gods, 

' 120 


_ declared to be guilty of impiety, folly and error in 
regard tothe gods, is such as they declare. For since 
they make a livelihood and receive pay from the 
works of those writers, they thereby confess that 
they are most shamefully greedy of gain, and that, 
-for the sake of a few drachmae, they would put up 
with anything. It is true that, until now, there were 
many excuses for not attending the temples, and the 
terror that threatened on all sides absolved men for © 
concealing the truest beliefs about the gods. But 
since the gods have granted us liberty, it seems to 
me absurd that men should teach what they do not 
believe to be sound. But if they believe that those 
whose interpreters they are and for whom they sit, 
so to speak, in the seat of the prophets, were wise 
men, let them be the first to emulate their piety 
towards the gods. If, however, they think that 
those writers were in error with respect to the most 
honoured gods, then let them betake themselves to 
the churches of the Galilaeans to expound Matthew 
and Luke, since you Galilaeans are obeying them 
when you ordain that men shall refrain from temple- 
worship. For my part, I wish that your ears and 
your tongues might be “born anew,” as you would 
say, as regards these things? in which may I ever 
have part, and all who think and act as is pleasing 
to me. 

For religious * and secular teachers let there be a 
general ordinance to this effect: Any youth who 
wishes to attend the schools is not excluded; nor 
indeed would it be reasonable to shut out from the 
best way 4 boys who are still too ignorant to know 

3 Καθηγεμὼν in Julian has this implication ; οἵ. 70 Theodorus, 
p. 55. 4 Cf. To the Alexandrians, p. 149. 

376 C 

411 C 


: / n U > / e χε. 

τι τρέπωνται, τῆς βελτίστης ἀποκλείειν ὁδοῦ, 
Ul \ 

φόβῳ δὲ Kai ἄκοντας ἄγειν ἐπὶ τὰ πάτρια. 
/ / \ / 

καίτοι δίκαιον ἦν, ὥσπερ τοὺς φρενιτίζοντας, 

A \ / ” In \ > \ 
οὕτω Kal τούτους ἄκοντας ἰᾶσθαι, πλὴν ἀλλὰ 

συγγνώμην ὑπάρχειν ἅπασι τῆς τοιαύτης νόσου. 
καὶ γὰρ, οἶμαι, διδάσκειν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ κολάζειν χρὴ 
τοὺς ἀνοήτους. . 
᾿Αταρβίῳ 1 

᾿Εγὼ μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς οὔτε κτείνεσθαι τοὺς Γαλι- 
λαίους οὔτε τύπτεσθαι παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον οὔτε ἄλλο 
TL πάσχειν κακὸν βούλομαι, προτιμᾶσθαι μέντοι 
τοὺς θεοσεβεῖς καὶ πάνυ φημὶ δεῖν" διὰ μὲν γὰρ 
τὴν Γαλιλαίων μωρίαν ὀλίγου δεῖν ἅπαντα ἀνε- 
τράπη, διὰ δὲ τὴν τῶν θεῶν εὐμένειαν σωξόμεθα 
πάντες. ὅθεν χρὴ τεμᾶν τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ τοὺς 
θεοσεβεῖς ἄνδρας τε καὶ πόλεις. 

᾿Ιουλιανοῦ τοῦ παραβάτου πρὸς ἸΤορφύριον 3 

Πολλή τις ἣν πάνυ καὶ μεγάλη βιβλιοθήκη 
Γεωργίου παντοδαπῶν μὲν φιλοσόφων, πολλῶν 

1 Hertlein 7. According to Cumont, ἰδιόγοαφον should be 
added to the title, and this was one of the few letters that 
Julian wrote with his own hand. 

2 Hertlein 36. This is the title in Suidas, from whose 
Lexicon the letter was copied into the MSS. καθολικόν, 
** revenue official” is added in Suidas, but is almost certainly 
an error. Hertlein’s title Ἰουλιανὸς αὐτοκράτωρ Πορφυρίῳ 
χαίρειν is derived from /'arisinus 2131; Hertlein deleted 
Γεωργίῳ before Πορφυρίῳ. 

1 For Christianity a disease cf. To Libanius, p. 207; for 
122 ; 


which way to turn, and to overawe them into being 
led against their will to the beliefs of their ancestors. 
Though indeed it might be proper to cure these, 
even against their will, as one cures the insane, 
except that we concede indulgence to all for this 
sort of disease.! For we ought, I think, to teach, 
but not punish, the demented. 

To Atarbius 2 

I arrinm by the gods that I do not wish the 
Galilaeans to be either put to death or unjustly 
beaten, or to suffer any other injury; but never- 
theless I do assert absolutely that the god-fearing 
must be preferred to them. For through the folly 
of the Galilaeans almost everything has been over- 
turned, whereas through the grace of the gods are 
we all preserved. Wherefore we ought to honour 
the gods and the god-fearing, both men and cities.® 

Julian the Apostate to Porphyrius 4 

Tue library of George was very large and complete 
and contained philosophers of every school and many 

indulgence to be shown to persons so atfllicted, cf. 70 the 
Citizens of Bostra 4388, p. 135. 

2 This is probably Atarbius (so spelled in the Letters of 
Libanius) a native of Ancyra and at this time administra- 
tor of the district of the Euphrates. In 364 he held high 

‘office in Macedonia. 

3 For other letters on the same subject cf. 70 the Citizens of 
Byzacium, p. 125, and To Hecebolius, p. 127. 

4 Perhaps this is George’s secretary mentioned in the Letler 
to Ecdicius, p. 73. Geffcken thinks this letter was a Christian 
forgery because it seems to ignore the earlier order to Eedicius. 
Probably the books had not arrived, and Julian became 



of July 

380 D 



δὲ ὑπομνηματογράφων, οὐκ ἐλάχιστα δ᾽ ἐν αὐτοῖς 
καὶ τὰ τῶν Γαλιλαίων πολλὰ καὶ παντοδαπὰ 
βιβλία. πᾶσαν οὖν ἀθρόως ταύτην τὴν βιβλιο- 
θήκην ἀναζητήσας φρόντισον εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν 
ἀποστεῖλαι, γινώσκων ὅτι μεγίστῃ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς 
περιβληθήσῃ ζημίᾳ, εἰ μὴ μετὰ πάσης ἐπιμελείας 
ἀνιχνεύσειας, καὶ τοὺς ὁπωσοῦν ὑπονοίας ἔχοντας 
ὑφηρῆσθαι τῶν “βιβλίων πᾶσι μὲν ἐλέγχοις, 
παντοδαποῖς δὲ ὅρκοις, πλείονι δὲ τῶν οἰκετῶν 
βασάνῳ, πείθειν εἰ μὴ δύναιο, καταναγκάσειας εἰς 
μέσον πάντα προκομίσαι. Eppwao. 

- Βυζακίοις 1 

Τοὺς βουλευτὰς πάντας ὑμῖν ἀποδεδώκαμεν καὶ 

A / 9 » a na , e 
τοὺς πατροβούλους," εἴτε TH TOV L'adtAaiwv ἑαυ- 
τοὺς ἔδοσαν δεισιδαιμονίᾳ, εἴτε πως ἄλλως πραγ- 
ματεύσαιντο διαδρᾶναι τὸ βουλευτήριον, ἔξω τῶν 
ἐν τῇ μητροπόλει λελειτουργηκότων. 

1 Hertlein 11. Βυζαντίνοις MSS., Hertlein ; Βισανθηνοῖς 
Gibbon. For the Byzacians see Codex Theodosianus 12.1. 59. 

2 πατροβόλους Parisinus; πατροβούλους X, Ducange; πατροκό- 

λους edd. ; προβούλους Cobet. See Cumont, Revue de Philologie, 

1 Cumont thinks that a scribe added this inappropriate 

2 Byzacium was in the district of Tunis. This is Cumont’s 
conjecture for MS. title Τοῖς Βυζαντίνοις, To the Byzantines. 
Julian never calls Constantinople Byzantium. Gibbon sus- 
pected the title and conjectured that it was addressed to the 
town Bisanthe (Redosto) in Thrace. 

3. The meaning of this word is not clear; Cumont translates 



historians, especially, among these, numerous books of 
all kinds by the Galilaeans. Do you therefore make 
a thorough search for the whole library without 
exception and take care to send it to Antioch. You 
may be sure that you will yourself incur the severest 
_ penalty if you do not trace it with all diligence, and 
do not by every kind of enquiry, by every kind of 
sworn testimony and, further, by torture of the slaves, 
compel, if you cannot persuade, those who are in any 
way suspected of having stolen any of the books to 
bring them all forth. Farewell. 

To the citizens of Byzaciyn 2 

I wave restored to you all your senators and 
councillors? whether they have abandoned them- 
selves to the superstition of the Galilaeans or have 
devised some other method of escaping from the 
senate,4and have excepted only those who have filled 
public offices in the capital. 

*‘patroni’”’ i.e. protectors, but we cannot be certain as to the 
functions of these local dignitaries in Africa. 

4 On the burden of being a Senator cf. Libanius, Oration 2; 
Ammianus 21]. 12, 23; Julian, Misopogon 367p. It was one 
of Julian’s most widespread reforms to enrol all wealthy 
men in the senates of their cities. By an edict of March 362 
he deprived the Christian clerics of their immunities from 
such public offices which had been conferred on them by 
Constantine (cf. Sozomen 5. 5) and in the present case his 
edict is directed mainly against those who had become 
clerics in order to escape municipal service. Philostorgius 
7. 4 says that this was part of Julian’s malignant policy. 
The Emperor Valentinian restored their privileges to the 
clerics in 364. 



424 C 



“Εκηβολίῳ 1 

᾿Εγὼ μὲν κέχρημαι τοῖς Γαλιλαίοις ἅπασιν οὕτω 
πράως καὶ φιλανθρώπως, ὥστε μηδένα μηδαμοῦ 
βίαν ὑπομένειν μηδὲ εἰς ἱερὸν ἕλκεσθαι μηδ᾽ εἰς 
ἄλλο τι τοιοῦτον ἐπηρεάζεσθαι παρὰ τὴν οἰκείαν 
πρόθεσιν. οἱ δὲ τῆς ᾿Αρειανικῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπὸ 
τοῦ πλούτου τρυφῶντες ἐπεχείρησαν τοῖς ἀπὸ 
τοῦ Οὐαλεντίνου καὶ τετολμήκασι τοιαῦτα κατὰ 
τὴν "᾿ἔδεσσαν, οἷα οὐδέποτε ἐν εὐνομουμένῃ πόλει 
γένοιτ᾽ ἄν. οὐκοῦν ἐπειδὴ αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ θαυμα- 
σιωτάτου νόμου προείρηται πωλῆσαι τὰ ὑπάρ- 
χοντα καὶ δοῦναι πτωχοῖς 3 ἵν᾿ εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν 
τῶν οὐρανῶν εὐκοπώτερον ὃ πορευθῶσι, πρὸς τοῦτο 
συναγωνιζόμενοι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις αὐτῶν τὰ χρή- 
ματα τῆς ᾿Εδεσσηνῶν ἐκκλησίας ἅπαντα ἐκελεύ- 
σαμεν ἀναληφθῆναι δοθησόμενα τοῖς στρατιώταις, 
καὶ τὰ κτήματα τοῖς ἡμετέροις προστεθῆναι πρι- 
βώτοις, ἵνα πενόμενοι σωφρονῶσι καὶ μὴ στερη- 
θῶσιν ἧς ἔτι ἐλπίζουσιν οὐρανίου βασιλείας. τοῖς 

1 Hertlein 43. 

* πωλῆσαι---πτωχοῖς Asmus supplies from Luke 12. 33 for 
lacuna in MSS.; Thomas suggests τὰ ὑπάρχοντα ἀφιέναι 

Matthew 19. 27. Hertlein suggests πένεσθαι *‘to embrace 

5 Asmus suggests, from Matthew 19. 24; εὐοδώτερον Hertlein, 


1 This can hardly be the sophist to whom Julian 
addressed one of his most flowery and sophistic letters, for 
which see p. 217. Probably he was some leading official of 
Edessa, the capital of Osroene in Northern Mesopotamia. 
Constantius had favoured the Arians there and encouraged 
their fanatical sectarianism by handing over to them the great 



To Hecebolius 1 

I nave behaved to all the Galilaeans with such 
kindness and benevolence that none of them has 
suffered violence anywhere or been dragged into a 
temple or threatened into anything else of the sort 
against his own will. But the followers of the Arian 
church, in the insolence bred by their wealth, have 
attacked the followers of Valentine 2 and have com- 
mitted in Edessa such rash acts as could never occur 
ina well-ordered city. Therefore, since by their most 
admirable law they are bidden to sell all they have 
and give to the poor that, so they may attain more 
easily to the kingdom of She Skies, in order to aid 
those persons in that effort, I have ordered that all 
their funds, namely, that belong to the church of 
the people of Edessa, are to be taken over that they 
may be given to the soldiers, and that its property ὃ 
be confiscated to my private purse.* This is in order 
that poverty may teach them to behave properly and 
that they may not be deprived of that heavenly 
kingdom for which they still hope. And I publicly 

basilica of St. Thomas. Sozomen 6. 1, says that on his way 
to Persia Julian hurried past Edessa because the city re- 
mained obstinately Christian ; later he relates, 6. 18, that 
the Emperor Valens visited Edessa and persecuted the non- 
Arian Christians ; cf. Socrates 4. 18. 

2 Valentine founded one of the sects of the Gnostics in the 
first century A.D. ; by the fourth century the Valentinian 

- heresy had very few adherents. 

3 Probably Julian means the valuables such as Church 
plate belonging to the various churches in Edessa; for his 
spoliation of the churches cf. Gregory Nazianzen, Against 
Julian 3. 86D, and Sozomen 5. 5. 

4 mpiBatois=privatis ; or ‘to lay uses,” 


End of 
362 or 

in 363 



οἰκοῦσι δὲ τὴν" ἔδεσσαν προαγορεύομεν ἀπέχεσθαι 
πάσης στάσεως καὶ φιλονεικίας, ἵνα μή, τὴν ἡμετέ- 
ραν φιλανθρωπίαν κινήσαντες, καθ᾽ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν 
ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν κοινῶν ἀταξίας 1 δίκην τίσητε, ξίφει 
καὶ φυγῇ καὶ πυρὶ ζημιωθέντες. 

Βοστρηνοῖς * 

"Oipny ἐγὼ τοὺς τῶν Γαλιλαίων προστάτας 
ἕξειν μοι μείξονα χάριν ἢ τῷ φθάσαντι πρὸ ἐμοῦ 
τὴν ἀρχὴν. ἐπιτροπεῦσαι. συνέβη γὰρ ἐπὶ μὲν 
ἐκείνου τοὺς πολλοὺς αὐτῶν καὶ φυγαδευθῆναι 
καὶ διωχθῆναι καὶ δεσμευθῆναι, πολλὰ δὲ ἤδη καὶ 
σφαγῆναι πλήθη τῶν λεγομένων αἱρετικῶν, ὡς ἐν 

aoc ars καὶ Κυζίκῳ καὶ Παφλαγονίᾳ καὶ 
Βιθυνίᾳ καὶ Tanrarig, καὶ év® πολλοῖς ἄλλοις 
ἔθνεσιν ἄρδην ἀνατραπῆναι “πορθηθείσας κώμας," 
ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ δὲ τοὐναντίον. οἵ τε γὰρ ἐξορισθέντες 
ἀφείθησαν, καὶ οἱ δημευθέντες ἀπολαμβάνειν ὃ 
τὰ σφέτερα ἅπαντα νόμῳ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἔλαβον. οἱ 
δ᾽ εἰς τοσοῦτον λυσσομανίας ἥκουσι καὶ ἀπονοίας, 
ὥστε, ὅτι μὴ τυραννεῖν ἔξεστιν. αὐτοῖς μηδὲ ἅ 
ποτε ἔπραττον κατ᾽ ἀλλήλων, ἔπειτα καὶ ἡμᾶς 
τοὺς θεοσεβεῖς εἰργάζοντο, διατιθέναι, παροξυνό- 

1 Hertlein suggests εὐταξίας or ὑπὲρ τῶν κοινῶν τῆς 

2"Hertlein ὅῶ. The only MS. that contains this edict is 
Parisinus 2964. 

35. Hertlein adds. 

4 For κώμας Cobet suggests ἐκκλησίας. 
᾽ 5 Hertlein would delete ἀπολαμβάνειν and read ἀπέλαβον for 



command you citizens of Edessa to abstain from all 
feuds and rivalries, else will you provoke even my 
benevolence against yourselves, and being sentenced 
to the sword and to exile and to fire pay the penalty 
for disturbing the good order of the commonwealth. 

To the citizens of Bostra 1 

I tuovenut that the leaders of the Galilaeans 
would be more grateful to me than to my pre- 
decessor in the administration of the Empire. For 
in his reign it happened to the majority of them to 
be sent into exile, prosecuted, and cast into prison, 
and moreover, many whole communities of those who 
are called “ heretics” 2 were actually butchered, as at 
Samosata and Cyzicus, in Paphlagonia, Bithynia, and 
Galatia, and among many other tribes also villages 
were sacked and completely devastated ; whereas, 
during my reign, the contrary has happened. For 
those who had been exiled have had their exile 
remitted, and those whose property was confiscated 
have, by a law of mine received permission to 
recover all their possessions.? Yet they have reached 
such a pitch of raving madness and folly that they 
are exasperated because they are not allowed to 
behave like tyrants or to persist in the conduct in 
which they at one time indulged against one another, 
and afterwards carried on towards us who revered 

1 This edict is cited by Sozomen 5.15. Bostra, or Bosra. 
was one of the largest fortified cities in Arabia and is described 
by Ammianus 14. 8. 13 as murorum firmitate cautissima, 

2 Constantius persecuted Christians who did not belong to 
the Arian sect. 3 For this see Sozomen 5. 5. 





μενοι πάντα κινοῦσι, λίθον καὶ συνταράττειν TON 
μῶσι τὰ πλήθη καὶ στασιάζειν, ἀσεβοῦντες μὲν 
εἰς τοὺς θεούς, ἀπειθοῦντες δὲ τοῖς ἡμετέροις 
προστάγμασι, καίπερ οὕτως οὖσι φιλανθρώποις. 
οὐδένα γοῦν αὐτῶν ἄκοντα πρὸς βωμοὺς ἐῶμεν 
ἕλκεσθαι, διαρρήδην δὲ αὐτοῖς προαγορεύομεν, εἴ 
τις ἑκὼν χερνίβων καὶ σπονδῶν ἡ ἡμῖν ἐθέλει κοινω- 
νεῖν, καθάρσια προσφέρεσθαι πρῶτον καὶ τοὺς 
ἀποτροπαίους ἱκετεύειν θεούς. οὕτω πόρρω τυγ- 
χάνομεν τοῦ Twa τῶν δυσσεβῶν ἐθελῆσαί ποτε 
ἢ διανοηθῆναι τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν εὐαγῶν μετασχεῖν 
θυσιῶν, πρὶν τὴν μὲν ψυχὴν ταῖς λιτανείαις πρὸς 
τοὺς θεούς, τὸ δὲ σῶμα τοῖς νομίμοις καθαρσίοις 

Τὰ γοῦν πλήθη τὰ παρὰ τῶν λεγομένων κληρι- 
κῶν ἐξηπατημένα πρόδηλον ὅτι ταύτης ἀφαιρε- 
θείσης στασιάζει τῆς ἀδείας. οἱ γὰρ εἰς τοῦτο 
τετυραννηκότες οὐκ ἀγαπῶσιν ὅτι μὴ. τίνουσι 
δίκην ὑπὲρ ὧν ἔπραξαν κακῶν, ποθοῦντες δὲ τὴν 
προτέραν δυναστείαν, ὅτι μὴ δικάξειν ἔξεστιν 
αὐτοῖς καὶ γράφειν διαθήκας. καὶ ἀλλοτρίους 
σφετερίζεσθαι κλήρους καὶ τὰ πάντα ἑαυτοῖς" 
προσνέμειν, πάντα κινοῦσιν ἀκοσμίας κάλων καὶ, 
τὸ λεγόμενον, πῦρ ἐπὶ πῦρ ὀχετεύουσι καὶ τοῖς 
προτέροις κακοῖς μείζονα ἐπιθεῖναι τολμῶσιν, εἰς 
διάστασιν ἄγοντες τὰ πλήθη. ἔδοξεν οὖν μοι 

1 So Reiske for MS. τοῦ διά τινα ; Hertlein suggests νὴ Ala 
τοῦ τινα ; βίᾳ Heyler suggests. 

1 4. 6. for others. Julian no longer allowed legacies to be 
left to churches ; οἵ, Codex Theodos. 3.1.3. The clergy and 
especially the bishops had exercised certain civil functions of 


ἜΝ ee”, ee ee eee ex ee 


the gods. They therefore leave no stone unturned, 
and have the audacity to incite the populace to 
disorder and revolt, whereby they both act with 
impiety towards the gods and disobey my edicts, 
humane though these are. At least I do not allow 
a single one of them to be dragged against his 
will to worship at the altars; nay, I proclaim in so 
many words that, if any man of his own free will 
choose to take part in our lustral rites and libations, 
he ought first of all to offer sacrifices of purification 
and supplicate the gods that avert evil. So far am 
I from ever having wished or intended that anyone 
of those sacrilegious men should partake in the 
sacrifices that we most revere, until he has purified 
his soul by supplications to the gods, and his body 
by the purifications that are customary. 

It is, at any rate, evident that the populace who 
have been led into error by those who are called 
“clerics,” are in revolt because this license has been 
taken from them. For those who have till now 
behaved like tyrants are not content that they are 
not punished for their former crimes, but, longing for 
the power they had before, because they are no 
longer allowed to sit as judges and draw up wills! 
and appropriate the inheritances of other men and 
assign everything to themselves, they pull every 
string? of disorder, and, as the proverb says, lead 
fire through a pipe to fire,? and dare to add even 

greater crimes to their former wickedness by lead- 

ing on the populace to disunion. Therefore I have 

which Julian deprived them, and they lost the immunity from 
taxation that had been granted by Christian emperors. For 
this οἵ, Sozomen 5. 5. 
2 Literally ‘“‘cable,” a proverb. 3. Cf. ‘add fuel to fire.” 
K 2 



πᾶσι τοῖς δήμοις προαγορεῦσαι διὰ τοῦδε τοῦ δια- 
τάγματος καὶ φανερὸν καταστῆσαι, μῆ συστα- 
σιάζειν τοῖς κληρικοῖς μηδὲ ἀναπείθεσθάι παρ᾽ 
αὐτῶν λίθους αἴρειν μηδὲ ἀπιστεῖν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, 
ἀλλὰ συνιέναι μὲν ἕως ἂν ἐθέλωσιν, εὔχεσθαι δὲ 
ἃς νομίζουσιν εὐχὰς ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν" εἰ δὲ ἀναπεί- 
θοιεν ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν στασιάζειν, μηκέτι συνάδειν, 
ἵνα μὴ δίκην δῶσι. 

Ταῦτα δέ μοι παρέστη τῇ Βοστρηνῶν ἰδίᾳ προ- 
αγορεῦσαι πόλει διὰ τὸ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον Τίτον καὶ 
τοὺς κληρικοὺς ἐξ ὧν ἐπέδοσαν βιβλίων τοῦ μετὰ 
σφῶν πλήθους κατηγορηκέναι, ὡς αὐτῶν μὲν 
παραινούντων τῷ πλήθει μὴ στασιάζειν, ὁρμω- 
μένου δὲ τοῦ πλήθους πρὸς ἀταξίαν. ἐν γοῦν 
τοῖς βιβλίοις καὶ αὐτὴν ἣν ἐτόλμησεν ἐγγράψαι 
τὴν φωνὴν ὑπέταξά μου τῷδε τῷ διατάγματι. 
“Καίτοι Χριστιανῶν ὄντων ἐφαμίλλων τῷ πλήθει 
τῶν Ἑλλήνων, κατεχομένων δὲ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ παρ- 
αἰνέσει μηδένα μηδαμοῦ ἀτακτεῖν. ταῦτα γάρ 
ἐστιν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τὰ ῥήματα. ὁρᾶτε 
ὅπως τὴν ὑμετέραν εὐταξίαν οὐκ ἀπὸ τῆς ὑμε- 
τέρας εἶναί φησι γνώμης, οἵ γε ἄκοντες, ὥς γε 
εἶπε, κατέχεσθε διὰ τὰς αὐτοῦ παραινέσεις. ὡς 
οὖν κατήγορον ὑμῶν ἑκόντες 1 τῆς πόλεως διώξατε, 
τὰ πλήθη δὲ ὁμονοεῖτε πρὸς ἀλλήλους, καὶ μηδεὶς 
ἐναντιούσθω μηδὲ ἀδικείτω" μήθ᾽ οἱ πεπλανημένοι 

1 Klimek suggests ἑλόντες. 

1 So far the edict has a general character and may have 
been sent out broadcast. ‘The last paragraph is apparently 
added as a special instruction to the citizens of Bostra, and 
especially to the Christians, whom he incites against their 



decided to proclaim to all communities of citizens, 
by means of this edict, and to make known to all, 
that they must not join in the feuds of the clerics or 
be induced by them to take stones in their hands or 
disobey those in authority; but they may hold 
meetings for as long as they please and may offer on 
their own behalf the prayers to which they are 
accustomed ; that, on the other hand, if the clerics 
try to induce them to take sides on their behalf in 
quarrels, they must no longer consent to do so, if 
they would escape punishment.! 

I have been led to make this proclamation to the 
city of Bostra in particular, because their bishop 
Titus and the clerics, in the reports that they have 
issued, have made accusations against their own 
adherents, giving the impression that, when the popu- 
lace were on the point of breaking the peace, they 
themselves admonished them not to cause sedition. 
Indeed, I have subjoined to this my decree the 
very words which he dared to write in his report: 
« Although the Christians are a match for the Hel- | 
lenes in numbers, they are restrained by our admoni- 
tion that no one disturb the peace in any place.”’ For 
these are the very words of the bishop about you. 
You see how he says that your good behaviour was 
not of your own choice, since, as he at any rate 
alleged, you were restrained against your will by his 
admonitions! Therefore, of your own free will, seize 
. your accuser and expel him from the city,? but do you, 
the populace, live in agreement with one another, and 
let no man be quarrelsome or act unjustly. Neither 

2 Julian’s advice was not followed, since Socrates, History 
of the Church 3.25, mentions Titus as bishop of Bostra under 
the Emperor Jovian in 363. 




τοῖς ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως τοὺς θεοὺς θεραπεύουσι 
κατὰ τὰ ἐξ αἰῶνος ἡμῖν παραδεδομένα, μήθ᾽ οἱ 
θεραπευταὶ τῶν θεῶν λυμαίνεσθε ταῖς οἰκίαις ἢ 
διαρπάξετε τῶν ἀγνοίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ ἢ γνώμῃ πεπλανη- 
μένων. λόγῳ δὲ πείθεσθαι χρὴ καὶ διδάσκεσθαι 
τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, οὐ πληγαῖς οὐδὲ ὕβρεσιν οὐδὲ 
αἰκισμῷ τοῦ σώματος. αὖθις δὲ καὶ πολλάκις 
παραινῶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν ἀληθῆ θεοσέβειαν ὁρμω- 
μένοις μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν τῶν T αλιλαίων τὰ πλήθη, 

μηδὲ ἐπιτίθεσθαι μηδὲ ὑβρίζειν εἰς αὐτούς. ἐλεεῖν 
δὲ χρὴ μᾶλλον ἢ μισεῖν τοὺς ἐν 1 τοῖς μεγίστοις 
πράττοντας κακῶς" μέγιστον γὰρ τῶν καλῶν ὡς 
ἀληθῶς ἡ θεοσέβεια, καὶ τοὐναντίον τῶν κακῶν 
ἡ δυσσέβεια. συμβαίνει δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ θεῶν ἐπὶ 
τοὺς νεκροὺς καὶ τὰ λείψανα μετατετραμμένους 
ταύτην ἀποτῖσαι τὴν ζημίαν"3 ws τοῖς μὲν ἐνεχο- 
μένοις νόσῳ ὃ τινὶ συναλγοῦμεν, τοῖς δὲ ἀπο- 
λυομένοις καὶ ἀφιεμένοις ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν συνηδό- 

"E600n τῇ τῶν Καλανδῶν Αὐγούστων ἐν 

Καλλιξείνῃ 4 
Χρόνος δίκαιον ἄνδρα δείκνυσιν μόνος, 

ὡς παρὰ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν ἔγνωμεν" ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἂν φαίην 

1 ἐπὶ MSS. ἐν Hertlein suggests. 

2 After ζημίαν Hertlein thinks some words are lost. 

8 νόσῳ Hertlein would add ; Heyler κακῷ understood. . 
4 Hertlein 2]. 

1 Sozomen 5. 5 and 15 seems to be an echo of Julian. 



let those of you who have strayed from the truth 
outrage those who worship the gods duly and justly, 
according to the beliefs that have been handed down 
to us from time immemorial; nor let those of you 
who worship the gods outrage or plunder the houses 
of those who have strayed rather from ignorance than 
of set purpose. It is by reason that we ought to 
persuade and instruct men, not by blows, or insults, 
or bodily violence. Wherefore, again and often I ad- 
monish those who are zealous for the true religion not 
to injure the communities of the Galilaeans or attack 
or insult them. Nay, we ought to pity rather than 
hate men who in matters of the greatest importance 
are in such evil case, (For in very truth the greatest 
of all blessings is reverence for the gods, as, on the 
other hand, irreverence is the greatest of all evils. 
It follows that those who have turned aside from the 
gods to corpses ? and relics pay this as their penalty.) ὃ 
Since we suffer in sympathy with those who are 
afflicted by disease,* but rejoice with those who are 
being released and set free by the aid of the gods. 
Given at Antioch on the First of August. 

To Callixeine > 

‘Time alone proves the just man,’ ® as we learn 
from men of old; but I would add the god-fearing 

2 So Julian styles Christ and the martyrs ; cf. Against the 
- Galilaeans 3358 ; Vol. 2, Misopogon 3618. 

3 ὦ 6, that they are in evil case. 

4 For Christianity a disease cf. Vol. 2, 229p, and below, 
p. 207. 

5 Otherwise unknown. Julian visited Pessinus in Phrygia 
on his way to Antioch. See Introduction, 

δ Sophocles, Oedipus Rex 614. 




a Ἂν / ᾽ ’ 
ὅτι Kal τὸν εὐσεβῆ καὶ τὸν φιλόθεον. ἀλλ 

ἐμαρτυρήθη, φής, καὶ ἡ Πηνελόπη φίλανδρος. 

εἶτα μετὰ τὸ φίλανδρον ' τὸ ᾿φιλόθεον τίς ἐν 
γυναικὶ, δεύτερον τίθησι, καὶ οὐ φαίνεται " πολὺν 
πάνυ τὸν μανδραγόραν ἐ ἐκπεπωκώς ; ; εἰ δὲ καὶ τοὺς 
καιρούς τις ἐν νῷ λάβοι καὶ τὴν μὲν Πηνελόπην 
ἐπαινουμένην σχεδὸν ὑπὸ πάντων ἐπὶ τῇ φιλαν- 
δρίᾳ, κινδυνευούσας δὲ τὰς εὐσεβεῖς ὀλίγῳ πρό- 
τερον γυναῖκας, καὶ προσθήκην δὲ τῶν κακῶν, 
ὅτι καὶ διπλάσιος ὁ χρόνος, ap’ ἔστι σοὶ τὴν 
Πηνελόπην ἀξίως παραβάλλειν ; ἀλλὰ μὴ μικροὺς 
ποιοῦ τοὺς ἐπαίνους" ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἀμείψονται μέν σε 
πάντες οἱ θεοί, τὸ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν δὲ διπλῇ σε τιμή- 
σομεν τῇ ἱερωσύνῃ. πρὸς ἣ γὰρ πρότερον εἶχες 
τῆς ἁγιωτάτης θεοῦ Δήμητρος, καὶ τῆς μεγίστης 
Μητρὸς θεῶν τῆς Φρυγίας ἐν τῇ θεοφιλεῖ Πεσσι- 
νοῦντι τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἐπιτρέπομέν σοι. 

Εὐσταθίῳ φιλοσόφῳ 3 
Μὴ λίαν ἢ κοινὸν τὸ προοίμιον Τὸν ἐσθλὸν 
ἄνδρα. τὰ δὲ ἐφεξῆς οἶσθα δήπουθεν. ἀλλὰ καὶ 
1 Reiske suggests ; Hertlein, MSS. τοῦ φιλάνδρου. 
2 Klimek ; φανεῖται Hertlein, MSS. 

3 Hertlein 76. This letter is preserved in Vaticanus 1353 

1 To drink mandragora (mandrake), is a proverb for 
sluggish wits; but mandrake was used also as a stimulus 
to love. 



and pious man also, However, you say, the love 
of Penelope for her husband was also witnessed 
to by time. Now who would rank a woman’s piety 
second to her love for her husband without appearing 
to have drunk a very deep draught of mandragora ὃ 1 
And if one takes into account the conditions of 
the times and compares Penelope, who is almost 
universally praised for loving her husband, with pious 
women who not long ago hazarded their lives; and 
if one considers also that the period was twice as long, 
which was an aggravation of their sufferings; then, I 
ask, is it possible to make any fair comparison between 
you and Penelope? Nay, do not belittle my praises. 
All the gods will requite you for your sufferings 
and for my part I shall honour you with a double 
priesthood. For besides that which you held before 
of priestess to the most venerable goddess Demeter, 
I entrust to you the office of priestess to the most 
mighty Mother of the gods in Phrygia at Pessinus, 
beloved of ‘the gods. 


To Eustathius the Philosopher 3 

Pernars the proverb “ An honest man’’ %—is too 
hackneyed. I am sure you know the rest. More 

* See Introduction under Eustathius. He evidently ac- 
cepted this invitation ; see the next letter. He was a pagan 
and a friend of Libanius ; cf. Ammianus 17. 5. 15; Eunapius, 
Lives, pp. 392 foll. (Wright). 
5. Euripides frag. 902, Nauck : 
Τὸν ἐσθλὺν ἄνδρα, κἂν ἑκὰς ναίῃ χθονός, 
Κἂν μήποτ᾽ ὕσσοις εἰσίδω, κρίνω φίλον. 
**An honest man, though he dwell far away and I never 
see him with my eyes, him I count a friend.” 





ἔχεις. οἶσθα μὲν γὰρ ἅτε “λόγιος ὧν καὶ φιλό- 
σοῴος τὸ ἑπόμενον αὐτῷ, ἐμὲ δὲ ἔ ἔχεις φίλον, εἴπερ 
γοῦν | ἄμφω ἐσθλοί ἐσμεν. ὑπὲρ γὰρ σοῦ τοῦτο 
Kav διατειναίμην, ὅτι τοιοῦτος εἶ, περὶ δὲ ἐμαυτοῦ 
σιωπῶ" γένοιτο δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους αἰσθέσθαι καὶ 
ἐμοῦ τοιούτου. τί οὖν ὥσπερ ἄτοπόν τι λέξων 5 
κύκλῳ περίειμι δέον 3 εἰπεῖν ; ἧκε καὶ σπεῦδε 
Kal, 70 λεγόμενον, ἵπτασο. πορεύσει δέ σε θεὸς 
εὐμενὴς μετὰ τῆς ᾿Ενοδίας παρθένου, καὶ ὑπουρ- 
γήσει δρόμος δημόσιος ὀχήματι βουλομένῳ χρή- 
σασθαι, καὶ παρίπποις δυσίν. 

Εὐσταθίῳ φιλοσόφῳ * 

Χρὴ ξεῖνον παρεόντα φιλεῖν, ἐθέλοντα δὲ πέμ- 

“Ὅμηρος ὁ σοφὸς ἐνομοθέτησεν" ἡμῖν δὲ ὑπάρ- 
χεὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἕξενικῆς φιλίας ἀμείνων ἣ τε 
διὰ τῆς ἐνδεχομένης παιδείας καὶ τῆς περὶ τοὺς 
θεοὺς εὐσεβείας, ὥστ᾽ οὐκ av μέ τις ἐγράψατο 
δικαίως ὡς τὸν .Ομήρου παραβαίνοντα νόμον, εἰ 

1 γοῦν Hertlein suggests ; οὖν MSS., Hertlein. 
2 χέξων Hertlein suggests ; λέγων MSS., Hertlein. 
3 After δέον Thomas would add ἁπλῶς. 

4 Hertlein 39. Cumont restores Εὐσταθίῳ from X (Papa- 
dopoulos); Hertlein, following Martin, τῷ αὐτῷ 1.6. Maximus, 
to whom the preceding letter in Hertlein’s edition is 
addressed ; Estienne Μαξίμῳ φιλοσόφῳ. The Aldine has no 



than this, you possess it; for, rhetorician and philo- 
sopher as you are, you know the words that come 
next, and you possess me for a friend, at least if 
we are both honest men. On your behalf I would 
strenuously maintain that you are in that category, 
but about myself I say nothing. I only pray that 
others may find by experience that I also am 
honest! You ask why I go round in a circle as 
though I were going to say something extraordinary 
when I ought to speak out? Come, then, lose no 
time; fly hither, as we say. A kindly god will speed 
you on your way with the aid of the Maiden of the 
Cross Roads and the state post! will be at your 
disposal if you wish to use a carriage; and two 
extra horses, 

To Eustathius 2 

“ Entrreat kindly the guest in your house, but 
speed him when he would be gone.” ὃ 

Thus did wise Homer decree. But the friendship 
that exists between us two is stronger than that be- 
tween guest and host, because it is inspired by the 
best education attainable and by our pious devotion 
to the gods. So that no one could have fairly 
indicted me for transgressing the law of Homer if 

1 The cursus publicus was the system of posting stations 
_where horses were kept ready for the use of the Emperor or 
his friends; cf. above, p. 83 70 Basil, end. 

* Hertlein, following an error in the editions of Martin and 
Kstienne, makes Julian address this letter to Maximus. For 
the answer of Eustathius see p. 291. 

3 Odyssey 15. 74; this had become a proverb, ef. Libanius, 
Letter 130. 






Kal ἐπὶ πλεῖόν σε μένειν Tap ἡμῖν ἤἠξίωσα. ἀλλὰ 
σοι τὸ σωμάτιον ἰδὼν ἐπιμελείας πλείονος δεόμενον 
ἐπέτρεψα βαδίξειν εἰς τὴν πατρίδα, καὶ ῥᾳστώνης 
ἐπεμελήθην τῆς πορείας. ὀχήματι γοῦν ἔξεστί 
σοι δημοσίῳ χρήσασθαι, πορεύοιεν δέ σε σὺν 
᾿Ασκληπιῷ πάντες οἱ θεοί, καὶ πάλιν ἡμῖν συντυ- 
χεῖν δοῖεν. 


"Exdixi@ ἐπάρχῳ Αἰγύπτου 1 

‘H μὲν παροιμία φησίν ‘ "ἐμοὶ διηγοῦ ov? τοὐ- 
μὸν ὄναρ," ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔοικα σοὶ τὸ σὸν ὕπαρ ἀφηγεῖ- 
σθαι. πολύς. φασίν, ὁ Νεῖλος ἀρθεὶς μετέωρος 
τοῖς πήχεσιν ἐπλήρωσε πᾶσαν τὴν Αἴγυπτον" εἰ 
δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν a ἀκοῦσαι ποθεῖς, εἰς τὴν εἰκάδα 
τοῦ Σεπτεμβρίου τρὶς πέντε. μηνύει δὲ ταῦτα 
Θεόφιλος ὁ ὁ στρατοπεδάρχης. εἰ τοίνυν ἠγνόησας 
αὐτὸ, παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀκούων εὐφραίνου. 

᾿Εκδικίῳ ἐπάρχῳ Αἰγύπτου ὃ 
Ei καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἕνεκα μὴ γράφεις ἡμῖν, ἀλλ᾽ 
ὑπέρ γε τοῦ θεοῖς ἐχθροῦ χρῆν σε γράφειν Αθανα- 
1 Hertlein 50. 
2 This is the reading of Suidas, who quotes ἐμοὶ---ἀφηγε- 

ἴσθαι ; Ambrosianus σὺ διηγοῦ ; Hertlein, following Vossianus, 
διηγεῖ. 8 Hertlein 6. 

1 Cappadocia. 
* The premature death of Julian prevented the fulfilment 
of this wish. 



I had insisted that you should remain still longer 
with us. But I see that your feeble frame needs 
more care, and I have therefore given you permis- 
sion to go to your own country,! and have provided 
for your comfort on the journey. That is to say, 
you are allowed to use a state carriage, and may 
Asclepius and all the gods escort you on your way 
and grant that we may see you again ! 3 

To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt ὃ 

As the proverb says, “You told me my own 
dream.” * And I fancy that I am relating to you 
your own waking vision. ‘The Nile, they tell me, 
had risen in full flood, cubits high, and has inundated 
the whole of Egypt. If you want to hear the 
figures, it had risen fifteen cubits 5 on the twentieth 
of September. Theophilus, the military prefect, 
informs me-of this. So, if you did not know it, hear 
it from me, and let it rejoice your heart. 

To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt 

Even though you do not write to me® on other 
matters, you ought at least to have written about 

8 For Ecdicius see p. 155. 

4 Cf. ‘‘Queen Anne is dead.” Ecdicius presumably knew 
‘what Julian tells him. 

5 Pliny, Natural History 5. 9, says that a rise of 15 cubits 
gives Egypt security, 16 is luxury; Ammianus 22, 15 says 
that cultivators fear a rise of more than 16 cubits, The 
Egyptian cubit was about 22 inches. 

6 Egypt was the peculiar property of the Roman Emperors 
and reports were made by the prefect to them, 






σίου, Kal ταῦτα πρὸ πλείονος ἤδη χρόνου τὰ καλῶς 
ἡμῖν ἐγνωσμένα πεπυσμένον. ὄμνυμι δὲ τὸν μέγαν 
Σάραπιν, ὡς εἰ μὴ πρὸ τῶν Δεκεμβρίων Καλανδῶν 
ὁ θεοῖς ἐχθρὸς ᾿Αθανάσιος ἐξέλθοι ἐκείνης τῆς πό- 
λεως, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ πάσης; τῆς Αἰγύπτου, τῇ 
ὑπακουούσῃ σοι τάξει προστιμήσομαι χρυσοῦ 
λίτρας ἑκατόν. οἶσθα δὲ ὅπως εἰμὶ βραδὺς μὲν 
εἰς τὸ καταγνῶναι, πολλῷ δὲ ἔτι βραδύτερος εἰς 
τὸ ἅπαξ καταγνοὺς ἀνεῖναι. καὶ τῇ αὑτοῦ χειρί" 
πάνυ με λυπεῖ τὸ καταφρονεῖσθαι. μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς 
πάντας οὐδὲν οὕτως ἂν ἴδοιμι, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀκούσαιμι 
ἡδέως παρὰ σοῦ πραχθέν, ὡς ᾿Αθανάσιον ἐξελη- 
λαμένον τῶν τῆς Αἰγύπτου ὅρων," τὸν μιαρόν, ὃς 
ἐτόλμησεν “EXAnvidas ἐπ᾽ ἐμοῦ γυναῖκας τῶν ἐπι- 
σήμων βαπτίσαι. διωκέσθω. 

᾿Αλεξανδρεῦσιν ὃ 

Ei μέν τις τῶν Ταλιλαίων ἣν ὑμῶν οἰκιστής, 
οἱ τὸν ἑαυτῶν παραβάντες νόμον ἀπέτισαν ὁποίας 
ἣν εἰκὸς δίκας, ἑλόμενοι μὲν ζῆν παρανόμως, εἰσα- 
γαγόντες δὲ κήρυγμα καινὸν ὅ καὶ διδασκαλίαν 

1 τῆς πόλεως Hertlein suggests. 

2 ὅρων Asmus, τόπων Hertlein, MSS. 

3. Hertlein 51. 4 Asmus; ἄλλων Hertlein, MSS. 
5 καινὸν Asmus adds; see below 4338. 

1 Athanasius had disregarded the order to leave Alexandria, 
but he now, on October 24th, went into exile in Upper 
Egypt; Socrates 3, 14; Sozomen 5, 15; see p. 75. 



that enemy of the gods, Athanasius,! especially since, 
for a long time past, you have known my just decrees. 
I swear by mighty Serapis that, if Athanasius the 
enemy of the gods does not depart from that city, or 
rather from all Egypt, before the December Kalends, 
I shall fine the cohort which you command a hundred 
pounds? of gold. And you know that, though I am 
slow to condemn, I am even much slower to remit 

when I have once condemned. Added with his own 1 

hand.2 It vexes me greatly that my orders are 
neglected. By all the gods there is nothing I should 
be so glad to see, or rather hear reported as achieved 
by you, as that Athanasius has been expelled beyond 
the frontiers of Egypt. Infamous man! He has 
had the audacity to baptise Greek women of rank * 
during my reign! Let him be driven forth ! ὃ 

AY i 
To the Alexandrians 

Ir your founder had been one of the Galilaeans, 
men who have transgressed their own law ὁ and have 
paid the penalties they deserved, since they elected 
to live in defiance of the law and have introduced a 
new doctrine and newfangled teaching, even then 

3 The Greek word used is the equivalent of the Latin 
libra = 12 ounces. 

3 For similar postscripts see pp. 15, 19. 

* Or ‘‘ wives of distinguished men.” 

5 In the Neapolitanus MS. the following has been added by 
a Christian : μακάριος οὗτος, κυὼν μιαρὲ καὶ τρισκατάρατε παρά- 
Bara καὶ τρισάθλιε.---"“ This man is a blessed saint, O vile dog 
of an apostate, thrice accursed and thrice miserable !” 

δ 4. 6. the Hebraic law ; cf. Against the Galilaeans, 2388, foll., 
3058, foll. 


Nov. or 



νεαρών, λόγον ἂν εἶχεν οὐδ᾽ ὡς ᾿Αθανάσιον ὑφ᾽ 
ὑμῶν ἐπιζητεῖσθαι' νυνὶ δὲ κτίστου μὲν ὄντος 
᾿Αλεξάνδρου τῆς πόλεως, ὑπάρχοντος δὲ ὑμῖν 
πολιούχου θεοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως Σαράπιδος ἅμα τῇ 
παρέδρῳ κόρῃ καὶ τῇ βασιλίδι τῆς Αἰγύπτου 
πάσης lows! .. .. τὴν ὑγιαίνουσαν οὐ ζηλοῦν- 
τες πόλιν ἀλλὰ τὸ νοσοῦν μέρος ἐπιφημίζειν 
ἑαυτῷ τολμᾷ τὸ τῆς πόλεως ὄνομα. 

Λίαν αἰσχύνομαι νὴ τοὺς θεούς, ἄνδρες ᾿Αλεξαν- 
δρεῖς, εἴ τις ὅλως ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ὁμολογεῖ Γαλι- 
λαῖος εἶναι. τῶν ὡς ἀληθῶς “Ἑβραίων οἱ πατέρες 
Αἰγυπτίοις ἐδούλευον πάλαι, νυνὶ δὲ ὑμεῖς, ἄνδρες 
᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς, Αἰγυπτίων κρατήσαντες" ἐκράτησε 
γὰρ ὁ κτίστης ὑμῶν τῆς Αἰγύπτου" τοῖς κατωλι- 
γωρηκόσι τῶν πατρίων δογμάτων δουλείαν ἐθελού- 
σιον ἄντικρυς τῶν παλαιῶν θεσμῶν ὑφίστασθε. 
καὶ οὐκ εἰσέρχεται μνήμη τῆς παλαιᾶς ὑμᾶς ἐκεί- 
νης εὐδαιμονίας, ἡνίκα ἦν κοινωνία μὲν πρὸς τοὺς 
θεοὺς Αἰγύπτῳ τῇ πάσῃ, πολλῶν δὲ ἀπελαύομεν 
ἀγαθῶν. ἀλλ᾽ οἱ νῦν εἰσαγαγόντες ὑμῖν τὸ καινὸν 
τοῦτο κήρυγμα τίνος αἴτιοι γεγόνασιν ἀγαθοῦ τῇ 
πόλει, φράσατέ μοι. κτίστης ὑμῖν ἣν ἀνὴρ θεοσε- 
βὴς ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ Μακεδών, οὔτι μὰ Δία κατά 
τινα τούτων ὧν οὐδὲ κατὰ πάντας “Ἑβραίους 
μακρῷ γεγονότας αὐτῶν κρείττονας. ἐκείνων μὲν 
οὖν καὶ ὁ τοῦ Λάγου Τ]τολεμαῖος ἦν ἀμείνων, 

1 Some words, 6. g. οὐχ ὑγιαίνετε (Capps) have dropped out; 

lacuna Hertlein, following Petavius. 
* rovs Asmus adds, 

1 Athanasius had left Alexandria on October 24th, 362, 
and, not long after, the Alexandrians petitioned Julian for 



it would have been unreasonable for you to demand 
back Athanasius.t_ But as it is, though Alexander 
founded your city and the lord Serapis is the city’s 
patron god, together with his consort the Maiden, 
the Queen of all Egypt, Isis . . .2 not emulating 
the healthy part of the city; but the part that is 
diseased has the audacity to arrogate to itself the 
name of the whole. 

I am overwhelmed with shame, I affirm it by the 
gods, O men of Alexandria, to think that even a 
single Alexandrian can admit that he is a Galilaean. 
The forefathers of the genuine Hebrews were the 
slaves of the Egyptians long ago, but in these days, 
men of Alexandria, you who conquered the Egyptians 
—for your founder was the conqueror of Egypt— 
submit yourselves, despite your sacred traditions, 
in willing slavery to men who have set at naught the 
teachings of their ancestors. You have then no re- 
collection of thuse happy days of old when all Egypt 
held communion with the gods and we enjoyed 
many benefits therefrom. But those who have but 
yesterday introduced among you this new doctrine, 
tell me of what benefit have they been to the city? 
Your founder was a god-fearing man, Alexander of 
Macedon, in no way, by Zeus, like any of these 
persons, nor again did he resemble any Hebrews, 
though the latter have shown themselves far superior 
to the Galilaeans. Nay, Ptolemy® son of Lagus 

his return. This is his answer to them. After this edict 
Athanasius remained in hiding in Egypt and the Sudan till 
Julian’s death in 363, when he recovered his see. 
2 After ‘‘ Isis” some words are missing. 
8 Ptolemy the First took Jerusalem and led many Jews 
captive into Egypt, Josephus 1. 12. 1. 




9 3" 
Αλέξανδρος δὲ κἂν Ῥωμαίοις εἰς ἅμιλλαν ἰὼν 
al na , 
ἀγῶνα παρεῖχε. τί οὖν μετὰ TOV κτίστην οἱ 
an an / 
Πτολεμαῖοι, τὴν πόλιν ὑμῶν ὥσπερ γνησίαν θυγα- 
a a / 
τέρα παιδοτροφήσαντες ; οὔτι τοῖς Inood λόγοις 
ηὔξησαν αὐτήν, οὐδὲ τῇ τῶν θεοῖς ' ἐχθίστων 
lal UA 
Γαλιλαίων διδασκαλίᾳ τὴν οἰκονομίαν αὐτῇ Tav- 
την, ὑφ᾽ ἧς νῦν ἐστιν εὐδαίμων, ἐξειργάσαντο. 
. an ΄ As 
τρίτον, ἐπειδὴ “Ῥωμαῖοι κύριοι γεγόναμεν αὐτῆς, 
᾽ \ , 3 a 4 
ἀφελόμενοι τοὺς Πτολεμαίους ov καλῶς ἄρχοντας, 
n a \ 
ὁ Σεβαστὸς ἐπιδημήσας ὑμῶν TH πόλει Kal πρὸς 
5 ΝΜ 
τοὺς ὑμετέρους πολίτας διαλεχθεὶς, “”Avdpes, 
εἶπεν, ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς, ἀφίημι τὴν πόλιν αἰτίας 
πάσης αἰδοῖ τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ Σαράπιδος αὐτοῦ 
τε ἕνεκα τοῦ δήμου καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους τῆς πόλεως" 
nm a ¢ 
αἰτία δέ μοι τρίτη τῆς εἰς ὑμᾶς εὐνοίας ἐστὶ Kal ὁ 
e a ΕἾ] ” > ; ee 1 La / 
ἑταῖρος "Αρειος." av δὲ 0” Apetos οὗτος πολίτης 
Ν ς / , \ fa a 
μὲν ὑμέτερος, Καίσαρος δὲ τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ συμβιω- 
τής, ἀνὴρ φιλόσοφος. 
\ \ = 5 \ \ t ς n ς ΄, 
Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἰδίᾳ περὶ τὴν πόλιν ὑμῶν ὑπάρξαντα 
\ an 3 / a ς > a . / 
παρὰ τῶν ᾿Ολυμπίων θεῶν, ὡς ἐν βραχεῖ φράσαι, 
a nm Q\ es ae er \ ΄᾽. ΝΠ g\ 
τοιαῦτα, σιωπῶ δὲ διὰ τὸ μῆκος τὰ πολλά; τὰ δὲ 
A oe / > > 7 ’ / > A £8 
κοινῇ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν οὐκ ἀνθρώποις ὀλίγοις οὐδὲ ἑνὶ 
γένει οὐδὲ μιᾷ πόλει, παντὶ δὲ ὁμοῦ τῷ κόσμῳ 
παρὰ τῶν ἐμφανῶν 5 θεῶν διδόμενα πῶς ὑμεῖς οὐκ 
1 θεοῖς Asmus adds, 
2 ἐμφανῶν Asmus; ἐπιφανῶν Hertlein, MSS. 

1 For the Alexandrine Stoic, Areius, cf. Julian, Caesars, 
Vol. 2, 3268; Letter to Themistius, Vol.2, 265c, where Areius 
is said to have refused the prefecture of Egypt; and Philo- 



proved stronger than the Jews, while Alexander, if 
he had had to match himself with the Romans, 
would have made even them fight hard for 
supremacy. And what about the Ptglemies who 
succeeded your founder and nurtured your city from 
her earliest years as though she were their own 
daughter? It was certainly not by the preachings 
of Jesus that they increased her renown, nor by the 
teaching of the Galilaeans, detested of the gods, 
did they perfect this administration which she 
enjoys and to which she owes her present good 
fortune. Thirdly, when we Romans became her 
masters and took her out of the hands of the 
Ptolemies who misgoverned her, Augustus visited 
your city and made the following speech to your 
citizens: ‘ Men of Alexandria, I absolve the city of 
all blame, because of my reverence for the mighty 
god Serapis, and further for the sake of the people 
themselves and the great renown of the city. But 
there is a third reason for my goodwill towards you, 
and that is my comrade Areius.’’1 Now this Areius 
was a fellow-citizen of yours and a familiar friend of 
Caesar Augustus, by profession a philosopher. 

These, then, to sum them up briefly, are the 
blessings bestowed by the Olympian gods on your 
city in peculiar, though I pass over very many 
because they would take too long to describe. But 
the blessings that are vouchsafed by the visible gods 
_ to all in common, every day, not merely to a few 
persons or a single race, or to one city, but to the 
whole world at the same time, how can you fail to 

stratus, Lives of the Sophists, Introduction, p. xxiii (Loeb 
Library Edition). See Seneca, Dialogues 6. 4, where Areius 
consoles and exhorts the Empress Livia. 



” , a b] ς , / > a ᾽ 
ἴστε; μόνοι τῆς ἐξ «Ηλίου κατιούσης αὐγῆς avat- 
σθήτως ἔχετε; μόνοι θέρος οὐκ ἴστε καὶ χειμῶνα 
Tap αὐτοῦ γινόμενον ; μόνοι ζῳογονούμενα καὶ 
’ “ἪἬ > a 
φυόμενα Tap αὐτοῦ τὰ πάντα; τὴν de ἐξ αὐτοῦ 
\ 2 bf a \ a e / 
καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δημιουργὸν τῶν ὅλων Σελήνην 
“" a 7. a 
οὖσαν οὐκ αἰσθάνεσθε πόσων ἀγαθῶν αἰτία TH 
a lal O77 
πόλει γίνεται ; καὶ τούτων μὲν τῶν θεῶν οὐδένα 
an an “ v e 
προσκυνεῖν τολμᾶτε: ὃν δὲ οὔτε ὑμεῖς οὔτε οἱ 
πατέρες ὑμῶν ἑοράκασιν ᾿Ιησοῦν οἴεσθε χρῆναι 
θ x , 1 e / ἃ δὲ ? .A ef 
cov λόγον ὑπάρχειν. ὃν δὲ ἐξ αἰῶνος ἅπαν 
Crm \ a 3 ΄ / \ i \ 
ὁρᾷ τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος καὶ βλέπει Kal 
σέβεται καὶ σεβόμενον εὖ πράττει, τὸν μέγαν 
vd n \ 
Ηλιον λέγω, TO ζῶν ἄγαλμα καὶ ἔμψυχον καὶ 
ἔννουν καὶ ἀγαθοεργὸν τοῦ νοητοῦ πατρός,". .. εἴ 
τι μοι πείθεσθε παραινοῦντι, καὶ μικρὰ ὑμᾶς 
αὐτοὺς émavaydyeTe πρὸς τήν ἀλήθειαν. οὐχ 
ἁμαρτήσεσθε γὰρ τῆς ὀρθῆς ὁδοῦ πειθόμενοι τῷ 
πορευθέντι κἀκείνην τὴν ὁδὸν ἄχρις ἐτῶν εἴκοσι 
καὶ ταύτην ἤδη σὺν θεοῖς πορευομένῳ δωδέκατον 
[έ a , 
Ei μὲν οὖν φίλον ὑμῖν πείθεσθαι, μειζόνως 

1 Cobet omits λόγον as a theologian’s gloss, but Julian is 
thinking of the beginning of 8S. John’s Gospel; cf. Against 
the Galilaeans, 3278, 333n,c for his attack on the doctrine 
of Christ the Word. 

* Here some words are lost, probably omitted by Christian 
copyists as blasphemous, Asmus rightly restores πατρός ; 
Hertlein, following Osann, παντός. 

1 For Selene as the artificer of the visible world cf. Vol. 1, 
Oration 4, 150. 

148 : 


know what they are? Are you alone insensible 
to the beams that descend from Helios? Are you 
alone ignorant that summer and winter are from 
him? Or that all kinds of animal and plant life 
proceed from him? And do you not perceive what 
great blessings the city derives from her who is 
generated from and by him, even Selene who is the 
creator of the whole universe?! Yet you have the 
audacity not to adore any one of these gods; and 
you think that one whom neither you nor your 
fathers have ever seen, even Jesus, ought to rank 
as God the Word. But the god whom from time 
immemorial the whole race of mankind has beheld 
and looked up to and worshipped, and from that 
worship prospered, I mean mighty Helios, his intelli- 
gible father’s living image,? endowed with soul and 
intelligence, cause of all good . . . if you heed my 
admonition, do ye lead yourselves even a little 
towards the truth. For you will not stray from the 
right road? if you heed one who till his twentieth 
year walked in that road of yours, but for twelve 
years now has walked in this road I speak of, by the 
grace of the gods.* 

Therefore, if it please you to obey me, you will 

2 Cf. Fragment of a Letter toa Priest, Vol. 2, 295a, where 
the stars are called ‘‘ living images.”’ Julian here refers not 
to the visible sun, but to the “" intellectual”’ (voepds) Helios 
who is in the likeness of his ‘‘intelligible” (νοητὸς) father, 
the transcendental Helios, for whom cf. Oration 4, Vol. 1, 1380, 

3 For Julian’s reproach against the Christians that they 
had taken ‘‘their own road” and abandoned the teaching of 
Moses, cf. Against the Galilaeans 43a. 

4 Cf. Vol. 1, Oration 4, 1314 where he also refers to the 
time when he was a Christian and desires that it may be 




εὐφρανεῖτε" τ τῇ δεισιδαιμονίᾳ δὲ καὶ κατηχήσει 
τῶν πανούργων ἀνθρώπων ἐ ἐμμένειν εἴπερ ἐθέλοιτε, 
τὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμονοεῖτε καὶ τὸν ᾿Αθανάσιον 
μὴ ποθεῖτε. πολλοὶ πάντως εἰσὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ μα- 
θητῶν δυνάμενοι τὰς ἀκοὰς ὑμῶν κνησιώσας καὶ 
δεομένας ἀσεβῶν ῥημάτων ἱκανῶς παραμυθήσα- 
σθαι. ὥφελε yap Αθανασίῳ ὁμοῦ ᾿ ἡ τοῦ δυσσε- 
βοῦς αὐτοῦ διδασκαλείου κατακεκλεῖσθαι μοχθη- 
ρία. νῦν δέ ἐστι πλῆθος ὑμῖν οὐκ ἀγεννές, καὶ 
πρᾶγμά δὲ 3 οὐδέν. ὃν γὰρ ἂν ἕλησθε τοῦ πλή- 
θους, ὅσα γε εἰς τὴν τῶν γραφῶν διδασκαλίαν 
ἥκει, χείρων οὐδὲν ἔσται τοῦ παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ποθου- 
μένου. εἰ δὲ τῆς ἄλλης ἐντρεχείας ἐρῶντες ᾿Αθα- 
νασίου" “πανοῦργον γὰρ εἶναι τὸν ἄνδρα πυνθάνο- 
μαι" ταύτας ἐποιήσασθε τὰς δεήσεις, ἴ ἴστε δι᾽ αὐτὸ 
τοῦτο ® αὐτὸν ἀπεληλαμένον τῆς πόλεως" ἀνεπι- 
τήδειος γὰρ φύσει προστατεύειν δήμου πολυπράγ- 
μων ἀνήρ. εἰ δὲ μηδὲ ἀνήρ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνθρωπίσκος 
εὐτελής, καθάπερ οὗτος ὁ μέγας οἰόμενος περὶ τῆς 
κεφαλῆς κινδυνεύειν, τοῦτο δὲ ὁ δίδωσιν ἀταξίας 
ἀρχήν. ὅθεν, ἵνα μὴ γένηται τοιοῦτο περὶ ὑμᾶς 
μηδέν, ἀπελθεῖν αὐτῷ προηγορεύσαμεν τῆς πόλεως 
πάλαι, νυνὶ δὲ καὶ Αἰγύπτου πάσης. 

Προτεθήτω τοῖς ἡμετέροις πολίταις ᾿Αλεξαν- 

1 Asmus ὅμοῦ or ἅμα; Sintenis μόνον; Hertlein, MSS. 
μόνῳ; Hertlein suggests μόνῳ γε. 
τε Hertlein, MSS. ; δὲ Hertlein suggests ; Hercher would 
delete τε. 
5 MSS. διὰ τοῦτο; Reiske διὰ τοῦτο αὐτό; Hertlein suggests 
δι᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο. 
* Sintenis deletes δέ; Hercher lacuna after ἀρχήν ; Capps 
suggests δή, 



rejoice me the more. ‘But if you choose to persevere 
in the superstition and instruction of wicked men, at 
least agree among yourselves and do not crave for 
Athanasius, In any case there are many of his 
pupils who can comfort well enough those itching 
ears of yours that yearn to hear impious words. 1 
only wish that, along with Athanasius, the wicked- 
ness of his impious school had been suppressed. But 
as it is you have a fine crowd of them and need have 
no trouble. For any man whom you elect from the 
crowd will be in no way inferior to him for whom 
you crave, at any rate for the teaching of the scrip- 
tures. But if you have made these requests because 
you are so fond of the general subtlety of Athanasius 
—for I am informed that the man is a clever rascal 
—then you must know that for this very reason he 
has been banished from the city. For a meddlesome 
man is unfit by nature to be leader of the people. 
But if this leader is not even a man but only a 
contemptible puppet, like this great personage who 
thinks he is risking his head, this surely gives the 
signal for disorder. Wherefore, that nothing of the 
sort may occur in your case, as I long ago gave 
_ orders! that he depart from the city, I now say, let 
him depart from the whole of Egypt. 

Let this be publicly proclaimed to my citizens of 

1 See above, 70 the Alexandrians, p. 75. 



"AreEavdpevav | 

᾿Οβελὸν εἶναι παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἀκούω λίθινον εἰς ὕψος 
ἱκανὸν ἐπηρμένον, ἐπὶ τῆς novos ὥσπερ ἄλλο τί 
τῶν ἀτιμοτάτων ἐ ἐρριμμένον. ἐπὶ τοῦτον ἐναυπηγή- 
σατο σκάφος ὁ μακαρίτης Κωνστάντιος, ὡς μετά- 
ξων αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν πατρίδα Κωνσταντίνου 
πόλιν. ἐπεὶ δε ἐκείνῳ συνέβη θεῶν ἐθελόντων 
ἐνθένδε ἐ ἐκεῖσε πορευθῆναι τὴν εἱμαρμένην πορείαν, 
ἡ πόλις ἀπαιτεῖ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ τὸ ἀνάθημα, πατρὶς 
οὖσά μου" καὶ προσήκουσα πλέον ἤπερ ἐκείνῳ. 
ὁ μὲν γὰρ αὐτὴν ὡς “ἀδελφήν, ἐγὼ δὲ ὡς μητέρα 
φιλῶ" καὶ γὰρ ἐγενόμην παρ᾽ αὐτῇ καὶ ἐτράφην 
ἐκεῖσε, καὶ οὐ δύναμαι περὶ αὐτὴν ἀγνωμονῆσαι. 
τί οὖν ; ἐπειδὴ καὶ ὑμᾶς οὐδὲν ἔλαττον τῆς πατρί- 
δος φιλῶ, δίδωμι καὶ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἀναστῆσαι τὴν 
χαλκῆν εἰκόνα. πεποίηται δὲ ἔναγχος ἀνδριὰς 
τῷ μεγέθει κολοσσικός, ὃν ἀναστήσαντες ἕξετε 
ἀντὶ ἀναθήματος λιθίνου χαλκοῦν, ἀνδρός, οὗ 
φατε ποθεῖν, εἰκόνα καὶ μορφὴν ἀντὶ τετραγώνου ὃ 
λίθου χαράγματα ἔχοντος Αἰγύπτια. καὶ τὸ λε- 
γόμενον δέ, ὥς τινές εἰσιν οἱ θεραπεύοντες Kal. 

1 Hertlein 58; the first part of this letter was published 
by Rigaltius, Paris, 1601, the whole letter by Muratorius, 
Padua, 1709. 

2 Hertlein suggests μοι. 

® σριγώνου Hertlein, MSS. ; τετραγώνου La Bléterie, as the 
obelisk is four-sided. 

* This granite monolith, which stands in the At Meidén 
(the hippodrome) in Constantinople, was originally erected 
by Thothmes ITI. (about. 1515 B.c.), probably at Heliopolis. 



To the Alexandrians 

I am informed that there is in your neighbourhood Early 

a granite obelisk! which, when it stood erect, }° 
reached a considerable height, but has been thrown Antioch 
down and lies on the beach as though it were some- 
thing entirely worthless. For this obelisk Con- 
stantius of blessed memory had a freight-boat built, 
because he intended to convey it to my native place, 
Constantinople. But since by the will of heaven he 

has departed from this life to the next on that journey 

to which we are fated,? the city claims the monument 

from me because it is the place of my birth and more 
closely connected with me than with the late 
Emperor. For though he loved the place as a sister 
Ilove itasmy mother. And I was in fact born there 

and brought up in the place, and I cannot ignore its 
claims. Well then, since J love you also, no less than 

my native-city, I grant to you also permission to 

set up the bronze statue*in your city. A statue has 
lately been made of colossal size. If you set this up 

you will have, instead of a stone monument, a bronze 
statue of aman whom you say you love and long for, 

and a human shape instead of a quadrangular block 

of granite with Egyptian characters on it. Moreover 

the news has reached me that there are certain 

The Alexandrians obeyed Julian's orders, but the boat con- 
. taining the obelisk was driven by a storm to Athens, where 
it remained till the Emperor Theodosius (379-395 A.D.) 
conveyed it to Constantinople. There, as an inscription on 
its base records, it took 32 days to erect; see Palatine 
Anthology 9. 682. 2 Plato, Phaedo, 1176. 

3 Of himself (2) or of Constantius. The Emperor’s permis- 
sion was necessary for the erection of a statue by a city. 




προσκαθεύδοντες αὐτοῦ τῇ κορυφῇ, πάνυ με πείθει 
χρῆναι τῆς δεισιδαιμονίας ἕνεκα ταύτης ἀπάγειν 
αὐτόν. οἱ γὰρ θεώμενοι τοὺς καθεύδοντας ἐκεῖ, 
πολλοῦ μὲν ῥύπου, πολλῆς δὲ ἀσελγείας περὶ τὸν 
τόπον ὡς ἔτυχεν οὔσης, οὔτε πιστεύουσιν αὐτὸν 
θεῖον εἶναι, καὶ διὰ τὴν τῶν προσεχόντων αὐτῷ 
δεισιδαιμονίαν a ἀπιστότεροι περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς καθί- 
στανταῖι. δι’ αὐτὸ δὴ οὖν τοῦτο καὶ μᾶλλον ὑμῖν 
προσήκει συνεπιλαβέσθαι καὶ πέμψαι τῇ ἐμῇ πα- 
τρίδι τῇ ξενοδοκούσῃ καλῶς ὑ ὑμᾶς, ὅτε εἰς τὸν Πόν- 
τον εἰσπλεῖτε, καὶ ὥσπερ εἰς τὰς τροφὰς καὶ εἰς 
τὸν ἐκτὸς κόσμον συμβάλλεσθαι. πάντως οὐκ 
ἄχαρι καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἑστάναι τι τῶν ὑμετέρων, 
εἰς ὃ προσπλέοντες τῇ πόλει μετ᾽ εὐφροσύνης 

᾿Εκδικίῳ 1 

"Αξιόν ἐστιν, εἴπερ ἄλλου τινός, καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς 
ἐπιμεληθῆναι μουσικῆς. ἐπιλεξάμενος οὖν ἐκ τοῦ 
δήμου τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων. εὖ γεγονότας. μειρακί- 
σκους ἀρτάβας ἑκάστῳ σίτου" κέλευσον δύο τοῦ 

1 Hertlein 56. 
2 σίτου Hertlein adds, 

1 Possibly there was a martyr’s grave near, at which the 
Christians worshipped; more probably, Christian or Jewish 
ascetics who flourished at Alexandria and were called thera- 
peuts,” ‘‘ worshippers,” had settled near the obelisk. Sozo- 




persons who worship there and sleep? at its very . 

apex, and that convinces me beyond doubt that on 
account of these superstitious practices I ought to 
take it away. For men who see those persons 
sleeping there and so much filthy rubbish and care- 
less and licentious behaviour in that place, not only 
do not believe that it ? is sacred, but by the influence 
of the superstition of those who dwell there come to 
have less faith in the gods. Therefore, for this very 
reason it is the more proper for you to assist in this 
business and to send it to my native city, which 
always receives you hospitably when you sail into 
the Pontus, and to contribute to its external adorn- 
ment, even as you contribute to its sustenance. It 
cannot fail to give you pleasure to have something 
that has belonged to you standing in their city, and 
as you sail towards that city you will delight in 
gazing at it. 

To Ecdicius, Prefect of Egypt 

Ir there is anything that deserves our fostering 
care, it is the sacred art of music. Do you therefore 
select from the citizens of Alexandria® boys of good 
birth, and give orders that two artabae‘ of corn are 

men 6. 29 says that about 2000 ascetic monks lived in the 

neighbourhood of Alexandria. See also Sozomen 1. 12. 

és 2. ὦ, e. the obelisk, which was originally dedicated to the 

8 For the study of music at Alexandria cf. Ammianus 
Marcellinus 22. 16. 17, nondumque apud eos penitus exaruit 
musica, nec harmonia conticuit. 

4 The artaba, an Egyptian dry measure, was equivalent to 
about nine gallons, 


362 or 

in 363 



Ν aA », / 5 > “ 1 \ > ἐκ 
μηνὸς χορηγεῖσθαι, ἔλαιόν τε ἐπ αὐτῷ ' καὶ οἶνον 

ἐσθῆτα δὲ παρέξουσιν οἱ τοῦ ταμιείου προεστῶτες. 
οὗτοι δὲ τέως ἐκ φωνῆς καταλεγέσθωσαν. εἰ δέ. 
τινες δύναιντο καὶ τῆς ἐπιστήμης αὐτῆς εἰς ἄκρον 
μετασχεῖν, ἴστωσαν 2 ἀποκείμενα πάνυ μεγάλα 
τοῦ πόνου τὰ ἔπαθλα καὶ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν. ὅτι γὰρ πρὸ 
ἡμῶν αὐτοὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ὑπὸ τῆς θείας μουσικῆς 
καθαρθέντες ὀνήσονται, πιστευτέον τοῖς προαπο- 
φαινομένοις ὀρθῶς ὑπὲρ τούτων. ὑπὲρ μὲν οὖν 
τῶν παίδων τοσαῦτα. τοὺς δὲ νῦν ἀκροωμένους 
τοῦ μουσικοῦ Διοσκόρου ποίησον ἀντιλαβέσθαι 
τῆς τέχνης προθυμότερον, ὡς ἡμῶν ἑτοίμων ἐπὶ 
ὅπερ ἂν ἐθέλωσιν αὐτοῖς συνάρασθαι. 

Διονυσίῳ 5 
> ͵ 9 lal ’ Ey a > 
Αμείνων ἦσθα σιωπῶν πρότερον ἢ νῦν ἀπο- 
/ > \ \ > ἴω , , 
λογούμενος: οὐδὲ yap ἐλοιδοροῦ τότε, καίτοι 
διανοούμενος ἴσως αὐτό' νυνὶ δὲ ὥσπερ ὠδίνων 
\ a τὸ a / ? , 5“. " ΕΓ \ 
τὴν καθ᾽ ἡμῶν λοιδορίαν ἀθρόαν ἐξέχεας. ἢ yap 
> / \ ὃ / πόσας ‘ / 
ov χρή με Kal λοιδορίαν αὐτὸ καὶ βλασφημίαν 
͵ Ὁ“ val a / ς 7 
νομίξειν, ὅτε με τοῖς σεαυτοῦ φίλοις ὑπελάμβανες 
/ / 
εἶναι προσόμοιον, ὧν ἑκατέρῳ δέδωκας σεαυτὸν 
1 After αὐτῷ Hertlein brackets καὶ σῖτον. 
2 torwv Hertlein suggests. 
3 Hertlein 59. In Laurentianus LVIII the title is Ἰουλιανὸς 

κατὰ τοῦ Νείλου ; Διονυσίῳ first appears in the Paris edition, 



to be furnished every month to each of them, with 
olive oil also, and wine. The overseers of the 
Treasury will provide them with clothing. For the 
present let these boys be chosen for their voices, 
but if any of them should prove capable of attaining 
to the higher study of the science of music, let them 
be informed that very considerable rewards for their 
work have been set aside at my court also. For 

they must believe those who have expressed right | 

opinions on these matters that they themselves 
rather than we will be purified in soul by divinely 
inspired! music, and benefit thereby. So much, 
then, for the boys. As for those who are now the 
pupils of Dioscorus the musician, do you urge them 
to apply themselves to the art with still more zeal, 
for I am ready to assist them to whatever they may 

To Nilus, surnamed Dionysius 2 

Your earlier silence was more creditable than 
your present defence; for then you did not utter 
abuse, though perhaps it was in your mind. But 
now, as though you were in travail, you have poured 
out your abuse of me wholesale. For must I not 
regard it as abuse and slander that you supposed me 
to be like your own friends, to each of whom you 
_ offered yourself uninvited; or rather, by the first® 

1 Julian does not mean sacred music in particular; ef. 
Vol. 1, Oration 3. 1110, where θεία is used of secular music. 

* For the name and personality of Nilus see Introduction, 
under Nilus. 

3 Constans ; cf. Vol. 1, Oration 1. 9p. 





ἄκλητον, μᾶλλον δὲ τῷ μὲν ἄκλητον, τῷ προτέρῳ, 
τῷ δευτέρῳ δὲ ἐνδειξαμένῳ μόνον, ὅτι σε “συνεργὸν ; 
ἐθέλει προσλαβεῖν, ὑ ὑπήκουσας. ἀλλο εἰ μὲν ἐγὼ 
προσόμοιός εἰμι Κώνσταντι καὶ Μαγνεντίῳ, τὸ 
πρᾶγμα αὐτό, φασί, δείξει" σὺ δ᾽ ὅτι κατὰ τὸν 

σαυτὴν ἐπαινεῖς ὥσπερ ᾿Αστυδάμας, γύναι, 

πρόδηλόν ἐστιν ἐξ ὧν ἐπέστειλας. ἡ ἡ γὰρ ἀφοβία 
καὶ τὸ “μέγα θάρσος καὶ τὸ εἴθε με γνοίης ὅσος καὶ 
οἷός εἰμι, καὶ πάντα ἁπλῶς τὰ τοιαῦτα, βαβαί, 
πηλίκου κτύπου καὶ κόμπου ῥημώτων ἐστίν. 
ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τῶν Χαρίτων καὶ τῆς ᾿Αφροδίτης, 
εἰ τολμηρὸς οὕτως εἶ! καὶ γενναῖος, τί καὶ τρίτον 
ηὐλαβήθης, ἂν δέῃ, προσκρούειν ; οἱ γὰρ τοῖς 
κρατοῦσιν ἀπεχθανόμενοι, τὸ μὲν κουφότατον 
καί, ὡς ἂν εἴποι τις, ἥδιστον τῷ γε νοῦν ἔχοντι, 
τοῦ πράγματα ἔχειν ταχέως ἀπαλλάττονται, 
μικρὰ δὲ εἰ χρὴ προσζημιωθῆναι, περὶ τὰ xem 
ματα πταίουσι" τὸ δὲ κεφάλαιόν ἐστι τῆς ὀργῆς 
καὶ τὸ παθεῖν, φασί, τὰ ἀνήκεστα, τὸ ζῆν 
προέσθαι. τούτων δὴ πάντων ὑπερορῶν, ὅτι καὶ 
τὸν ἰδίως ἄνδρα 3 ἐπέγνωκας" καὶ τὸν κοινῶς καὶ 
γενικῶς ἄνθρωπον ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν τῶν ὀψυμαθῶν 
ἀγνοούμενον, ἀνθ᾽ ὅτου, πρὸς τῶν θεῶν, εὐλα- 

1 οὕτως εἶ Hertlein suggests; Fabricius οὑτωσί; MSS. 

οὑτοσί, or εἰ καὶ τ. οὕτω. 
2. Lacuna Hertlein, MSS.; ἄνδρα Asmus. 

1 Magnentius; cf. Oration 1 for the defeat of this usurper 
by Constantius. Magnentius had murdered Constans, see 
Oration 1. 268, 2. 55p. 2 Cf. Vol. 2, Caesars 307A. 



you were not invited, and you obeyed the second ἢ 
on his merely indicating that he wished to enlist 
you to help him. However, whether I am like 
Constans and Magnentius the event itself, as they 
say, will prove.2 But as for you, from what you 

_ wrote it is very plain that, in the words of the comic 

“You are praising yourself, lady, like Astydamas.”’ 

For when you write about your “ fearlessness”? and 
“great courage,’ and say “ Would that you knew 
my real value and my true character!” and, in a 
word, all that sort of thing,—for shame! What an 
empty noise and display of words is this! Nay, by 
the Graces and Aphrodite, if you are so brave and 
noble, why were you “so careful to avoid incurring 
displeasure,” if need be, “for the third time”’?+ For 
when men fall under the displeasure of princes, the 
lightest consequence—and, as one might say, the 
most agreeable to a man of sense—is that they are 
at once relieved from the cares of business; and if 
they have to pay a small fine as well, their stumbling 
block is merely money; while the culmination of the 
prince’s wrath, and the “fate beyond all remedy” 
as the saying is, is to lose their lives. Disregarding 
all these dangers, because, as you say, “you had 
come to know me in my private capacity for the man 
I am’ 5—and in my common and generic capacity 

for the human being I am, though unknown to 

myself, late learner that 1 am !—why, in heaven's 
name, did you say that you were careful to avoid 

8 Philemon frag. 190; cf. Letter to Basil, p. 83; this had 
become a proverb. 
4 2.6. after his experiences with Constans aud Magnentius. 
5 A quotation from the other’s letter. 



βεῖσθαι ἔφης, μὴ τρίτον προσκρούσῃς; ov yap 
δὴ πονηρὸν ἐκ χρηστοῦ σε ποιήσω χαλεπήνας 
ἐγώ: ζηλωτὸς γὰρ ἂν ἣν ἐν δίκῃ τοῦτο δυνάμενος" 
ἢ γάρ, ὥς φησι ἸΠλάτων, καὶ τοὐναντίον οἷός 
τε ἣν ἄν. ἀδεσπότου δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς οὔσης ἐχρῆν 
ὑπολογίζεσθαι μηδὲν τῶν τοιούτων. ἀλλ᾽ οἴει 
μέγα τὸ πάντας μὲν βλασφημεῖν, πᾶσι δὲ ἁπλῶς 
λοιδορεῖσθαι, καὶ τὸ τῆς εἰρήνης τέμενος ἀπο- 
φαίνειν ἐργαστήριον πολέμου. ἢ τοῦτο νομίξεις 
ὑπὲρ τῶν παλαιῶν ἁμαρτημάτων ἀπολογεῖσθαι 
πρὸς ἅπαντας, καὶ τῆς πάλαι ποτὲ μαλακίας 
παραπέτασμα τὴν νῦν ἀνδρείαν εἶναί σοι; τὸν 
μῦθον ἀκήκοας τὸν Βαβρίου “ Ταλῆ ποτ᾽ ἀνδρὸς 
εὐπρεποῦς ἐρασθεῖσα": τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἐκ τοῦ 
βιβλίου μάνθανε. πολλὰ εἰπὼν οὐδένα ἂν πεί- 
σειας ἀνθρώπων, ὡς οὐ γέγονας ὅπερ οὖν γέγονας 
καὶ οἷον πολλοὶ πάλαι σε ἠπίσταντο. τὴν νῦν 
δὲ ἀμαθίαν καὶ τὸ θάρσος οὐχ ἡ φιλοσοφία μὰ 
τοὺς θεοὺς ἐνεποίησέ σοι, τοὐναντίον δὲ ἡ διπλῆ 
κατὰ Πλάτωνα ἄγνοια.Σ κινδυνεύων γὰρ εἰδέναι 
μηδέν, ὡς οὐδὲ ἡμεῖς, οἴει δὴ3 πάντων εἶναι 
σοφώτατος, οὐ τῶν νῦν ὄντων μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ 
τῶν γεγονότων, ἴσως δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐσομένων. οὕτω 
σοι πρὸς ὑπερβολὴν ἀμαθίας τὰ τῆς οἰήσεως 

1 ἄνοια Schwarz, cf. Plato, Timacus 808, δύο δ᾽ ἀνοίας 
2 δὴ Asmus adds, 

1 Crito 44D. 2 Piato, Republic 6178. 
’ The Senate; for the phrase ἐργαστήριον πολέμου cf. 
Xenophon, Hellenica 3. 4. 17. 



incurring displeasure for the third time? For surely 
my anger will not change you from a good man into 
a bad. I should be enviable indeed, and with justice, 
if I had the power to do that ; for then, as Plato says,! 
I could do the converse as well. But since virtue 
owns no master,? you ought not to have taken into 
account anything of the sort. However, you think 
it is a fine thing to speak ill of all men, and to abuse 
all without exception, and to convert the shrine of 
peace ὃ into a workshop of war. Or do you think 
in this way to excuse yourself in the sight of all for 
your past sins, and that your courage now is a 
sereen to hide your cowardice of old? You have 
heard the fable of Babrius:4* “Once upon a time a 
weasel fell in love with a handsome youth.”” The 
rest of the fable you may learn from the book. How- 
ever much you may say, you will never convince 
any human being that you were not what you were, 
and such as many knew you to be in the past. As 
for your ignorance and audacity now, it was not 
philosophy that implanted them in you, no, by 
heaven! On the contrary, it was what Plato® 
calls a twofold lack of knowledge. For though you 
really know nothing, just as I know nothing, you 
think forsooth that you are the wisest of all men, 
not only of those who are alive now, but also of 
those who have ever been, and perhaps of those 
who ever will be. To such a pitch of ignorance 
has your self-conceit grown ! 

4 Fable 32, the weasel or cat, transformed into a woman, 
could not resist chasing a mouse. 

5 Cf. Proclus on Cratylus 65 for this Neo-Platonic phrase ; 
and Plato, Apology 210. In Sophist 2298 Plato defines the 
ignorance of those who do not even know that they are 
ignorant, as τῶν κακῶν αἰτία, καὶ ἣ ἐπονείδιστος ἀμαθία. 





᾿Αλλὰ σοῦ μὲν ἕνεκα καὶ ταῦτα τῶν ἱκανῶν 
εἴρηταί μοι πλείω, δεῖ δὲ ἴσως ἀπολογήσασθαι διὰ 
σὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις, ὅτι προχείρως ἐπὶ κοινωνίαν 
σε παρεκάλεσα πραγμάτων. τοῦτ᾽ οὐ πρῶτος 
οὐδὲ μόνος ἔπαθον, ὦ Διονύσιε. ἐξηπάτησε καὶ 
Πλάτωνα τὸν μέγαν ὁ σὸς ὁμώνυμος, ἀλλὰ Kai} 
ὁ ᾿Αθηναῖος Κάλλιπος" εἰδέναι μὲν γὰρ αὐτόν 
φησι πονηρὸν ὄντα,3 τηλικαύτην δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ τὸ 
μέγεθος κακίαν οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὃ ἐλπίσαι πώποτε. καὶ 
τί χρὴ λέγειν ὑπὲρ τούτων, ὅπου καὶ τῶν 
᾿Ασκληπιαδῶν ὁ ἄριστος Ἱπποκράτης ἔφη" 
Ἔσφηλαν δέ μου τὴν γνώμην αἱ ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ 
ῥαφαί; εἶτ᾽ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ὑπὲρ ὧν ἤδεσαν ἐξηπα- 
τῶντο, καὶ τὸ τεχνικὸν ἐλάνθανε τὸν ἰατρὸν 
θεώρημα, θαυμαστὸν δέ, εἴπερ Ἰουλιανὸς ἀκούσας 
ἐξαίφνης ἀνδρίξεσθαι τὸν Νεῖλον * Διονύσιον 
ἐξηπατήθη; ἀκούεις ἐκεῖνον τὸν Ἠλεῖον Φαίδωνα, 
καὶ τὴν ἱστορίαν ἐπίστασαι" εἰ δὲ ἀγνοεῖς, ἐπι- 
μελέστερον ᾿πολυπραγμόνησον, ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὖν ὃ ἐρῶ 
τοῦτο. ἐκεῖνος ἐνόμιζεν οὐδὲν ἀνίατον εἶναι τῇ 
φιλοσοφίᾳ, πάντας δὲ ἐκ πάντων ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς 
καθαίρεσθαι βίων, Te HOON ἐπιθυμιῶν, 

1 Δίωνα Hertlein adds. ὄντα Cobet adds. 
3 οὐδὲ Hertlein, MSS. ; οὐδ᾽ by Hertlein suggests. 

4 Hertlein, following Hercher, [τὸν Ne:Agov ἢ]; Laurenti- 
anus Asmus τὸν Νεῖλον ; Wilamowitz τὸν δειλὺν omitting 
Διονύσιον ; Heyler regards ἢ Διονύσιον as a gloss. 

5 δ᾽ οὖν Wright ; δὲ οὐκ MSS., Hertlein; μόνον Hertlein 
suggests; Asmus retains οὐκ. 

1 The tyrant of Syracuse. 

2 Callippus, who assassinated Dio in 353 B.c., was himself 
put to death by the Syracusans after he had usurped the 



However, as far as you are concerned, this that 
I have said is more than enough; but perhaps 1 
ought to apologise on your account to the others 
because I too hastily summoned you to take part 
in public affairs. I am not the first or the only one, 
Dionysius, who has had this experience. Your 
namesake! deceived even great Plato; and Cal- 
lippus? the Athenian also deceived Dio. For 
Plato says® that Dio knew he was a bad man but 
that he would never have expected in him such a 
degree of baseness. Why need I quote the experi- 
ence of these men, when even Hippocrates,* the 
most distinguished of the sons of Asclepius, said: 
“The sutures of the head bated my judgement.” 
Now if those famous men were deceived about 
persons whom they knew, and the physician was 
mistaken in a professional diagnosis, is it surprising 
that Julian was deceived when he heard that Nilus 
Dionysius had suddenly become brave? You have 
heard tell of the famous Phaedo of Elis,> and you 
know his story. However, if you do not know it, 
study it more carefully, but at any rate I will 
tell you this part. He thought that there is 
nothing that cannot be cured by philosophy, and 
that by her all men can be purified from all their 
modes of life, their habits, desires, in a word from 

3 Plato, Epistle 7. 351p, Ε. 

4 Hippocrates, 5. 3. 561 Kiihn. This candid statement of 
. Hippocrates, who had failed to find a wound in a patient’s 
head, was often cited as a proof of a great mind; cf. 
Plutarch, De profectu in virtute, 820. 

δ᾽ For the reformation of Phaedo by philosophy, see 
Aulus Gellius 2.18 and Julian, Vol. 2, 264p (Wright). He 
was a disciple of Socrates and wrote several dialogues ; for 
his Life see Diogenes Laertius, 2. 105; cf. Wilamowitz in 
Hermes 14, 



πάντων ἁπαξαπλῶς τῶν τοιούτων. εἰ γὰρ τοῖς 
εὖ πεφυκόσι καὶ “καλῶς τεθραμμένοις “ἐπήρκει 
nih οὐδὲν ἂν ἣν θαυμαστὸν τὸ κατ᾽ αὐτήν' 
i δὲ καὶ τοὺς οὕτω διακειμένους ἀνάγει πρὸς 
τὰ φῶς, δοκεῖ μοι διαφερόντως εἶναι θαυμάσιον. 
ἐκ τούτων ἡ ἡ περὶ σέ μοι. κατ᾽ ὀλίγον γνώμη, ὡς 
ἴσασιν οἱ θεοὶ πάντες, ἔρρεπεν. ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον. 
οὔτοι γοῦν οὔτε ἐν πρώτοις οὔτε ἐν δευτέροις 
τῶν κρατίστων ἐθέμην ἀνδρῶν τὸ κατὰ σέ. 
ἐπίστασαι ἴσως αὐτός" εἰ δὲ ἀγνοεῖς, τοῦ καλοῦ 
Συμμάχου πυνθάνου. πέπεισμαι yap, ἐκεῖνος 
ὅτι οὔποτ᾽ ἂν ἑκὼν εἶναι ψεύσαιτο, τὰ πάντα 
ἀληθίξεσθαι πεφυκώς. εἰ δὲ ἀγανακτεῖς, ὅτε μὴ 
πάντων σε ᾿προυτιμήσαμεν, ἐγὼ μὲν ἐμαυτῷ, ὅτι 
σε καὶ ἐν ἐσχάτοις ἔταξα, μέμφομαι, καὶ χάριν 
οἶδα τοῖς θεοῖς πᾶσί τε καὶ πάσαις, οἱ κοινωνῆσαί 
σε πραγμάτων καὶ φίλους ἡμᾶς γενέσθαι διε- 
κώλυσαν. . . . καὶ γὰρ εἰ πολλὰ περὶ τῆς φήμης 
οἱ ποιηταί φασιν ὡς ἔστι θεός, ἔστω δέ, εἰ βούλει, 
δαιμόνιόν ye! τὸ τῆς φήμης, οὐ πάνυ τι" προσ- 
εκτέον αὐτῇ, διότι πέφυκε τὸ δαιμόνιον οὐ 
πάντα καθαρὸν οὐδὲ ἀγαθὸν τελείως ὡς τὸ τῶν 
θεῶν εἷναι γένος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπικοινωνεῖ πως καὶ πρὸς 
θάτερον. εἰ δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἄλλων δαιμόνων οὐ 
1 δαιμόνιόν ye Asmus; δαιμόνιον, καὶ MSS., Hertlein; τὸ 
Tis φήμης Asmus rejects as a gloss, Thomas reads ἔστω--- 

φήμης as a parenthesis ; so too Asmus. 
2 πάνυ τι Asmus; πάντη MSS., Hertlein. 

1 j.e, as Phaedo. Wilamowitz thinks that this sentence 
and the preceding are quoted or paraphrased from Phaedo. 

* This was probably L. Aurelius Avianius Symmachus 
the Roman senator, prefect of the city in 364-5, father of 
the orator Quintus Aurelius Symmachus; Ammianus 9]. 



everything of the sort. If indeed she only availed 
those who are well born and well bred there would 
be nothing marvellous about philosophy ; but if she 
can lead up to the light men so greatly depraved,! 
then I consider her marvellous beyond anything. 
For these reasons my estimate of you, as all the 
gods know, inclined little by little to be more favour- 
able; but even so I did not count your sort in 
the first or the second class of the most virtuous. 
Perhaps you yourself know this; but if you do 
not know it, enquire of the worthy Symmachus.? 
For I am convinced that he would never willingly 
tell a lie, since he is naturally disposed to be 
truthful in all things. And if you are aggrieved 
that I did not honour you before all others, I for 
my part reproach myself for having ranked you 
even among the last in merit, and I thank all 
the gods and goddesses who hindered us from 
becoming associated in public affairs and from 
being intimate ...% And indeed, though the 
poets have often said of Rumour that she is a 
goddess,’ and let us grant, if you will, that she at 
least has demonic power, yet not very much attention 
ought to be paid to her, because a demon is not 
altogether pure or perfectly good, like the race of 
the gods, but has some share of the opposite quality. 
And even though it be not permissible to say this 

12. 24, describes the meeting of the elder Symmachus and 
᾿ Julian in 361 at Nish. 

8 The lack of connection indicates a Jacuna though there 
is none in the MSS. Probably Julian said that their 
intimacy existed only as a rumour. 

4 Hesiod, Works and Days 763 

φήμη δ᾽ οὔτις πάμπαν ἀπόλλυται, ἥν τινα πολλοὶ 
λαοὶ φημίξωσι' θεός νύ τίς ἐστι καὶ αὐτή. 



θέμις τοῦτο φάναι, περὶ τῆς “φήμης οἶδ᾽ ὅτι λέγων 
ὡς πολλὰ μὲν ψευδῶς, πολλὰ δὲ ἀληθῶς ἀγγέλλει, 
οὔποτ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς ἁλοίην ψευδομαρτυριῶν. 

᾿Αλλὰ τὴν παρρησίαν τὴν σὴν οἴει τεττάρων 
εἶναι ὀβολῶν, τὸ λεγόμενον, ἀξίαν; οὐκ οἶσθ᾽ ὅτι 
καὶ canes ἐν τοῖς “Ἕλλησιν ἐπαρρησιάξετο, 
κα ᾽Οδυσσεὺς μὲν αὐτὸν ὁ συνετώτατος ἔπαιε 
τῷ - oxtmnpy, τῷ δὲ ᾿Αγαμέμνονι τῆς Θερσίτου 
παροινίας ἔλαττον ἔμελεν ἢ χελώνῃ μυιῶν, 
τὸ τῆς παροιμίας;. πλὴν οὐ μέγα ἔργον ἐστὶν 
ἐπιτιμᾶν ἄλλοις, ἑαυτὸν δὲ ἀνεπιτίμητον παρα- 
σχεῖν. εἰ δέ σοι ταύτης μέτεστι τῆς μερίδος, 
ἐπίδειξον ἡμῖν. ap ὅτε νέος ἦσθα, καλὰς ἔδωκας 
ὑπὲρ σαυτοῦ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις ὁμιλίας ; ἀλλ᾽ 
ἐγὼ, κατὰ τὴν Εὐριπίδειον Ἤλεκτραν τὰς τοιαύτας 
σιγῶ τύχας. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνὴρ γέγονας καὶ στρατο- 
πέδῳ παρέβαλες, ἔπραξας πῶς πρὸς τοῦ Διός ; 
ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀληθείας φὴς προσκρούσας ἀπηλλάχθαι. 
ἐκ τίνων τοῦτο ἔχων δεῖξαι, ὥσπερ οὐ πολλῶν 
καὶ πονηροτάτων, ὑφ᾽ ὧνπερ. καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπηλάθης, 
ἐκτοπισθέντων ; οὐ τοῦτό ἐστιν, ὦ συνετώτατε 
Διονύσιε, σπουδαίου καὶ σώφρονος ἀνδρός, ἀπε 
θανόμενον ἀπελθεῖν τοῖς κρατοῦσιν. ἦσθα εἶ 
ἂν βελτίων, εἰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐκ τῆς “πρὸς 
σεαυτὸν συνουσίας ἀπέφηνας ἡμῖν μετριωτέρους. 
ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν οὐ κατὰ σέ, μὰ τοὺς θεούς, οὐδὲ 
κατὰ μυρίους ἄλλους, ὅσοι ζηλοῦσι τὸν σὸν τρόπον" 

τ Cf. Julian’s reverence for φήμη in Vol. 1, pp. 409, 423; 
Vol. 2, p. 347, Wright. 

2 Iliad 2 265. 

ὃ Orestes 16; τὰς yap ἐν μέσῳ σιγῶ τύχας. Cf. Vol. 2, 70 
Themistius, 2548, p. 204, Wright. 



concerning the other demons, I know that when I 
say of Rumour that she reports many things falsely 
as well as many truthfully, I shall never myself be 
convicted of bearing false witness. 

But as for your “freedom of speech,’ do you 
think that it is worth four obols, as the saying 
is? Do you not know that Thersites also spoke his 
mind freely among the Greeks, whereupon the most 
wise Odysseus beat him with his staff,? while Aga- 
memnon paid less heed to the drunken brawling of 
Thersites than a tortoise does to flies, as the proverb 
goes? For that matter it is no great achievement 
to criticise others, but rather to place oneself beyond 
the reach of criticism. Now if you can claim to be 
in this category, prove it to me. Did you not, when 
you were young, furnish to your elders fine themes 
for gossip about you? However, like Electra in 
Euripides,? I keep silence about happenings of this 
sort. But when you came to man’s estate and be- 
took yourself to the camp,‘ how, in the name of 
Zeus, did you behave? You say that you left it 
because you gave offence in the cause of truth. 
From what evidence can you prove this, as though 
many men® and of the basest sort had not been 
exiled by the very persons by whom you yourself 
were driven away? O most wise Dionysius, it does 
not happen to a virtuous and temperate man to go 
away obnoxious to those in power! You would have 
_ done better if you had proved to us that men from 
their intercourse with you were better behaved. But 
this was not in your power, no, by the gods, nor is 
it in the power of tens of thousands who emulate 

4 7. 6, of Constans. 
5 We do not know to whom Julian refers, 




πέτραι yap πέτραις καὶ λίθοι λίθοις προσαρατ- 
τόμενοι οὐκ ὠφελοῦσι μὲν ἀλλήλους, ὁ δ᾽ ἰσχυρό- 
TEpos τὸν ἥττονα εὐχερῶς συντρίβει. 

"Apa μὴ Λακωνικῶς ταῦτα καὶ συντόμως λέγω; 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐγὼ μέν οἶμαι λαλίστερος διὰ σὲ καὶ τῶν 
᾿Αττικῶν ἀποπεφάνθαι τεττίγων. ὑπὲρ δὲ ὧν 
εἰς ἐμὲ πεπαρῴώνηκας, ἐπιθήσω σοι δίκην τὴν 
πρέπουσαν, ἐθελόντων θεῶν καὶ τῆς δεσποίνης 
᾿Αδραστείας. τίς οὖν ἡ δίκη καὶ τί μάλιστα τὸ 
δυνάμενόν σου τὴν γλῶτταν καὶ τὴν διάνοιαν 
ὀδυνῆσαι ; ὡς ἐλάχιστα πειράσομαι διά τε τῶν 
λόγων καὶ διὰ τῶν ἔργων ἐξαμαρτὼν. μὴ παρα- 
σχέσθαι σον τῇ κακηγόρῳ γλώττῃ πολλὴν 
φλυαρίαν. καίτοι με οὐ λέληθεν, ὅτι καὶ τῆς 
᾿Αφροδίτης φασὶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Μώμου ἐσκῶφθαι 
τὸ σάνδαλον. ἀλλ᾽ ὁρᾷς ὅτι πολλὰ καὶ ὁ Μῶμος 
ἐρρήγνυτο, καὶ μόλις ἐλαμβάνετο τοῦ σανδάλου. 
εἴη δὲ καὶ σὲ περὶ ταῦτα τριβόμενον καταγηρᾶσαι 
καὶ τοῦ Τιθωνοῦ βαθύτερον καὶ τοῦ Kuvipov 
πλουσιώτερον καὶ τοῦ Σαρδαναπάλου ᾿ τρυφη- 
λότερον, ὅπως τὸ τῆς παροιμίας ἐπὶ σοῦ 
πληρωθῇ Δὶς παῖδες οἱ γέροντες. 

᾿Αλλ᾽ ὁ θεσπέσιος ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐκ τίνων ἐφάνη 
σοι τηλικοῦτος ; ἄρ᾽ ὅτι μιμητὴς αὐτοῦ γενόμενος 
ἐξζήλωσας ὅσα ἐκείνῳ τὸ μειράκιον ὁ ᾿Ερμόλαος 
ὠνείδισεν; ἢ τοῦτο μὲν οὐδεὶς οὕτως ἐστὶν 

1 See the similar passage on p. 101. Asmus thinks that 
the Lauricius there mentioned and Nilus were both Cynics 
and therefore obnoxious to Julian. 

2 A reference to the letter of Nilus, who had perhaps 
asked for a brief answer. 

8 Cf. Misopogon 8708, vol. 2, p. 508, Wright. 



‘your way of life. For when rocks grind against 
rocks and stones against stones they do not benefit 
one another, and the stronger easily wears down 
the weaker.! 

I am not saying this in Laconic fashion? and con- 
cisely,am I? Nay, I think that on your account I 
have shown myself even more talkative than Attic 
grasshoppers. However, in return for your drunken 
abuse of myself, I will inflict on you the appropriate 
punishment, by the grace of the gods and our lady 
Adrasteia.? What, then, is this punishment, and 
what has the greatest power to hurt your tongue 
and your mind? It is this: I will try, by erring as 
little as may be in word and deed, not to provide 
your slanderous tongue with so much foolish talk. 
And yet I am well aware that it is said that even 
the sandal of Aphrodite was satirised by Momus. 
But you observe that though Momus poured forth 
floods 4 of criticism he could barely find anything to 
criticise in her sandal.5 Even so may you grow old 
fretting yourself over things of this sort, more 
decrepit than Tithonus, richer than Cinyras, more 
luxurious than Sardanapalus, so that in you may be 
fulfilled the proverb, “Old men are twice children.” 

But why does the divine Alexander seem to you 
so pre-eminent? Is it because you took to imitating 
him and aspired to that for which the youth 
Hermolaus® reproached him? Or rather, no one is 

4 Or ‘‘ burst with the effort,” cf. rumpi invidia. 

5 Philostratus, Epistle 37; Momus complained that 
Aphrodite wore a sandal that squeaked. 

6. For the plot of Hermolaus and Callisthenes against 
Alexander, οἵ. Quintus Curtius 8. 6; Arrian, Anabasis 4. 
13. 14; Plutarch, Alexander 55. 



ἀνόητος ὡς ὑπονοῆσαι περὶ σοῦ" τοὐναντίον δὲ 
καὶ ὅπερ ἀπωδύρετο παθὼν ‘Epuddaos, καὶ διόπερ 
διενοεῖτο τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον, ὥς φασιν, ἀποκτεῖναι, 
τοῦτο δὲ οὐδεὶς ὅστις πεπεισμένος οὐκ ἔστι περὶ 
gov; πολλῶν δὲ ἐγὼ νὴ τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ σφόδρα 
σε φαμένων φιλεῖν ἀκήκοα πολλὰ ὑπὲρ ταύτης 
ἀπολογουμένων τῆς ἁμαρτίας, ἤδη δέ τινος καὶ 
ἀπιστοῦντος. ἀλλ᾽ οὗτός ἐστιν ἡ μία χελιδών, 
οὐ ποιεῖ τὸ ἔαρ. ἀλλ᾽ ἴσως ἐκεῖθεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος᾽ 
ὠφθη σοι μέγας, ὅτι Καλλισθένη μὲν ἀπέκτεινε 
πικρῶς, Κλεῖτος δὲ αὐτοῦ τῆς παροινίας ἔργον 
ἐγένετο, Φιλώτας τε καὶ ἸΠαρμενίων καὶ τὸ 
Παρμενίωνος παιδίον. ἐπεὶ τὰ περὶ tov" Extopa 
τὸν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ 5 τοῦ Νείλου ταῖς δίναις ἢ ταῖς 
Εὐφράτου" λέγεται γὰρ ἑκάτερον" ἐναποπνιγέντα 
καὶ τὰς ἄλλας αὐτοῦ παιδιὰς σιωπῶ, μὴ βλασ- 
φημεῖν ἄνδρα δόξω τὸ κατωρθωμένον μὲν οὐδαμῶς 
ἔχοντα, κράτιστον μέντοι τὰ πολεμικὰ στρατηγόν ὃ 
ὧν σὺ κατὰ τὴν προαίρεσιν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἀνδρείαν 
ἔλαττον μετέχεις ἢ τριχῶν ἰχθύες. ἄκουε δὴ τῆς 
παραινέσεως μὴ λίαν ὀργίλως, 

” / 3 “ / / » 
οὔ τοι, τέκνον ἐμόν, δέδοται πολεμήια ἔργα, 
\ \ thn > / > ov \ 
τὸ δὲ ἑξῆς ov παραγράφω σοι, αἰσχύνομαι yap 

* καὶ---παιδίον Heyler and Hertlein would delete as a gloss, 
Asmus retains and reads ἐπεὶ τὰ for ἔπειτα τά. 

* ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ Hertlein would delete, Asmus retains, seeing 
in the phrase some sneer, the point of which is not now 
clear, . 

3 στρατηγὸν Hertlein would delete, Asmus retains. 

1 The historian who accompanied Alexander to the East. 
* Cf. Vol. 2, Caesars 3310, p. 403, note, Wright. 



so foolish as to suspect you of that. But the very 
opposite, that which Hermolaus lamented that he 
had endured, and which was the reason for his 
plotting, as they say, to kill Alexander—everyone 
believes this about you also, do they not? I call 
the gods to witness that I have heard many persons 
assert that they were very fond of you and who made 
many excuses for this offence of yours, but I have found 
just one person who did not believe it. However he 
is that one swallow who does not make a spring. But 
perhaps the reason why Alexander seemed in your 
eyes a great man was that.he cruelly murdered 
Callisthenes,! that Cleitus? fell a victim to his 
drunken fury, and Philotas too, and Parmenio® and 
Parmenio’s son; for that affair of Hector,* who was 
smothered in the whirlpools of the Nile in Egypt 
or the Euphrates—the story is told of both rivers— 
I say nothing about, or of his other follies, lest I 
should seem to speak ill of a man who by no means 
maintained the ideal of rectitude but nevertheless 
excelled as a general in the works of war. Whereas 
you are less endowed with both these, namely, 
good principles and courage, than a fish with hair. 
Now listen to my advice and do not resent it too much. 

“Not to thee, my child, have been given the works 
of war.” 5 

The verse that follows ® I do not write out for you, 

8 The general Parmenio and his son Philotas were executed 
for treason; Arrian, Anabasis 3. 26. 

4 Cf. Quintus Curtius 5. 8. 7; Hector, a son of Parmenio, 
was, according to Curtius, accidentally drowned, though 
Julian ascribes his death to Alexander. 

5 Iliad 5. 428, Zeus to Aphrodite. 

ὁ ἀλλὰ σύ γ᾽ ἱμερόεντα μετέρχεο ἔργα γαμοῖο. 



νὴ τοὺς θεούς. ἀξιῶ μέντοι σε προσυπακούειν 
αὐτό" καὶ γὰρ εὔλογον ἕπεσθαι τοῖς ἔργοις τοὺς 
λόγους, ἀλλὰ μὴ φεύγειν Ta ῥήματα τὸν μηδαμῶς 
διαπεφευγότα τὼ ἔργα. 

᾿Αλλ’ ὁ τὴν Μαγνεντίου καὶ Κώνσταντος ὁσίαν 
αἰσχυνόμενος, ἀνθ᾽ ὅτου τοῖς ζῶσι πολεμεῖς καὶ 
τοῖς ὁπωσοῦν βελτίστοις λοιδορῇ ; πότερον ὅτι 
μᾶλλον ἐκεῖνοι δύνανται τῶν ζώντων ἀμύνεσθαι 
τοὺς λυποῦντας ; ἀλλὰ σοὶ τοῦτο οὐ προσήκει 
λεγείν" εἶ γάρ, ὡς γράφεις, θαρραλεώτατος. ἀλλ᾽ 
εἰ "μὴ τοῦτο, τυχὸν ἕτερον" ὡς γὰρ οὐκ αἰσθανο- 
μένους ἐπισκώπτειν ἴ ἴσως οὐ βούλει. τῶν ζώντων 
δὲ ἃ apa TLS οὕτως εὐήθης ἐστὶν ἢ μικρόψυχος, ὃ ὃς 
ἀξιώσειεν ἂν αὑτοῦ παρὰ σοὶ λόγον εἶναί τινα, 
καὶ οὐ βουλήσεται μάλιστα μὲν ἀγνοεῖσθαι παρὰ 
σοῦ παντάπασιν, εἰ δ᾽ ἀδύνατον εἴη, λοιδορεῖσθαι 
παρὰ σοῦ μᾶλλον, καθάπερ ἐγὼ νῦν, ἢ ἢ τιμᾶσθαι; 
μήποτε οὕτω κακῶς φρονήσαιμι, μήποτε τῶν παρὰ 
σοῦ μᾶλλον ἐπαίνων ἢ ψόγων ἀντιποιησαίμην. 

᾿Αλλ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο τὸ γράφειν πρός σε “δακνομένου 
τυχὸν᾽ ἰσως ἐστίν ; οὐ μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς τοὺς σωτῆρας, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπικόπτοντος τὴν ἄγαν αὐθάδειαν καὶ τὴν 
θρασύτητα καὶ τὴν ἀκολασίαν τὴν τῆς γλώττης 
καὶ τὸ τῆς ψυχῆς ἄγριον καὶ τὸ μαινόμενον τῶν 
φρενῶν καὶ τὸ παρακεκινηκὸς ἐν πᾶσιν. ἐξῆν 
γοῦν, εἴπερ ἐδεδήγμην, ἐ ἔργοις ἀλλὰ μὴ λόγοις σε 
σφόδρα νομίμως κολάσαι. πολίτης γὰρ ὧν καὶ 

1 καθάπερ---νῦν Cobet would delete as a gloss. 

1 Julian seems to anticipate the criticism of Nilus that he 
is not showing himself superior to Alexander. 

* For Julian’s mildness in such cases, see Ammianus. 25.4. 
9. Constat eum in apertos aliquos inimicos insidiatores suos 



because, by the gods, I am ashamed to do so, 
However 1 ask you to understand it as said. For 
it is only fair that words should follow on deeds, 
and that he who has never avoided deeds should 
not avoid the phrases that describe them. 

Nay, if you revere the pious memory of Magnentius 
and Constans, why do you wage war against the 
living and abuse those who excel in any way? Is 
it because the dead are better able than the living 
to avenge themselves on those who vex them? Yet 
it does not become you to say this. For you are, as 
your letter says, ‘‘ Very brave indeed.” But if this 
is not the reason, perhaps there is a different one. 
Perhaps you do not wish to satirise them because 
they cannot feel it. But among the living is there 
anyone so foolish or so cowardly as to demand that 
you should take any notice of him at all, and who 
will not prefer if possible to be altogether ignored 
by you; but if that should be impossible, to be 
abused by you, as indeed I am now abused rather than 
honoured? May I never be so ill-advised—may I 
never aspire to win praise rather than blame from you! 

But perhaps you will say that the very fact that 
I am writing to you is a proof that I am stung?! 
No, I call the Saviour Gods to witness that I am but 
trying to check your excessive audacity and bold- 
ness, the license of your tongue and the ferocity of 
your soul, the madness of your wits and your per- 
verse fury on all occasions. In any case it was in 
my power, if I had been stung, to chastise you with 
deeds and not merely with words,? and I should have 
been entirely within the law. For you are a citizen 

ita consurrexisse mitissime, ut poenarum asperitatem genuina 
lenitudine castigaret. 



fel ’ 
τῆς γερουσίας μετέχων αὐτοκράτορος ἐπίταγμα 
παρητήσω" τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἐξῆν δήπουθεν τῷ μὴ 
“- / 
μεγάλην ἀνάγκην προϊσχομένῳ. οὔκουν ἐξήρκει 
nr / / 
μοι ὑπὲρ τούτου ζημιῶσαί σε παντοίαν ζημίαν, 
tAN ὠήθην δεῖ ΐ ἧς σε πρῶτον, νομίζων 
ἀλλ᾿ φήθην δεῖν γράψαι πρὸς σε πρῶ "οὔ ale 
7 a ¢ / > “ 
ἰάσιμον ἐπιστολίῳ βραχεῖ. ὡς δέ σ᾽ ἐμμένοντα 
a al a \ / n 
τοῖς αὐτοῖς, μᾶλλον δὲ TO λεληθὸς τέως τῆς 
μανίας ἐφώρασα, .. .1 μή τι καὶ νομισθείης 
/ 4 
ἀνήρ, οὐκ ἀνὴρ ὧν, Kal παρρησίας μεστός, 
ἐμβροντησίας ὧν πλήρης, καὶ παιδείας μετε- 
, > \ \ , e / Φ > / 
TXNKWS, οὐδὲ γρὺ λόγων ἁψάμενος, ὅσα γε εἰκὸς 
a a \ 
ἐστι ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς σου τεκμήρασθαι. τὸ yap 
φροῦδον οὐδεὶς εἶπε τῶν ἀρχαίων ἐπὶ τοῦ προ- 
φανοῦς, ὥσπερ σὺ νῦν, ἐπεὶ τὰς ἄλλας σου τῆς 
ἐπιστολῆς ἁμαρτίας οὐδεὶς ἂν ἐπεξελθεῖν ἐν 
“ / \ Ν Ν > lal 
μακρῷ βιβλίῳ δυνηθείη καὶ TO μαστροπὸν ἐκεῖνο 
\ \ 9s ς ’ Φ \ / 
καὶ βδελυρὸν ἦθος, ὑφ᾽ οὗ σεαυτὸν προαγωγεύεις. 
> \ \ 5 ε ’ὔ \ 4 2>O\ \ 
ov yap τοὺς ἐξ ἑτοίμου φὴς ἥκοντας οὐδὲ τοὺς 
a al ι / 
ἐφεδρεύοντας ταῖς ἀρχαῖς, ἀλλὰ τοὺς BeBaia 
/ 6 
κρίσει χρωμένους καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο TO δέον aipou- 
: ἡ ᾿ 
μένους τούτους δεῖν, ἀλλ᾿ οὐ τοὺς ἑτοίμως 
ς / e “ 7 ς na 3 ’ὔ 
ὑπακούοντας, αἱρεῖσθαι. καλάς γε ἡμῖν ἐλπίδας 
ὑποφαίνεις οὐδὲν δεομένοις ὡς ὑπείξων, ἢν αὖθίς 
σε καλῶμεν ἐπὶ κοινωνίαν 5 πραγμάτων. ἐμοὶ δὲ 
τοσοῦτον μέρος τούτου περίεστιν, ὥστε σε, τῶν 
1 Lacuna. Some reference to the letters written by 

Nilus is needed here. 
* κοινωνίαν Asmus cf. 4440 ; κοινωνίᾳ Hertlein, MSS, 



and of senatorial rank and you disobeyed a command 
of your Emperor ; and such behaviour was certainly 
not permissible to anyone who could not furnish the 
excuse of real necessity. Therefore I was not satis- 
fied with inflicting on you any sort of penalty for 
this conduct, but I thought I ought to write to you 
first, thinking that you might be cured by a short 
letter. But since I have discovered that you per- 
sist in the same errors, or rather how great your 
frenzy is which I previously did not know . . .1 lest 
you should be thought to be ‘a man, when that 
you are not, or brimful of freedom of speech, when 
you are only full of insanity, or that you have had 
the advantage of education when you have not the 
smallest acquaintance with literature, as far, at any 
rate, as one may reasonably judge from your letters. 
For instance, no one of the ancients ever used 
φροῦδος 5 to mean “ manifest”’ as you do here,—for, 
as for the other blunders displayed in your letter, 
no one could describe them even in a long book, 
or that obscene and abominable character of yours 
that leads you to prostitute yourself. You tell me 
indeed that it is not those who arrive offhand or 
those who are hunting for public office whom we 
ought to choose, but those who use sound judge- 
ment and in accordance with this prefer to do their 
duty rather than those who are ready and eager to 
obey. Fair, truly, are the hopes you hold out to me 
though I made no appeal to you, implying that you 
will yield if [ again summon you to take part in 
public business. But I am so far from doing that, 

1 Some words have fallen out. 
2 In Attic the word means ‘‘ vanished.” 



ἄλλων εἰσιεμένων, οὐδὲ προσείρηκα πώποτε. 
καίτοι γε πρὸς πολλοὺς ἔγωγε τοῦτο ἐποίησα 
γνωρίμων. τε καὶ ἀγνοουμένων ἐμοὶ κατὰ τὴν 
θεοφιλῆ Ῥώμην διατρίβοντας. οὕτω σου τῆς 
φιλίας ἀντεποιούμην, οὕτω σε σπουδῆς ἄξιον 
ὠόμην. εἰκὸς οὖν ὅτι καὶ τὰ μέλλοντα πρός 
σε τοιαῦτα ἔσται. καὶ γὰρ νῦν ἔγραψα ταυτηνὶ 
τὴν ἐπιστολήν, οὐ σοὶ μόνον ἀνάγνωσμα, ἐπεὶ 
καὶ ἀναγκαίαν πολλοῖς αὐτὴν noew, καὶ δώσω 
γε πᾶσιν οὐκ ἄκουσιν, ὡς ἐμαυτὸν πείθω, 
ληψομένοις" σεμνότερον γὰρ ὁρῶντές σε καὶ 
ὀγκωδέστερον τῶν ἔμπροσθέν σοι βεβιωμένων 

Τελείαν ἔχεις παρ᾽ ἡμῶν τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, ὥστε 
σε μηδὲν ἐπιποθεῖν. οὔκουν οὐδὲ ἡμεῖς παρὰ 
σοῦ τι πλέον ᾿ἀπαιτοῦμεν' ἀλλ᾽ ἐντυχών, εἰς ὅ 

> βούλει τοῖς γράμμασι χρῆσαι" τὼ γὰρ τῆς 
ἡμετέρας φιλίας πεπέρανταί σοι. “ἔρρωσο τρυφῶν 
καὶ λοιδορούμενος ἐμοὶ παραπλησίως. 


᾿Ιουδαίων τῷ κοινῷ 4 

Πάνυ ὑμῖν φορτικώτατον γεγένηται ἐπὶ τῶν 
παρῳχηκότων καιρῶν τῶν ζυγῶν τῆς δουλείας 
τὸ διαγραφαῖς ἀκηρύκτοις ὑποτάττεσθαι ὑμᾶς 
καὶ χρυσίου πλῆθος ἄφατον εἰσκομίξειν τοῖς 
τοῦ ταμιείου λόγοις" ὧν πολλὰ μὲν αὐτοψεὶ 

* Asmus suggests μετ᾽ ἄλλων εἰσιέμενον to improve the sense. 

2 εἰς ὅ τι Asmus; ὅτε Hertlein, MSS. 

8 “πεπέρανταί Cobet, πέπραταί Hercher, Hertlein ; ἐπέπραται 

MSS., ἐπείραται A. Asmus suggests ἐκπέπραται = ‘sold 
out,” ‘ ruined,” 



that, when the others were admitted, I never even 
addressed you at any time. And yet ( did address 
many who were known and unknown to me and 
dwell in Rome, beloved of the gods. Such was my 
desire for your friendship, so worthy of consideration 
did I think you! Therefore it is likely that my 
future conduct towards you will be much the same. 
And indeed I have written this letter now, not for 
your perusal alone, since I knew it was needed by 
many besides yourself, and I will give it to all, since 
all, 1 am convinced, will be glad to receive it. For 
when men see you more haughty and more insolent 
than befits your past life, they resent it. 

You have here a complete answer from me, so 
that you can desire nothing more. Nor do I ask 
for any further communication from you. But when 
you have read my letters use them for whatever 
purpose you please. For our friendship is at an end. 
Farewell, and divide your time between luxurious 
living and abuse of me! 

To the community of the Jews? 

In times past, by far the most burdensome thing 
in the yoke of your slavery has been the fact that 
you were subjected to unauthorised ordinances and 
had to contribute an untold amount of money to 
the accounts of the treasury. Of this I used to 

1 For this rescript see Introduction. 

4 Hertlein 25. 


862 or 



ἐθεώρουν, πλείονα δὲ τούτων ἔμαθον εὑρὼν τὰ 
βρέβια τὰ καθ᾽ ὑμῶν φυλαττόμενα" ἔτι δὲ καὶ 
μέλλουσαν πάλιν εἰσφορὰν καθ᾽ ὑμῶν προστάτ- 
τεσθαι εἶρξα, καὶ τὸ τῆς τοιαύτης δυσφημίας 
ἀσέβημα ἐνταῦθα ἐβιασάμην στῆσαι, καὶ πυρὶ 
παρέδωκα τὰ βρέβια τὰ καθ᾽ ὑμῶν ἐν τοῖς ἐμοῖς 
σκρινίοις “ἀποκείμενα, ὡς μηκέτι δύνασθαι καθ᾽ 
ὑμῶν τινὰ τοιαύτην ἀκοντίξειν ἀσεβείας φήμην. 
καὶ τούτων μὲν ὑμῖν οὐ τοσοῦτον αἴτιος κατέστη 
ὁ τῆς μνήμης ἄξιος Κωνστάντιος ὁ ἀδελφός, ὅ ὅσον 
οἱ τὴν γνώμην βάρβαροι καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν ἄθεοι, οἱ 
τὴν τούτου τράπεζαν ἑστιώμενοι, οὺς ἐγὼ μὲν ἐν 
χερσὶν ἐμαῖς λαβόμενος εἰς βόθρον ὥσας ὥλεσα, 
ὡς μηδὲ μνήμην ἔτι φέρεσθαι παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τῆς αὐτῶν 
ἀπωλείας. ἐπὶ πλέον δὲ ὑμᾶς εὐωχεῖσθαι βουλό- 
μενος, τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἴουλον, τὸν αἰδεσιμώτατον 
πατριάρχην, παρήνεσα καὶ τὴν λεγομένην εἶναι 
παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἀποστολὴν κωλυθῆναι, καὶ μηκέτι 
δύνασθαι τὰ πλήθη ὑμῶν τινὰ ἀδικεῖν τοιαύταις 
φόρων εἰσπράξεσιν, ὡς πανταχόθεν ὗ ὑμῖν τὸ ἀμέρι- 
μνον ὑπάρχειν ἐπὶ" τῆς ἐμῆς. βασιλείας, ἵ ἵνα ἀπο- 
λαύοντες εἰρήνης © ἔτι μείζονας εὐχὰς ποιῆσθε 
ὑπὲρ ὃ τῆς ἐμῆς βασιλείας τῷ πάντων κρείττονι 
καὶ δημιουργῷ θεῷ, τῷ καταξιώσαντι στέψαι με 
τῇ ἀχράντῳ αὐτοῦ δεξιᾷ. πέφυκε γὰρ τοὺς ἔν 
τινί μερίμνῃ ἐξεταζομένους περιδεῖσθαι τὴν διά- 

1 , Reiske ἐπὶ τῆς ; τῆς Hertlein, MSS. 
* εἰρήνης Reiske supplies for lacuna after ἀπολαύοντες, 
Hertlein lacuna ; ἡσυχίας Thomas. 
3 Reiske ὑπὲρ τῆς ; Hertlein, MSS. τῆς. 

1 Or ἀπωλεία may be active = ‘‘ their wickedness. ” 



see many instances with my own eyes, and I have 
learned of more, by finding the records which are 
preserved against you. Moreover, when a tax was 
about to be levied on you again I prevented it, and 
compelled the impiety of such obloquy to cease here ; 
and I threw into the fire the records against you 
that were stored in my desks; so that it is no longer 
possible for anyone to aim at you such a reproach 
of impiety. My brother Constantius of honoured 
memory was not so much responsible for these 
wrongs of yours as were the men who used to 
frequent his table, barbarians in mind, godless in 
soul. These I seized with my own hands and put 
them to death by thrusting them into the pit, that 
not even any memory of their destruction! might 
still linger amongst us. And since I wish that 
you should prosper yet more, I have admonished 
my brother lulus,? your most venerable patriarch, 
that the levy® which is said to exist among you 
should be prohibited, and that no one is any longer 
to have the power to oppress the masses of your 
people by such exactions; so that everywhere, dur- 
ing my reign, you may have security of mind, and 
in the enjoyment of peace may offer more fervid 
prayers‘ for my reign to the Most High God, the 
Creator, who has deigned to crown me with his own 
immaculate right hand. For it is natural that men 
who are distracted by any anxiety should be hampered 

2 The Patriarch Hillel II. was at this time about seventy. 

3 Literally ‘‘the apostole,” paid by the Jews to maintain 
the Patriarchate. It was later suppressed by the Emperor 
Theodosius 11. 

4 Sozomen 5. 22 says that Julian wrote to the community 
of the Jews asking them to pray for him : εὔχεσθαι ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ 
καὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ βασιλείας. 






νοιαν καὶ μὴ τοσοῦτον εἰς τὴν προσευχὴν τὰς 
χεῖρας ἀνατείνειν τολμᾶν, τοὺς δὲ πανταχόθεν 
ἔχοντας τὸ ἀμέριμνον ολοκλήρῳ ψυχῇ χαίροντας 
ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασιλείου ἱκετηρίους λατρείας ποιεῖσθαι 
τῷ μείζονι, τῷ δυναμένῳ κατευθῦναι τὴν βασιλείαν 
ἡμῶν ἐπὶ τὰ κάλλιστα, καθάπερ προαιρούμεθα. 
ὅπερ χρὴ ποιεῖν ὑμᾶς, ἵνα κἀγὼ τὸν τῶν Περσῶν 
πόλεμον διορθωσάμενος ' τὴν ἐκ πολλῶν ἐτῶν ἐπι- 
θυμουμένην παρ᾽ ὑμῶν ἰδεῖν οἰκουμένην πόλιν 
ἁγίαν ᾿Ιερουσαλὴμ ἐμοῖς καμάτοις ἀνοικοδομήσας 
οἰκίσω καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ δόξαν δῶ μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν τῷ κρείτ- 

Λιβανίῳ 5 

"Evesd) τῆς ὑποσχέσεως ἐπελάθου" τρίτη γοῦν 
ἐστὶ σήμερον, καὶ ὁ φιλόσοφος Πρίσκος αὐτὸς 
μὲν οὐχ ἧκε, γράμματα δ᾽ ἀπέστειλεν ὡς ἔτι 
χρονίζων" ὃ ὑπομιμνήσκω σε τὸ χρέος ἀπαιτῶν. 
ὄφλημα δέ ἐστιν, ὡς οἶσθα, σοὶ μὲν ἀποδοῦναι 
ῥάδιον, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἥδιστον πάνυ κομίσασθαι. πέμπε 
δὴ τὸν λόγον καὶ τὴν ἱερὰν συμβουλήν, ἀλλὰ 
πρὸς “Ἑρμοῦ καὶ Μουσῶν ταχέως, ἐπεὶ καὶ τούτων 
με τῶν τριῶν ἡμερῶν ἴσθι συντρίψας, εἴπερ 
ἀληθῆ φησιν ὁ Σικελιώτης ποιητής, ἐν ἤματι 
φάσκων τοὺς ποθοῦντας γηράσκειν. εἰ δὲ ταῦτα 

1 Asmus would read κατορϑωσάμενος. 

* Hertlein 3. σοφιστῇ καὶ κοιαίστωρι (quaestor) is added to 
the title in one MS., X; cf. p. 201. 3 Cobet χρονιῶν. 

* For Julian’s project of rebuilding the Temple, see 



in spirit, and should not have so much confidence in 
raising their hands to pray; but that those who are 
-in all respects free from care should rejoice with 
their whole hearts and offer their suppliant prayers 
on behalf of my imperial office to Mighty God, even 
to him who is able to direct my reign to the noblest 
ends, according to my purpose. This you ought to 
do, in order that, when I have successfully con- 
cluded the war with Persia, I may rebuild by my 
own efforts the sacred city of Jerusalem,! which for 
so many years you have longed to see inhabited, 
and may bring settlers there, and, together with 
you, may glorify the Most High God therein. 

To Libanius? 

Since you have forgotten your promise—at any 
rate three days have gone by and the philosopher 
Priscus*® has not come himself but has sent a letter 
to say that he still delays—I remind you of your 
debt by demanding payment. The thing you owe 
is, as you know, easy for you to pay and very pleasant 
for me to receive, So send your discourse and your 
“divine counsel,” and do it promptly, in the name 
of Hermes and the Muses, for I assure you, in these 
three days you have worn me out, if indeed the 
Sicilian poet 4 speaks the truth when he says, “‘ Those 
who long grow old inaday.” And if this be true, 

2 Both Libanius and Julian were at this time at Antioch. 
We have the answer to this letter, Libanius, Letter 760 
Foerster ; Libanius had promised to send Julian his speech, 
Four Aristophanes, Oration 14, for which see below, p. 183. 

3. For Priscus, see above, pp. 3, 15. 

4 Theocritus, 12. 2 of δὲ ποθεῦντες ἐν ἤματι γηράσκονσιν. 





ἔστιν, ὥσπερ οὖν ἔστι, TO γῆρας ἡμῖν ἐτριπλα- 
σίασας, ὦ γενναῖε. ταῦτα μεταξὺ τοῦ πράττειν 
ὑπηγόρευσά σοι" γράφειν γὰρ οὐχ οἷός τε ἦν, 
ἀργοτέραν ἔχων τῆς γλώττης τὴν χεῖρα. καίτοι 
μοι καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν εἶναι συμβέβηκεν ὑπὸ τῆς 
ἀνασκησίας ἀργοτέραν καὶ ἀδιάρθρωτον. ἔρρωσό 
μοι, ἀδελφὲ ποθεινότατε καὶ προσφιλέστατε. 

AtBavig ! 

᾿Αποδέδωκας ᾿Αριστοφάνει τὰς ἀμοιβὰς τῆς 
τε περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβείας καὶ τῆς περὶ σεαυτὸν 
προθυμίας, ἀμείψας αὐτῷ καὶ i μεταθεὶς τὰ πρόσθεν 
ἐπονείδιστα πρὸς εὔκλειαν, οὐ τὴν νῦν μόνον, 
ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον, ὡς οὐχ ὅμοιόν γε 
ἡ Παύλου συκοφαντία καὶ ἡ τοῦ δεῖνος κρίσις 
τοῖς ὑπὸ σοῦ “γραφομένοις λόγοις: ἐκεῖνα μὲν γὰρ 
ἀνθοῦντά τε ἐμισεῖτο καὶ συναπέσβη τοῖς δράσα- 
σιν, οἱ δὲ σοὶ λόγοι καὶ νῦν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀληθῶς 
Ἑλλήνων a ἀγαπῶνται, καὶ εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον, 
εἰ μή TL σφάλλομαι κρίσεως ὀρθῆς, ἀγαπήσονται. 
πεύσῃ δὴ λοιπὸν εἰ πέπεικάς με, μᾶλλον δὲ 
μεταπέπεικας ὑπὲρ ᾿Αριστοφάνους. μὴ νομίζειν 
αὐτὸν ἡδονῶν ἥ ἥττονα καὶ χρημάτων ὁμολογώ. τί 
δὲ οὐ μέλλω τῷ φιλοσοφωτάτῳ καὶ φιχαληθε- 

1 Hertlein 74 + 14; Cumont, following Vaticanus 941 and 
certain other MSS., restored Hertlein 14 to its proper place 
as postscript to Hertlein 74. 

1 Plato, Phaedrus 242k εἰ δ᾽ ἐστίν, & ὥσπερ οὖν ἐστί, θεός... τὰ 

* Sophocles, Philoctetes 97 γλῶσσαν μὲν ἀργόν, χείρα δ᾽ εἶχον 



as in fact it 15,1 you have trebled my age, my good 
friend. I have dictated this to you in the midst of 
public business, For I was not able to write myself 
because my hand is lazier than my tongue.2_ Though 
indeed my tongue also has come to be somewhat 
lazy and inarticulate from lack of exercise. Fare- 
well, brother, most dear and most beloved ! 

To Libanius 

You have requited Aristophanes® for his piety 
towards the gods and his devotion to yourself by 
changing and transforming what was formerly a 
reproach against him so that it redounds to his 
honour, and not for to-day only but for the future 
also, since the malicious charges of Paul* and the 
verdict of So-and-so® have no foree compared with 
words written by you. For their calumnies were 
detested even while they flourished, and perished 
along with their perpetrators, whereas your speeches 
are not only prized by genuine Hellenes to-day but 
will still be prized in future times, unless I am mis- 
taken in my verdict. For the rest, you shall judge 
whether you have convinced, or rather converted, 
me on behalf of Aristophanes. I now agree not to 
believe that he is too weak to resist pleasure and 
money. What point would I not yield to the most 

8 For Aristophanes of Corinth and for the answer of 
Libanius, Letter 758, Foerster, see Introduction, Aristophanes. 

4 Paul, the notary nicknamed Catena, “Ὁ the chain,” a tool 
of Constantius, was burned alive on Julian’s accession, by 
order of the Chalcedon Commission ἢ Ammianus 14, 5. 6; 22. 
3. 11. He was a Spaniard, malevolent and inquisitorial. 

5 The real name is suppressed, probably by a cautious 
editor when the letter was first published. 







στάτῳ τῶν ' ῥητόρων εἴκειν ; ἕπεται Kal TO ἐπὶ 
τούτοις παρὰ σοῦ προσανερωτᾶσθαι" τί οὖν οὐ 
μετατίθεμεν αὐτῷ τὰς συμφορὰς εἰς ἀμείνω τύχην 
καὶ ἀφανίζομεν τὰ κατασχόντα διὰ τὰς δυσπρα- 
γίας ὀνείδη; σύν τε δύ᾽ ἐρχομένω, φασίν, ἐγὼ 
καὶ σὺ βουλευσώμεθα. δίκαιος δὲ εἶ μὴ συμ- 
βουλεύειν μόνον, ὅτι χρὴ βοηθεῖν ἀνδρὶ τοὺς θεοὺς 
ἀδόλως τετιμηκότι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὃν χρὴ τρόπον. 
καίτοι Kal? τοῦτο ἠνίξω τρόπον τινά. βέλτιον 
δὲ ἴσως ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων οὐ γράφειν, ἀλλὰ 
διαλέγεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. ἔρρωσό μοι, ἀδελφὲ 
ποθεινότατε καὶ προσφιλέστατε. 

> / \3 \ \ r \ {Ae 

Avéyvav δὲ" χθὲς τὸν λόγον πρὸ ἀρίστου 
σχεδόν, ἀριστήσας δὲ, πρὶν ἀναπαύσασθαι, τὸ 
λοιπὸν προσαπέδωκα τῆς ἀναγνώσεως. μακάριος 
εἶ λέγειν οὕτω, μᾶλλον δὲ φρονεῖν οὕτω δυνάμενος. 
ὦ λόγος, ὦ φρένες, ὦ σύνεσις," ὦ διαίρεσις, ὦ ἐπι- 
χειρήματα, ὦ τάξις, ὦ ἀφορμαί, ὦ λέξις, ὦ ἁρμο- 
νία, ὦ συνθήκη. 

Εὐστοχίῳ ὃ . 
¢ U a al a a 
Ησιόδῳ μὲν δοκεῖ τῷ σοφῷ καλεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς 
\ / 
ἑορτὰς τοὺς γείτονας ws συνησθησομένους, ἐπειδὴ 

1 τῶν Hercher supplies, Cumont omits. 

* Before τοῦτο Cumont restores καὶ omitted by Hertlein 
and some MSS. 

8. δὲ Cumont restores, omitted by Hertlein following MSS., 
which make this section a separate letter. After χθὲς 
Hercher supplied σοῦ unnecessarily. 

4 σύνεσις Asmus following Monacensis, σύνθεσις Hertlein 
following Vossianus, but cf. συνθήκη at end of letter with 
same meaning. Both readings have good MS. authority, 

δ Hertlein 20, . 



philosophic and truth-loving of orators? Naturally 
you will proceed to ask me why, in that case, I do 
not alter his unhappy lot for the better and blot out 
the disgrace that attaches to him on account of his 
ill fortune. “'Two walking together,’! as the 
proverb says, namely, you and I, must take counsel. 
And you have the right, not only to advise that we 
ought to assist a man who has honoured the gods so 
straightforwardly, but also as to how it ought to be 
done. Indeed, you did hint at this in an obscure 
way. But it is perhaps better not to write about 
such matters, but to talk it over together. Farewell, 
brother, most dear and most beloved ! 

I read yesterday almost all your speech before 
breakfast, and after breakfast, before resting, I gave 
myself up to reading the remainder. Happy man 
to be able to speak so well, or rather to have such 
ideas! O what a discourse! what wit! what 
wisdom! what analysis! what logic! what method ! 
what openings! what diction! what symmetry! 
what structure ! 5 

To Eustochius ὃ 

Tue wise Hesiod* thinks that we ought to invite 
our neighbours to our feasts that they may rejoice 

1 Iliad 10. 224 σύν τε δύ' ἐρχομένω, Kal τε πρὸ ὃ τοῦ ἐνόησεν, 
cf. Plato, Symposiwm 1740. 

* Julian may have read Marcus Aurelius, 70. Fronto: 
O ἐπιχειρήματα ' O τάξις ! O argutiae ! O ἄσκησις ! Ὁ omnia ! 

8 This is either Eustochius of Palestine, whose knowledge 
of law and eloquence is praised by Libanius, Letter 699 (789 
Foerster), or a sophist of Cappadocia of the same name. 
We do not know which of these men it was to whom Gregory 
Nazianzen addressed his Letters 189-191. 

4 τὸν δὲ μάλιστα καλεῖν bs τις σεθεν ἐγγύθι ναίει ; Works and 
Days 818, a favourite quotation, 


Late in 



καὶ συναλγοῦσι καὶ συναγωνιῶσιν, ὅταν τις 
ἀπροσδόκητος ἐμπέσῃ ταραχή. ἐγὼ δέ φημι 
τοὺς φίλους δεῖν καλεῖν, οὐχὶ τοὺς γείτονας" τὸ 
αἴτιον δέ, ὅτι γείτονα μὲν ἔνεστιν ἐχθρὸν ἔ ἔχειν, 
φίλον δὲ ἐχθρὸν οὐ μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ λευκὸν μέλαν 
εἶναι καὶ τὸ θερμὸν ψυχρόν. ὅτι δὲ ἡμῖν οὐ νῦν 
μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάλαι φίλος εἶ καὶ διετέλεσας 
εὐνοϊκῶς ἔχων, εἰ καὶ μηδὲν ὑπῆρχεν ἄλλο τεκ- 
μήριον, ἀλλὰ τό γε ἡμᾶς οὕτω διατεθεῖσθαι καὶ 
διακεῖσθαι! περὶ σὲ μέγα ἂν εἴη τούτου σημεῖον. 
ἧκε τοίνυν μεθέξων τῆς ὑπατείας αὐτός. ἄξει δέ 
σε ὁ δημόσιος δρόμος ὀχήματι χρώμενον ἑνὶ καὶ 
παρίππῳ." εἰ δὲ χρή τι καὶ ἐπεύξασθαι, τὴν 
Ἐνοδίαν εὐμενῆ σοι καὶ τὸν ᾿Ενόδιον παρα- 
κεκλήκαμεν. : 


Iuiranus® etenim Christo perfidus Imperator sic 
Photino haeresiarchae adversus Diodorum _ scribit : 

1 καὶ διακεῖσθαι bracketed by Hertlein, Cobet deletes. 

2 ἑνὶ παρίππῳ Hercher ; some MSS. ἐνὶ καὶ παρίππῳ, others, 
followed by Hertlein, omit ἑνί. 

3. Hertlein79. These fragments of a lost letter are preserved 
only in the Latin version of Facundus Hermianensis, who 
wrote at Constantinople about 546 a.p. For a partial recon- 
struction of the original see Neumann, Contra Christianos, 
Leipzig, 1880, p 5. 

1 Julian, with Sallustins as colleague, entered on the 
consulship January Ist, 363. 

2 Hecate, Latin Trivia. 3 Hermes. 

* This letter may have been written at any time between 



with us, since they sorrow and mourn with us when 
any unexpected misfortune befals us. But I say 
that it is our friends that we ought to invite, rather 
than our neighbours; and for this reason, that it is 
possible to have a neighbour who is one’s enemy, 
but that a friend should be an enemy is no more 
possible than for white to be black, or hot cold. 
And if there were no other proof that you are my 
friend not now only, but for a long time past, and 
that you have steadily maintained your regard for 
me, nevertheless the fact that my feeling for you 
has been and is what it is, would be strong evidence 
of that friendship. Come, therefore, that you may 
in person share my consulship.t The state post 
will bring you, and you may use one carriage and 
an extra horse. And in case we ought to pray for 
further aid, I have invoked for you the blessing of the 
goddess of the Crossroads? and the god of the 

To Photinus 4 

Morrover the Emperor Julian, faithless to Christ, in 
his attack on Diodorus® writes as follows to Photinus the 

Julian’s arrival at Antioch in July 362 and his departure 
thence, in March 363. The Greek original is represented 
by curious and sometimes untranslatable Latin. Photinus, 
bishop of Sirmium, where Constantius resided in 351, was 
tried, deposed and banished by a synod convened there hy 
Constantius. According to Sozomen 4. 6, he wrote many 
yreek and Latin works in support of his heretical views on 
the divinity of Christ, which were opposed by both Arians and 
Nicaeans. He is mentioned by Julian, Against the Galilacans 
5 Bishop of Tarsus, a celebrated teacher ; he was at Antioch 
in 362. 


Tu quidem, o Photine, verisimilis videris, et proximus 
salvari,! benefaciens nequaquam in utero inducere 
quem credidisti deum. Diodorus autem Nazaraei 
magus, eius pigmentalibus manganis? acuens irra- 
tionabilitatem, acutus apparuit sophista religionis 
agrestis. Et post paululum: Quod si nobis opitulati 
fuerint dii et deae et musae omnes et fortuna, 
ostendemus infirmum et corruptorem legum et 
rationum et mysteriorum paganorum et deorum 
infernorum 8 et illum novum eius deum Galilaeum, 
quem aeternum fabulose praedicat,* indigna morte 
et sepultura denudatum confictae a Diodoro deitatis. 
Sicut autem solent errantes convictt jfingere, quod arte 
magis quam veritate vincantur, sequitur dicens: Iste 
enim malo communis utilitatis Athenas navigans et 
philosophans imprudenter musicarum_ participatus 
est rationum, et rhetoricis confictionibus® odibilem 
adarmavit linguam adversus caelestes deos, usque 
adeo ignorans paganorum mysteria, omnemque mise- 
rabiliter imbibens, ut aiunt, degenerum et impe- 
ritorum ejus theologorum  piscatorum  errorem. 
Propter quod iam diu est quod ab ipsis punitur 
diis. Jam enim per multos annos in periculum 
conversus et in corruptionem thoracis incidens, ad 

1 salrari Neumann ; salvare Facundus, Hertlein. 

2 manganis Neumann ; manyanes Facundus, Hertlein. 

3. infernorum, Hertlein, comma deleted by Neumann. 

4 praedicat, sepultura Neumann;  pracdicat—sepultura 
Facundus, Hertlein. Before indigna Asmus supplies et. 

δ᾽ rhetoricis confictionibus Asmus; rhetoris confectionibus 
Facundus, Hertlein, 



heresiarch: + O Photinus, you at any rate seem to 
maintain what is probably true, and come nearest to 
being saved, and do well to believe that he whom 
one holds to be a god can by no means be brought 
into the womb. But Diodorus, a charlatan priest of the 
Nazarene, when he tries to give point to that nonsen- 
sical theory about the womb by artifices and juggler’s 
tricks, is clearly a sharp-witted sophist of that creed 
of the country-folk. A little further on he says: But 
if only the gods and goddesses and all the Muses 
and Fortune will lend me their aid, I hope to show ? 
that he is feeble and a corrupter of laws and customs, 
of pagan ὃ Mysteries and Mysteries of the gods of the 
underworld, and that that new-fangled Galilaean 
god of his, whom he by a false myth styles eternal, has 
been stripped by his humiliating death and burial of 
the divinity falsely ascribed to him by Diodorus. Then, 
just as people who are convicted of error always begin to 
invent, being the slaves of artifice rather than of truth, he 
goes on to say: For the fellow sailed to Athens to the 
injury of the general welfare, then rashly took to 
philosophy and engaged in the study of literature, 
and by the devices of rhetoric armed his hateful 
tongue against the heavenly gods, and being utterly 
ignorant of the Mysteries of the pagans he so to speak 
imbibed most deplorably the whole mistaken folly of 
the base and ignorant creed-making fishermen. For 
this conduct he has long ago been punished by the 
gods themselves. For, for many years past, he has 
been in danger, having contracted a wasting disease 

1 The italicised passages are the words of Facundus. 

2 This isa forecast of Julian’s treatise Against the Galilaeans. 

3 Twice in this letter Facundus translates Julian’s 
“Ὁ Hellenic” as ‘* pagan,” 



summum pervenit supplicium. Omne eius corpus 
consumptum est. Nam malae eius conciderunt, 
rugae vero in altitudinem corporis descenderunt. 
Quod non est philosophicae conversationis indicio, 
sicut videri vult a se deceptis, sed iustitiae pro certo 
deorumque poenae, qua percutitur competenti ratione, 
usque ad novissimum vitae suae finem asperam et 
amaram vitam vivens et faciem pallore confectam. 


Χρῆν 1 μὲν οἴκοθεν διανοηθέντα ὃ δὴ νῦν ἔδοξε 
κρατῦναι τῷ νόμῳ, τὸ παλαιὸν ἔθος ἀναλαβεῖν, ὃ 
διανοούμενοι μὲν οἱ πάλαι καλῶς θέμενοι τοὺς 
νόμους, εἶναι πλεῖστον ὑπέλαβον ἐν μέσῳ ζωῆς τε 
καὶ θανάτου, ἰδίᾳ δὲ ἑκατέρῳ πρέπειν ἐνόμισαν 
τὰ ἐπιτηδεύματα τῶν ἔργων. εἶναι μὲν γὰρ τὸν 
θάνατον ἡσυχίαν διηνεκῆ---καὶ τοῦτο ἄρα ἐστὶν ὁ 
χαλκοῦς ὕπνος ὁ ὑπὸ τῶν ποιητῶν ὑμνούμενος---, 
ἀπεναντίας δὲ τὴν ζωὴν ἔχειν πολλὰ μὲν ἀλγεινὰ 
πολλὰ δὲ ἡδέα, καὶ τὸ πράττειν νῦν μὲν ἑτέρως, 
αὖθις δὲ ἄμεινον. ὃ δὴ διανοηθέντες ἔταξαν ἰδίᾳ 

1 Hertlein 77. This edict, which has no Greek title, does 

not appear in any MS. collection of the Letters and was first 
published by Hertlein (from Marcianus 366) in Hermes 8. 

1 Here and in the last sentence 1 give what seems to be 
the general meaning. 

2 This is probably the earlier form of the Latin Edict in 
Codex Theodosianus 9. 17.5 dated February 12th, 363. It is 
not clear whether it was aimed at the Christians, but of course 



of the chest, and he now suffers extreme torture. 
His whole body has wasted away. For his cheeks 
have fallen in and his body is deeply lined with 
wrinkles.1 But this is no sign of philosophic habits, as 
he wishes it to seem to those who are deceived by him, 
but most certainly a sign of justice done and of 
punishment from the gods which has stricken him 
down in suitable proportion to his crime, since he 
must live out to the very end his painful and bitter 
- life, his appearance that of a man pale and wasted. 

Edict on Funerals 3 

Ir was my duty, after considering with myself, to 
restore the ancient custom which I have now decided 
to confirm by a law. For when they considered the 
matter, the men of old, who made wise laws, believed 
that there is the greatest possible difference between 
life and death and thought that each of these two 
states has customs and practices peculiarly appropriate 
toit. For they thought that death is an unbroken rest, 
—and this is surely that “brazen sleep” of which 
the poets sing,?—but that life, on the contrary, brings 
many pains and many pleasures, and now adversity, 
now greater prosperity. Considering thus, they en- 
they had to observe it. They buried their dead by day, and 
did not share the pagan fear of pollution by a corpse, for 
which cf. Eunapius, Life of Jamblichus, p. 367, Wright. 
Julian desired to suppress the Christian demonstrations at 
public funerals such as that of the bones of St. Babylas, at 
Antioch, for which see Philostorgius 7. 8, Sozomen 5, 19, 
Julian, Afisopogon 3618, note, p. 485, Wright. 

8 Iliad 11. 241, χάλκεον ὕπνον ; Vergil, Aeneid 10. 745 
ferreus Somnus. 



ary 12th 


μὲν ἀφοσιοῦσθαι τὰ πρὸς τοὺς κατοιχομένους, 
ἰδίᾳ δὲ τὰ πρὸς τὸν καθ᾽ ἡμέραν οἰκονομεῖσθαι 
βίον. ἔτι δὲ πάντων ὑπελάμβανον ἀρχὴν εἶναι 
καὶ τέλος τοὺς θεούς, ζῶντάς τε ἡμᾶς ἐνόμισαν 
ὑπὸ θεοῖς εἶναι καὶ ἀπιόντας πάλιν πρὸς τοὺς 
θεοὺς πορεύεσθαι. τὸ μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τούτων λέγειν, 
εἴτε τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀμφότερα προσήκει θεοῖς, εἴτε 
ἕτεροι μὲν ἐπιτροπεύουσι τοὺς ζῶντας, ἕτεροι δὲ 
τοὺς τεθνεῶτας, οὐδ᾽ ἄξιον ἴσως δημοσιεύειν. εἴ 
γε μὴν καθάπερ ἡμέρας καὶ νυκτὸς αἴτιος ἥλιος 
καὶ χειμῶνος καὶ θέρους ἀπιὼν καὶ προσιών, 
οὕτω δὲ καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν θεῶν ὁ πρεσβύτατος, εἰς 
ὃν πάντα καὶ ἐξ οὗ πάντα, ζῶσί τε ἔταξεν ἄρχον- 
τᾶς καὶ τελευτήσασιν ἀπεκλήρωσε κυρίους, 
ἑκατέρῳ τὰ πρέποντα χρὴ νέμειν ἐν μέρει, καὶ 
μιμεῖσθαι διὰ τοῦ καθ᾽ ἡμέραν βίου τὴν ἐν τοῖς 
οὖσι τῶν θεῶν διακόσμησιν. 

Οὐκοῦν ἡ ἡσυχία μὲν ὁ θάνατός ἐστιν, ἡσυχίᾳ δὲ 
ἡ νὺξ ἁρμόττει. διόπερ οἶμαι πρέπειν ἐν αὐτῇ τὰ 
mepl Tas ταφὰς πραγματεύεσθαι τῶν τελευτη- 
σάντων, ἐπεὶ τό γε ἐν ἡμέρᾳ πράττειν τι τοιοῦτο 
πολλῶν ἕνεκα παραιτητέον. ἄλλος ἐπ᾽ ἄλλῃ 
πράξει “στρέφεται κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, καὶ μεστὰ 
πάντα ἐστὶ τῶν μὲν εἰς δικαστήρια πορευομένων 
τῶν δὲ εἰς ἀγορὰν καὶ ἐξ ἀγορᾶς, τῶν δὲ ταῖς 
τέχναις προσκαθημένων, τῶν δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ ἱερὰ 
φοιτώντων, ὅπως τὰς ἀγαθὰς ἐλπίδας Tapa τῶν 
θεῶν βεβαιώσαιντο' εἶτα οὐκ οἶδα οἵτινες ἀνα- 
θέντες ἐν κλίνῃ νεκρὸν διὰ μέσων ὠθοῦνται τῶν 
ταῦτα σπουδαξόντων. καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμά ἐστι πάντα 
τρόπον οὐκ ἀνεκτόν. ἀναπίμπλανται γὰρ οἱ 



joined that expiations connected with the departed 
should be conducted apart, and that apart from them 
the daily business of life should be carried on. More- 
over, they held that the gods are the beginning and end 
of all things, and believed that while we live we are 
subject to the gods, and when we depart from this life 
we travel back to the gods. But perhaps it is not right 
to speak openly about these matters or to divulge 
whether both are in the hands of the same gods or 
one set of gods has charge of the living and another 
set the dead. However, if, as the Sun is the cause 
of day and night and winter and summer by his 
departure and arrival, so also the most venerable one 
of the gods themselves, unto whom are all things and 
from whom all things proceed, has appointed rulers 
over the living and allotted lords over the dead, then 
we ought to assign to both of these classes in turn 
what is fitting for them, and to imitate in our daily 
life the orderly arrangement of the gods in things 
which exist. 

As I have said, death is rest ; and night harmonises 
with rest. Therefore I think it is fitting that business 
connected with the burials of the dead should be 
performed at night, since for many reasons we ought 
to forbid anything of the sort to go on by day. 

Throughout the city men are going to and fro each— 

on his own business, and all the streets are full of 
men going to the lawcourts, or to or from the 
market, or sitting at work at their crafts, or visiting 
the temples to confirm the good hopes that the gods 
have vouchsafed. And then some persons or other, 
having laid a corpse on the bier, push their way into 
the midst of those who are busy about such matters. 
The thing is in every way intolerable. For those 

| 193 
VOL, ΠΙ. oO 


/ / > 7 ς Ν. bd 
προστυχόντες “πολλάκις, ἀηδίας, Ol μὲν οἰόμενοι 
πονηρὸν τὸ οἰώνισμα, τοῖς δὲ εἰς ἱερὰ βαδίζουσιν 
οὐ θέμις προσελθεῖν ἐστι πρὶν ἀπολούσασθαι. 
τοῖς γὰρ αἰτίοις τοῦ ζῆν θεοῖς καὶ μάλιστα πάντων 
ἀλλοτριώτατα πρὸς φθορὰν διακειμένοις οὐ θέμις 
προσελθεῖν ἀπὸ τοιαύτης ὄψεως. καὶ οὔπω τὰ 
μείζω κατηγόρηκα τοῦ γιγνομένου. τίνα δὲ ταῦτά 
ἐστιν; ἱεροὶ περίβολοι καὶ θεῶν ναοὶ ἀνεῴγασι" 
καὶ πολλάκις θύει τις ἔνδον καὶ σπένδει καὶ 
εὔχεται, οἱ δὲ παρέρχονται παρ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ ἱερὸν 
νεκρὸν κομίζοντες, καὶ ἡ τῶν ὀδυρμῶν φωνὴ καὶ 
δυσφημία ἄχρι Tov βωμῶν φέρεται. 

Οὐκ ἴστε ὅτι πρὸ πάντων τῶν ἄλλων τὰ τῆς 
ἡμέρας καὶ τὰ τῆς νυκτὸς ἔργα διήρηται ; οὕτως ὦ 
οὖν εἰκότως τῆς μὲν ἀφηρέθη, τῇ δὲ Av” ἀνακέοιτο. 
οὐ γὰρ δὴ τῆς ἐσθῆτος τὴν λευκὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς 
πένθεσιν ὀρθῶς ἔχον ἐστὶ παραιτεῖσθαι, θάπτειν 
δὲ τοὺς τελευτήσαντας ἐν ἡμέρᾳ καὶ φωτί. βέλτιον 
ἣν ἐκεῖνο, εἴ γε εἰς οὐδένα τῶν θεῶν ἐπλημμελεῖτο, 
τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἐκφεύγει τὸ μὴ εἰς ἅπαντας τοὺς 
θεοὺς εἶναι δυσσέβειαν. τοῖς τε yap ᾿Ολυμπίοις 
οὐ δέον αὐτὸ προσνέμουσι, καὶ τῶν χθονίων, ἢ 
ὁπωσοῦν ἄλλως οἱ τῶν ψυχῶν ἐπίτροποι καὶ 
κύριοι χαίρουσιν ὀνομαζόμενοι, παρὰ τὸ δέον 
ἀλλοτριοῦσιν. ἐγὼ δὲ οἶδα καὶ τοὺς περιττοὺς 
καὶ ἀκριβεῖς τὰ θεῖα θεοῖς τοῖς κάτω νύκτωρ ἢ 
πάντως μετὰ δεκάτην ἡμέρας ὥραν ἱερὰ δρᾶν 
ἀξιοῦντας. εἰ δὲ τῆς ἐκείνων θεραπείας οὗτος 

1 οὕτως---τῆς Hertlein suggests for corrupt οὗτοΞ---- τοῖς. 
8 cod A > , Ῥ cal s 
2 ty Hertlein suggests; τῇ δὲ ἀνήκει τοῦτο ‘‘appertains 
to,” Capps suggests. ‘The sentence remains unsatisfactory. 



who meet the funeral are often filled with disgust, 
some because they regard it as an evil omen, while 
for others who are on the way to the temples it is 
not permitted to approach for worship till they have 
cleansed themselves from the pollution. For after 
such a sight it is not permitted to approach the gods 
who are the cause of life and of all things least akin 
to decay. And I have still to mention what is worse 
than this. And what is that? The sacred precincts 
and temples of the gods lie open; and it often 
happens that in one of them someone is sacrificing 
or pouring libations or praying, at the moment 
when men carrying a corpse are passing close 
by the temple itself, and the voice of lamenta- 
tions and speech of ill omen is carried even to the 

Do you not understand that the functions belong- 
ing to the day and the night have been separated 
more than. all other things? With good reason, 
therefore, has burial been taken out of the day and 
would be reserved for the night. For it is not right 
to deprecate the wearing of white for mourning and 
yet to bury the dead in the daytime and sunlight. 
The former was better, at least if it was not offensive 
to any of the gods, but the latter cannot escape being 
an act of impiety towards all the gods. For thereby 
men wrongly assign burial to the Olympian gods and 
wrongly alienate it from the gods of the underworld, 
or whatever else the guardians and lords of souls 
prefer to be called. And I know that those who are 
thoroughly versed and punctilious in sacred rites 
think it right to perform at night the ritual to the 
gods below or in any case not till after the tenth 
hour of the day. But if this is the better time for 



ἀμείνων ὁ καιρός, οὐδὲ τῇ θεραπείᾳ πάντως τῶν. 
τεθνεώτων ἕτερον ἀποδώσομεν. 

Τοῖς μὲν οὖν ἑκοῦσι πειθομένοις ἐξαρκεῖ ταῦτα. 
ἃ γὰρ ἡμάρτανον μαθόντες, μετατιθέσθων πρὸς 
τὸ βέλτιον. εἰ δέ τις τοιοῦτός ἐστιν οἷος ἀπειλῆς 
«αἱ ζημίας δεῖσθαι, ἴστω τὴν μεγίστην ὑφέξων 
δίκην, εἰ πρὸ δεκάτης ἡμερινῆς ὥρας τολμήσει τε 
τῶν ἀπογινομένων τινὸς κηδεῦσαι σῶμα καὶ διὰ 
τῆς πόλεως ἐνεγκεῖν: ἀλλὰ δύντος ἡλίου καὶ αὖ 
πρὶν ἀνίσχειν ταῦτα γενέσθω, ἡ δὲ ἡμέρα καθαρὰ 
καθαροῖς τοῖς τε ἔργοις ' καὶ τοῖς ᾿Ολυμπίοις 
ἀνακείσθω θεοῖς. 

᾿Αρσάκῃ ᾿Αρμενίων catpatn* 

᾿Επείχθητι πρὸς τὴν τῶν πολεμίων παράταξιν, 
᾿Αρσάκιε, θᾶττον ἢ λόγος, τὴν δεξιὰν κατὰ τῆς 
Περσικῆς μανίας ὁπλίσας. ἡ γὰρ ἡμετέρα παρα- 
σκευή τε καὶ προθυμία δυοῖν θάτερον βεβούλευται, 
ἢ τὸ χρεὼν ἀποδοῦναι ἐπὶ τῆς Παρθυαίων ἐνο- 
ρίας τὰ μέγιστα διαπραξαμένους καὶ τὰ δεινό- 
tata διαθεμένους τοὺς ἀντιπάλους, ἢ τούτους 
χειρωσαμένους, πρυτανευόντων ἡμῖν τῶν θεῶν, 

1 For τοῖς τε ἔργοις Hercher conjectures τοῖς ἱεροῖς. Before 
τοῖς ᾿Ολυμπίοις Hertlein suspects the loss of τοῖς λόγοιξ. 

* Hertlein 66; he regards the letter as spurious, and 
brackets the title. Schwarz, Geffcken, and Cumont also 
reject it. 

3 eboplas Ambrosianus; ἐνορίας Monacensis; εὐοδίας Mura- 
torius ; ἐφορίας Reiske. 



the worship of these gods, we will certainly not 
assign another time for the service of the dead. 

What I have said suffices for those who are willing 
to obey. For now that they. have learned what 
errors they used to commit, let them change to the 
better way. But if there be any man of such a 
character that he needs threat and penalty, let him 
know that he will incur the severest punishment if, 
before the tenth hour of the day, he shall venture to 
perform the offices for the corpse of any dead person 
and to carry it through the city. But let these 
things be done at sunset and before sunrise, and let 
the pure day be consecrated for pure deeds and the 
pure gods of Olympus. 


To Arsaces, Satrap of Armenia 4 

Make haste, Arsacius,? to meet the enemy’s battle : 

line and quicker than 1 tell * you arm your right hand 
against the madness of the Persians. For my 
military preparations and my set purpose are for 
one of two things ; either to pay the debt of nature 
within the Parthian‘ frontier, after I have won the 
most glorious victories and inflicted on my foes the 
most terrible reverses, or to defeat them under the 
leadership of the gods and return to my native land 

1 See Introduction, under Arsaces. 

2 This form is given also by Sozomen 6, 1. who gives the 
general contents of the letter. The correct form Arsaces 
occurs in Ammianus. 

8 Cf. 70 Hermogenes, p. 32, 390 B παρὰ δύναμιν ἐπείχθητι. 

4 The writer seems to confuse the Persians and the 
Parthians: Julian, however, distinguishes them in Oration 2. 
634, Vol. 1, p. 169, Wright ; Ammianus sometimes confuses 


At : 


καλλινίκους ἐπανελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐνεγκαμένην, 
τρόπαια κατὰ τῶν “πολεμίων ἐγείραντας. πᾶσαν 
οὖν ῥᾳστώνην καὶ φενακισμὸν ἀποθέμενος, καὶ 
τὸν μακαρίτην Κωνσταντῖνον * καὶ τὰς τῶν 
εὖ γεγονότων περιουσίας τὰς εἰς, σέ τε καὶ 
τοὺς ὁμοτρόπους σοι βαρβάρους t ὑπὸ τοῦ ἁβροτά- 
του καὶ πολυτελοῦς " Κωνσταντίου κενωθείσας, 
νῦν μοι τὸν ᾿Ιουλιανόν, τὸν ἀρχιερέα, τὸν καίσαρα, 
τὸν αὔγουστον, τὸν θεῶν τε καὶ ᾿Άρεως θεραπευ- 
τὴν ἐννόησον, τὸν Φραγκῶν * Tre καὶ βαρβάρων 
ὀλετῆρα, τὸν Γάλλων τε καὶ ᾿Ιταλῶν ἐλευθερωτήν. 
εἰ δὲ ἕ ἕτερόν TL βουλεύσαιο' πυνθάνομαι “γὰρ εἶναί 
σε πανοῦργον καὶ κακὸν ᾿ στρατιώτην καὶ ἀλαζόνα, 
ὡς τὰ παρόντα μοι πράγματα δείκνυσιν" ἐχθρὸν 
γάρ τινα τῆς κοινῆς λυσιτελείας λανθάνοντα 
ἀποκρύπτειν παρὰ σοὶ πειρᾶσθαι: τέως μὲν τοῦτο 
ὑπερτίθεμαι διὰ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου τύχην" ἀρκεῖ 
γὰρ ἡμῖν ἡ τῶν θεῶν συμμαχία πρὸς τὴν τῶν 
πολεμίων καθαίρεσιν. εἰ δέ τι τὰ τῆς εἱμαρμένης 
κρίνειε' θεῶν γὰρ βούλησις ἡ ταύτης ἐξουσία. 
ἀδεώς καὶ γενναίως οἴσω τοῦτο. ἴσθι δὲ ὡς σὺ 
μὲν πάρεργον ἔσῃ τῆς Περσικῆς χειρός, συναφ- 
θείσης σοι παγγενεὶ τῆς ἑστίας καὶ τῆς ᾿Α ρμενίων 
ἀρχῆς" κοινωνήσει δέ σοι τῆς δυστυχίας καὶ ἡ 

1 Wright restores Κωνσταντῖνον from Laurcniianus ; ἐκεῖνον 
Hertlein foliowing Monacensis. 

2 πολυετοῦς MSS. (Constantius died aged about 45); 
Teuffel ἀσεβοῦς, cf. Sozomen 6. 1, who says that Julian in this 
letter reviled Constantius ὡς ἀνάνδρῳ καὶ ἀσεβεῖ. Hertlein 
πολυτελοῦς following Sintenis. 

3 εὐνόησον Ambrosianus; εὐνόϊσον Muratorius, 
* Julian uses the form Φράγγοι in Oration 1. 84 1). 



as a conquering hero, after I have set up trophies of 
the enemy’s defeat. Accordingly you must discard 
all sloth and cheating, and the Emperor Constantine 
of blessed memory, and the wealth of the nobles 
which was lavished in vain on you and on barbarians 
of your character by the most luxurious and extra- 
vagant Constantius, and now I warn you, take heed 
of me, Julian, supreme pontiff, Caesar, Augustus, the 
servant of the gods and of Ares, the destroyer of 
the Franks and barbarians,! the liberator of the 
Gauls and of Italy. But if you form some other 
design,—for I learn that you are a rascal? and 
a coward in war and a boaster, as the present 
condition of affairs proves; indeed I have heard 
that you are secretly trying to conceal at your court 
a certain enemy of the public “welfare,—for the 
present I postpone this matter because of the 
fortune of war; for my alliance with the gods is 
enough to secure the destruction of the enemy. 
But if Destiny should also play some part in the 
decision,—for the purpose of the gods is her 
opportunity,—I will endure it fearlessly and like a 
brave man. Be assured that you will be an easy 
victim 8 of the power of Persia when your hearth and 
home, your whole race and the kingdom of Armenia 
all blaze together. And the city of Nisibis ‘ also will 

1 Cf. Ammianus 22. 5, of Julian: saepeque dictitabat 
**audite me quem Alemanni audierunt et Franci.” 

* Arsaces was almost certainly a Christian ; cf. Sozomen 
6. 1. 

8. For this phrase cf. Vol. 2. Caesars 326A πάρεργον... 
τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ στρατηγίας. 

4 After Julian’s death Nisibis reverted to the Persians ; 
their king Sapor captured and killed Arsaces; Ammianus 
27. 12, 




“ “ a / 
Νισιβίων πόλις, τῶν οὐρανίων θεῶν τοῦτο πάλαι 
ἡμῖν προαγορευσάντων. 

, al \ , 1 
AtBaviw σοφιστῇ καὶ κοιαίστωρι 

Μέχρι τῶν Λιτάρβων ἦλθον ἔστι δὲ κώμη 
Χαλκίδος: καὶ ἐνέτυχον 65@ λείψανα ἐχούσῃ 
χειμαδίων ᾿Αντιοχικῶν. ἣν δὲ αὐτῆς, οἶμαι, τὸ 
μὲν τέλμα τὸ δὲ ὄρος, τραχεῖα δὲ πᾶσα, καὶ ἐνέ- 
κειντο τῷ τέλματι., λίθοι ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες ἐρριμ- 
μένοις ἐοικότες, ὑπ᾽ οὐδεμιᾶς τέχνης συγκείμενοι, 
ὃν τρόπον εἰώθασιν ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις 3 πόλεσι τὰς 
λεωφόρους οἱ ἐξοικοδομοῦντες ποιεῖν, ἀντὶ μὲν τῆς 
κονίας πολὺν τὸν χοῦν ἐποικοδομοῦντες, πυκνοὺς 
δὲ ὥσπερ ἐν τοίχῳ τιθέντες τοὺς λίθους. ἐπεὶ δὲ 
διαβὰς μόλις ἦλθον εἰς τὸν πρῶτον σταθμόν, 
ἐννέα που σχεδὸν ἦσαν ὧραι, καὶ ἐδεξάμην εἴσω 
τῆς αὐλῆς τὸ πλεῖστον τῆς παρ᾽ ὑμῖν βουλῆς. ἃ 
δὲ διελέχθημεν πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἴσως ἐπύθου" 
μάθοις δ᾽ ἂν καὶ ἡμῶν ἀκούσας, εἰ θεοὶ θέλοιεν. 

᾿Απὸ τῶν Λιτάρβων εἰς τὴν Βέρροιαν ἐπορευό- 
μην, καὶ ὁ Ζεὺς αἴσια πάντα ἐσήμηνεν, ἐναργῆ 
δείξας τὴν διοσημείαν. ἐπιμείνας δὲ ἡμέραν ἐκεῖ 

1 Hertlein 27. 

2 ἄλλαις Hertlein suspects. 

8 ὑποσκεδάννυντες Cumont, as more suitable in connection 
with χοῦς = loose soil. 
* διοσημείαν Asmus ; διοσημίαν Hertlein, MSS. 

' Julian’s march is described by Ammianus 23. 2, to the 
end of 24 ; he was a member of the expedition ; cf. Zosimus 8. 
12-28 ; Cumont, Btudes Syriennes, Paris, 1917. 



share in your misfortune, for this the heavenly gods 
long since foretold to me. 

To Libanius, Sophist and Quaestor ὦ 

I rraveLtep as far as Litarbae,—it is a village of 
Chaleis,x—and came on a road that still had the 
remains of a winter camp of Antioch. The road, I 
may say, was partly swamp, partly hill, but the 
whole of it was rough, and in the swamp lay stones 
which looked as though they had been thrown there 
purposely, as they lay together without any art, after 
the fashion followed also by those who build public 
highways in cities and instead of cement make a 
deep layer of soil and then lay the stones close 
together as though they were making a boundary- 
wall. When I had passed over this with some difficulty 
and arrived at my first halting-place it was about the 
ninth hour, and then I received at my headquarters 
the greater part of your senate.2, You have perhaps 
learned already what we said to one another, and, if 
it be the will of heaven, you shall know it from my 
own lips. 

From Litarbae I proceeded to Beroea,® and there 
Zeus by showing a manifest sign from heaven 
declared all things to be auspicious.* I stayed there 

* The Senators of Antioch followed Julian to plead for 
the city, which had offended him; see Libanius, Oration 16. 1. 

3 Aleppo. 

4 Ammianus 23. 2 records certain fatal accidents at Hiera- 
polis and Batnae which were regarded as of ill omen for the 




τὴν ἀκρόπολιν εἶδον, καὶ ἔθυσα τῷ Διὶ βασιλικῶς 
ταῦρὸν λευκόν, διελέχθην δὲ ὀλίγα τῇ βουλῇ περὺ 
θεοσεβείας. ἀλλὰ τοὺς λόγους ἐπήνουν μὲν 
ἅπαντες, ἐπείσθησαν δὲ αὐτοῖς ὀλίγοι πάνυ, καὶ 
οὗτοι οἱ καὶ πρὸ τῶν ἐμῶν λόγων ἐδόκουν ἔ ἔχειν 
ὑγιῶς. εὐλαβοῦντο' δὲ ὥ ὥσπερ παρρησίας ἀποτρί- 
ψασθαι τὴν αἰδῶ καὶ ἀποθέσθαι". περίεστι γάρ, 
ὦ θεοί, τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἐπὶ μὲν τοῖς καλοῖς ἐρυ- 
θριᾶν, ἀνδρείᾳ ψυχῆς καὶ εὐσεβείᾳ, καλλωπί- 
εσθαι δὲ ὥσπερ τοῖς χειρίστοις, ἱεροσυλίᾳ καὶ 
μαλακίᾳ γνώμης καὶ σώματος. 

Ἔνθεν ὑποδέχονταί με Βάτναι, χωρίον οἷον 
παρ᾽ ὑμῖν οὐκ εἶδον ἔξω τῆς Δάφνης, ἣ νῦν ἔοικε 
ταῖς Barvais: ὡς τά γε πρὸ μικροῦ, σωζομένου 
τοῦ νεὼ καὶ τοῦ ἀγάλματος, ὍὌσσῃ καὶ IInrio 
καὶ ταῖς ᾽Ολύμπου κορυφαῖς καὶ τοῖς Θετταλικοῖς 
Τέμπεσιν ἄγων ἐ ἐπίσης ἢ καὶ προτιμῶν ἁπάντων 
ὁμοῦ τὴν Δάφνην οὐκ ἂν “αἰσχυνοίμην. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ 
μὲν τῇ Δάφνῃ γέγραπταί σοι λόγος, ὁποῖον ἄλλος 
οὐδ᾽ ἂν εἷς τῶν οἱ νῦν Bporot εἰσι καὶ μάλα ἐπι- 
χειρήσας καμεῖν ἐργάσαιτο, νομίζω δὲ καὶ τῶν 
ἔμπροσθεν οὐ πολλοὺς πάνυ. τί οὖν ἐγὼ νῦν 
ἐπιχειρῶ περὶ αὐτῆς γράφειν, οὕτω "λαμπρᾶς 
μονῳδίας ὃ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ συγγεγραμμένης ; ὡς μήποτε 

1 Cobet ; Hertlein, MSS. ἐλάβοντο. 
2 ἱερὸν Διὸς ‘OAunetov καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνος Πυθίου τὸ χωρίον follows 
in MSS., bracketed by Hertlein as a gloss ; Heyler retains, 

3 Lacuna Hercher, Hertlein ; μονῳδίας Heyler. 

1 The Emperors sacrificed white victims ; cf. Ammianus 
25. 4, 17. 

* Julian was at Batnae March 8th; a few days later he 

halted at another Batnae, in Osroéne, bey ond the Euphrates. 



for a day and saw the Acropolis and sacrificed to Zeus 
in imperial fashion a white bull.1_ Also I conversed 
briefly with the senate about the worship of the 
gods. But though they all applauded my arguments 
very few were converted by them, and these few were 
men who even before I spoke seemed to me to hold 
sound views. But they were cautious and would not 
strip off and lay aside their modest reserve, as though 
afraid of too frank speech. For it is the prevailing 
habit of mankind, O ye gods, to blush for their noble 
qualities, manliness of soul and piety, and to plume 
themselves, as it were, on what is most depraved, 
sacrilege and weakness of mind and body. 
. Next, Batnae 3 entertained me, a place like nothing 

that I have ever seen in your country, except 
Daphne? ; but that is now very like Batnae, though 
not long ago, while the temple and statue were still 
unharmed,‘ 1 should not have hesitated to compare 
Daphne with Ossa and Pelion or the peaks of 
Olympus, or Thessalian Tempe, or even to have 
preferred it to all of them put together. But you 
have composed an oration® on Daphne such as no 
other man “of such sort as mortals now are’ 6 
could achieve, even though he used his utmost 
energies on the task, yes, and I think not very 
many of the ancient writers either. Why then 
should I try to write about it now, when so brilliant 
a monody has been composed in its honour? Would 

3 A suburb of Antioch; cf. Asopogon 361; Ammianus 
19. 12.19. The temple of Apollo was burned October 22nd, 

4 Cf. Misopogon 3468 ; Vol. 2, Wright. 

5 We have the monody of Libanius, On the Temple of Apollo 

at Daphne, Oration 60; ef. his Oration 11. 235. 
ὁ Iliad δ. 304; Julian, Oration 6. 1914. 




ὦφελε τοιοῦτον. αἵ γε μὴν Βάτναι' βαρβαρικὸν 
ὄνομα τοῦτο" χωρίον ἐστὶν ᾿“Ελληνικόν, πρῶτον 
μὲν ὅτι διὰ πάσης τῆς πέριξ χώρας ἀτμοὶ λιβανω- 
τοῦ πανταχόθεν ἧσαν, ἱερεῖά τε ἐβλέπομεν εὐτρεπῆ 
πανταχοῦ. τοῦτο μὲν οὗν εἰ καὶ λίαν ηὔφραινέ 
με, θερμότερον ὅμως ἐδόκει καὶ τῆς εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς 
εὐσεβείας ἀλλότριον. ἐκτὸς πάτου γὰρ εἶναι χρὴ 
καὶ δρᾶσθαι καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο πορευο- 
μένων, οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλο τι βαδιζόντων, τὰ πρὸς τοὺς 
θεοὺς ἱερά τε καὶ ὅσια. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ἴσως τεύξε- 
ται τῆς ἁρμοζούσης ἐπιμελείας αὐτίκα. 

Τὰς Βάτνας δὲ ἑώρων πεδίον λάσιον ἄλση κυπα- 
ρίττων ἔχον νέων" καὶ ἦν ἐν ταύταις οὐδὲν γεράν- 
ὃρυον οὐδὲ σαπρόν, ἀλλὰ ἐξ ἴσης ἅπαντα θάλλοντα 
τῇ κόμῃ" καὶ τὰ βασίλεια πολυτελῆ μὲν ἥκιστα" 
πηλοῦ γὰρ ἣν μόνον καὶ ξύλων οὐδὲν ποικίλον 
ἔχοντα' κῆπον δὲ τοῦ μὲν ᾿Αλκίνου καταδεέστερον, 
παραπλήσιον δὲ τῷ Λαέρτου, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ μικρὸν 
ἄλσος πάνυ, κυπαρίττων μεστόν, καὶ τῷ θριγκίῳ 
δὲ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα παραπεφυτευμένα δένδρα στίχῳ 
καὶ ἐφεξῆς. εἶτα τὸ μέσον πρασιαΐί, καὶ ἐν ταύταις 
λάχανα καὶ δένδρα παντοίαν ὀπώραν φέροντα. 
τί οὖν ἐνταῦθα ; ἔθυσα δείλης, εἶτ᾽ ὄρθρου βαθέος, 
ὅπερ εἴωθα ποιεῖν ἐπιεικῶς ἑκάστης ἡμέρας. ἐπεὶ 
δὲ ἣν καλὰ τὰ ἱερά, τῆς “lepas πόλεως εἰχόμεθα, 
καὶ ὑπαντῶσιν ἡμῖν οἱ πολῖται, καὶ ὑποδέχεταί 

1 “νος it maintained the pagan cults. 

2 Odyssey 7. 112 foll., a favourite commonplace ; cf. Miso- 
pogon 352A. 

3 Odyssey 24. 245 foll. 

4 Hierapolis is now Membej; Julian arrived there about 
March 10th; it was the rendezvous for the Roman troops 



that none had been needed! However, to return. 
to Batnae. Its name is barbarous but the place is 
Hellenic ;1 I say so because through all the country 
round about the fumes of frankincense arose on all 
sides, and I saw everywhere victims ready for, 
sacrifice. But though this gave me very great 
pleasure, nevertheless it looked to me like over- 
heated zeal, and alien to proper reverence for the 
gods. For things that are sacred to the gods and 
holy ought to be away from the beaten track and 
performed in peace and quiet, so that men may 
resort thither to that end alone and not on the way 
to some other business. But this matter will perhaps 
before long receive the attention that is appropriate. 
Batnae I saw to be a thickly wooded plain contain- 
ing groves of young cypresses; and among these 
there was no old or decaying trunk, but all alike 
were in vigorous leafage. ‘The imperial lodging was 
by no means sumptuous, for it was made only of 
clay and logs and had no decorations; but its 
garden, though inferior to that of Alcinous,? was 
comparable to the garden of Laertes.? In it was ἃ 
quite small grove full of cypresses and along the 
wall many trees of this sort have been planted in a 
row one after the other. Then in the middle were 
beds, and in these, vegetables and trees bearing 
fruits of all sorts. What did I do there, you ask? 
I sacrificed in the evening and again at early dawn, 
as I am in the habit of doing practically every day. 
And since the omens were favourable, we kept on 
to Hierapolis* where the inhabitants came to meet 

for this campaign ; and was about twenty miles west of the 
Kuphrates. Julian stayed there three days; Ammianus 23. 
2. 6. 



με ξένος, ὀφθεὶς μὲν ἄρτι, φιλούμενος δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ 
πάλαι. τὴν δὲ αἰτίαν αὐτὸς μὲν εὖ οἶδα ὅτι 
συνήδεις,1 ἐμοὶ δὲ ἡδὺ καὶ ἄλλως φράσαι" τὸ γὰρ 
ἀεὶ περὶ αὐτῶν ἀκούειν καὶ λέγειν ἐστί μοι νέκταρ. 
Ἰαμβλίχου τοῦ θειοτάτου τὸ θρέμμα Σώπατρος 
ἐγένετο ὅ ὁ τούτου κηδεστής" ἐξίσου ἐμοὶ 8 yap τὸ 
μὴ πάντα ἐκείνων τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀγαπᾶν ἀδικημάτων 
οὐδενὸς τῶν φαυλοτάτων ἔλαττον * εἶναι δοκεῖ. 
πρόσεστι ταύτης αἰτία μείζων. ὑποδεξάμενος 
γὰρ πολλάκις τόν τε ἀνεψιὸν τὸν ἐμὸν καὶ τὸν 
ὁμοπάτριον ἀδελφὸν καὶ προτραπεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν, 
οἷα εἰκὸς, πολλάκις ἀποστῆναι τῆς εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς 
εὐσεβείας, ὃ χαλεπόν ἐστιν, οὐκ ἐλήφθη τῇ νόσῳ. 

Ταῦτα εἶχον ἀπὸ τῆς ‘lepas πόλεώς σοι γράφειν 
ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ. τὰς δὲ στρατιωτικὰς ἢ πολι- 
τικὰς οἰκονομίας αὐτὸν ἐχρῆν οἶμαι παρόντα 
ἐφορᾶν καὶ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι: μεῖζον γάρ ἐστιν ἢ κατ᾽ 
ἐπιστολήν, εὖ ἴσθι, καὶ τοσοῦτον ὅσον οὐ ῥάδιον 
οὐδὲ τριπλασίᾳ ταύτης περιλαβεῖν σκοποῦντι 
τἀκριβές. ἐπὶ κεφαλαίου δέ σοι καὶ ταῦτα 
φράσω δι’ ὀλίγων. πρὸς τοὺς Σαρακηνοὺς ἔπεμψα 

1 συνήδεις Reiske, συνείδεις MSS. εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι συνείρεις Bidez, 
οἵ, αἰτίαν αἰτίᾳ συνείρων ΞΞ make the connection. Ἠδυ οὶ 
omits εὖ by an oversight. 2 ἐγένετο Bidez adds. 

3 κηδεστής: ἐξίσου ἐμοὶ Bidez; κηδεστὴς ἐξ ὅσου: MSS., 
Hertlein ; Reiske thinks ἐξ ὅσου conceals a proper name or ἃ 

4 οὐδενὺς τῶν φαυλοτάτων ἔλαττον Wright (cf. Oration 
3. 102 B); οὐδενὸς ἧττον τῶν φαυλοτάτων Reiske ; οὐδὲν οὕτω 
φαυλότατον MSS., Hertlein. 

5 Frederich, MSS. ἐπεὶ καὶ φαίην. 

1 This elder Sopater was put to death by Constantine. 



us. Here I am being entertained by a friend who, 
though I have only lately met him for the first 
time has long been dear to me. I know that you 
yourself are well aware of the reason, but for all 
that it gives me pleasure to tell you. For it is like 
nectar to me to hear and to speak of these things 
continually. Sopater,! the pupil of the god-like 
Jamblichus, was a relative by marriage of this 
Sopater.2, Not to love even as myself all that be- 
longed to those men is in my opinion equivalent to 
the lowest baseness. But there is another more 
powerful reason than this. Though he often enter- 
tained my cousin and my half-brother? and was 
often urged by them, naturally enough, to abandon 
his piety towards the gods, and though this is hard 
to withstand, he was not infected with this disease. 

Thus much, then, I was able to write to you from 
Hierapolis about my own affairs. But as regards 
the military or political arrangements, you ought, ἢ 
think, to have been present to observe and pay 
attention to them yourself. For, as you well know, 
the matter is too long for a letter, in fact so vast 
that if one considered it in detail it would not be 
easy to confine it to a letter even three times as 
long as this. But I will tell you of these matters 
also, summarily, and in a very few words. I sent 
an embassy to the Saracens® and suggested that 

For the younger Sopater, see Introduction. 

% Constantius and Gallus ; cf. Misopogon 340a. 

4 For Christianity a disease, cf. Oration 7. 229p and 
Against the Galilaeans 3278. 

5 According to Ammianus 23. 3. 8, the Saracens offered 
themselves to Julian as allies, but they apparently deserted 
later to the Persians, cf. Zosimus 3. 27. 3; Ammianus 25, 
6. 10. 





πρέσβεις, ὑπομιμνήσκων αὐτοὺς ἥκειν, εἰ βού- 
λοιντο. ἕν μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτον: ἕτερον δέ, λίαν 
ἐγρηγορότας ὡς ἐνεδέχετο τοὺς παραφυλάξοντας 
ἐξέπεμψα, μή τις ἐνθένδε πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους 
ἐξέλθῃ λαθών, ἐσόμενος αὐτοῖς ὡς κεκινήμεθα 
μηνυτής. ἐκεῖθεν ἐδίκασα δίκην στρατιωτικήν, 
ὡς ἐμαυτὸν πείθω, πρᾳότατα καὶ δικαιότατα. 
ἵππους περιττοὺς καὶ ἡμιόνους παρεσκεύασα, τὸ 
στρατόπεδον εἰς ταὐτὸ συναγαγών. ναῦς πλη- 
ροῦνται ποτάμιαι πυροῦ, μᾶλλον δὲ ἄρτων ξηρῶν 
καὶ ὄξους. καὶ τούτων ἕκαστον ὅπως ἐπράχθη 
καὶ τίνες ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστῳ γεγόνασι λόγοι, πόσου 
μήκους ἐστὶ συγγράφειν ἐννοεῖς. ἐπιστολαῖς δὲ 
ὅσαις ὑπέγραψα καὶ βίβλοις: ἑπόμενα γὰρ 
ὡσπερεὶ σκιά! μοι καὶ ταῦτα συμπερινοστεῖ 
πανταχοῦ" τί δεῖ νῦν πράγματα ἔχειν ἀπαριθμού- 
μενον ; 

59 2 
Μαξίμῳ φιλοσόφῳ 

ς \ a A \ ΕῚ / ΕῚ \ \ / 
O μὲν μῦθος ποιεῖ τὸν ἀετόν, ἐπειδὰν τὰ γνήσια 
τῶν κυημάτων Bacavitn, φέρειν ἄπτιλα πρὸς τὸν 

1 ὥσπερ σκιά Cobet; ὥσπερ αἴσια MSS.; ὡσπερεὶ σκιά 

* Letters 59-73 cannot be dated, even approximately, from 
their contents. 

ὅ Hertlein 16; the preceding letter, Hertlein 15, was 
addressed to Maximus, hence his title τῷ αὐτῷ. 

1 This is Julian’s last extant letter. On leaving Hierapolis 
he marched to Carrhae, which place he left on March 25th, 
He crossed the Tigris in May, declined the siege of Ctesiphon, 



they could come if they wished. That is one affair 
of the sort I have mentioned. For another, I des- 
patched men as wide-awake as I could obtain that 
they might guard against anyone’s leaving here 
secretly to go to the enemy and inform them that 
we are on the move. After that I held a court 
martial and, 1 am convinced, showed in my decision 
the utmost clemency and justice. I have procured 
excellent horses and mules and have mustered all 
my forces together. The boats to be used on the 
river are laden with corn, or rather with baked bread 
and sour wine. You can understand at what length 
I should have to write in order to describe how every 
detail of this business was worked out and what 
discussions arose over every one of them. As for the 
number of letters I have signed, and papers,—for 
these too follow me everywhere like my shadow,— 
why should I take the trouble to enumerate them 

To Maximus the Philosopher 3 

We are told in the myth that the eagle,? when 
he would test which of his brood are genuine, carries 

the Persian capital, burnt his fleet on the Tigris early in 
June, and was killed in a skirmish on June 26th, somewhere 
between Ctesiphon and Samarra on the Tigris. His body 
was carried back and buried at Tarsus in Cilicia, where he 
had told the people of Antioch he should spend the winter ; 
Ammianus 25, 10. 5. 

5 Cumont and Geffcken reject, without good grounds, 
Schwarz defends, the authenticity of this sophistic letter, 
which was probably written from Gaul. 

8 A rhetorical commonplace; cf. 70. Jamblichus, Ὁ. 259, 
note ; Lucian, 7'he Fisherman 46. 


VOL, II. i 




αἰθέρα, καὶ ταῖς ἡλίου προσάγειν ἀκτῖσιν, ὥσπερ 
ὑπὸ μάρτυρι τῷ θεῴ πατέρα τε ἀληθοῦς νεοττοῦ 
γινόμενον καὶ νόθου γονῆς ἀλλοτριούμενον" ἡμεῖς 
δέ σοι καθάπερ Ἑρμῇ λογίῳ τοὺς ἡμετέρους λό- 
γους ἐγχειρίζομεν. κἂν μὲν ὑπομείνωσι τὴν ἀκοὴν 
τὴν σήν, ἐπὶ σοὶ τὸ κρῖναι περὶ αὐτῶν, εἰ καὶ τρὺς 
τοὺς ἄλλους εἰσὶ πτήσιμοι: εἰ δὲ μή, ῥῇῖψον εἰκῆ 1 

καθάπερ Μουσῶν ἀλλοτρίους, ἢ ποταμῷ κλύσον 
ὡς νόθους. πάντως οὐδὲ ὁ Ῥῆνος ἀδικεῖ τοὺς 
Κελτούς, ὃ ὃς τὰ μὲν νόθα τῶν βρεφῶν ὑποβρύχια 
ταῖς δίναις ποιεῖ, καθάπερ ἀκολάστου λέχους 
τιμωρὸς πρέπων' ὅσα δ᾽ ἂν ἐπιγνῷ “καθαροῦ σπέρ- 
ματος, ὑπεράνω τοῦ ὕδατος αἰωρεῖ, καὶ τῇ μητρὶ 
τρεμούσῃ πάλιν εἰς χεῖρας δίδωσιν, ὥ ὥσπερ, ἀδέκα- 
στόν τινα μαρτυρίαν αὐτῇ καθαρῶν καὶ ἀμέμπτων 
γάμων τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς σωτηρίαν ἀντιδωρούμενος. 

Evyevio φιλοσόφῳ 3 
Δαίδαλον μὲν Ἰκάρῳ * φασὶν ἐκ κηροῦ πτερὰ 
συμπλάσαντα τολμῆσαι τὴν φύσιν βιάσασθαι τῇ 
τέχνῃ. ἐγὼ δὲ ἐκεῖνον μὲν εἰ καὶ τῆς τέχνης 
1 εἰκῆ Ambrosianus L 73, ἐκεῖ Vossianus, Hertlein ; Hercher 
regards as dittography of εἰ καὶ above. 

* Hertlein 18, 
3 Ἰκάρῳ Hertlein suggests, Ἰκαρίῳ MSS. 

1 The allusion to Julian’s writings is too vague to be used 
to date this letter. 

2 A commonplace of rhetoric; cf. Julian, Vol. 1, Ovation 
2. 810; Claudian, Jn Rufinum 2. 112, et quos nascentes 



them still unfledged into the upper air and exposes 
them to the rays of the sun, to the end that he may 
become, by the testimony of the god, the sire of a 
true nursling and disown any spurious offspring. 
Even so I submit my speeches! to you as though 
to Hermes the god of eloquence; and, if they can 
bear the test of being heard by you, it rests with 
you to decide concerning them whether they are fit 
to take flight to other men also. But if they are not, 
then fling them away as though disowned by the 
Muses, or plunge them in a river as_ bastards. 
Certainly the Rhine does not mislead the Celts,” 
for it sinks deep in its eddies their bastard infants, 
like a fitting avenger of an adulterous bed; but all 
those that it recognises to be of pure descent it 
supports on the surface of the water and gives them 
back to the arms of the trembling mother, thus 
rewarding her with the safety of her child as in- 
corruptible evidence that her marriage is pure and 
without reproach. 

To Eugenius 8 the Philosopher 

We are told that Daedalus dared to do violence 
to nature by his art, and moulded wings of wax 
for Icarus. But for my part, though I applaud him 

explorat gurgite Rhenus; Galen 6.51 Kiihn, says that the 
ordeal was to strengthen their bodies as well as to test their 
legitimacy ; ef. Voltaire, Essai sur les meurs 146. 

8 A philosopher named Eugenius was the father of the 
sophist and philosopher Themistius, an older contemporary 
of Julian, but this letter with its familiar tone cannot have 
been addressed to a man of advanced age. Schwarz, Cumont 
and Geffcken reject it on the ground of its sophistic manner- 
isms, but see Introduction. 

p 2 


a n / 4 A 
ἐπαινῶ, τῆς γνώμης οὐκ ἄγαμαι" μόνος yap κηρῷ 
“ / an 
λυσίμῳ TOD παιδὸς ὑπέμεινε τὴν σωτηρίαν πιστεῦ- 
σαι. εἰ δέ μοι θέμις ἣν κατὰ τὸν Τήιον ἐκεῖνον 
μελοποιὸν τὴν τῶν ὀρνίθων ἀλλάξασθαι φύσιν, 
> x , ‘ » 2a we We \ / 
οὐκ ἂν δήπου πρὸς ᾽Ολυμπον οὐδὲ ὑπὲρ μέμψεως 
na a / lal 
ἐρωτικῆς, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς αὐτοὺς ἂν τῶν ὑμετέρων ὀρῶν 
τοὺς πρόποδας ἔπτην, ἵνα σὲ τὸ μέλημα τοὐμόν, 
4 ε , / > \ , 
ὥς φησιν ἡ Σαπφώ, περιπτύξωμαι. ἐπεὶ δέ με 
lal , 7 
ἀνθρωπίνου σώματος δεσμῷ κατακλείσασα ἡ φύ- 
σις οὐκ ἐθέλει πρὸς τὸ μετέωρον ἁπλῶσαι, τῶν 
a / 
λόγων οἷς ἔχω σε πτεροῖς μετέρχομαι, Kal γράφω, 
καὶ σύνειμι τὸν δυνατὸν τρόπον. πάντως που Kal 
Ὅμηρος αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἄλλου του χάριν ἢ τούτου 
πτερόεντας ὀνομάζει, διότι δύνανται πανταχοῦ 
ἴω n ’ 
φοιτᾶν ὥσπερ οἱ ταχύτατοι τῶν ὀρνίθων ἡ ἂν 
2 v , \ \ 9-258 9 , 
ἐθέλωσιν ἄττοντες. γράφε δὲ καὶ αὐτός, ὦ φίλος" 
ἴση γὰρ δήπου σοι τῶν λόγων, εἰ μὴ καὶ μείζων, 
ὑπάρχει πτέρωσις, % τοὺς ἑταΐρους μεταβῆναι 
δύνασαι καὶ πανταχόθεν ὡς παρὼν εὐφραίνειν. 

Σωπάτρῳ ? 
"Ἔστι τις ἡδονῆς ἀφορμὴ πλείων, ὅταν ἐξῇ bv 
ἀνδρὸς οἰκείου τοὺς φίλους προσφωνεῖν" οὐ γὰρ 
1 μεταβῆναι Ambrosianus 1,78 ; μεταθεῖν Wyttenbach, Hert- 
lein ; μεταθεῖναι Vossianus. 

* Hertlein 67. Σωσιπάτρῳ Hertlein, but prefers Swrdrpy 
Fabricius. See Introduction, under Sopater. 

* Anacreon frag. 22, Bergk ᾿Αναπέτομαι δὴ πρὸς "Ολυμπον 
πτερύγεσσι κουφαῖς διὰ τὸν *Epwr’. 2 Frag. 120, Bergk. 



for his art, I cannot admire his judgement. For 
he is the only man who ever had the courage to 
entrust the safety of his son to soluble wax. But if 
it were granted me, in the words of the famous lyric 
poet of Teos,! to change my nature to a bird’s, I 
should certainly not “fly to Olympus for Love,” 
—no, not even to lodge a comp!aint against him— 
but I should fly to the very foothills of your moun- 
tains to embrace “thee, my darling,’ as Sappho 3 
says. But since nature has confined me in the prison 
of a human body ® and refuses to lighten and raise me 
aloft, I approach you with such wings as I possess,* 
the wings of words, and I write to you, and am with 
you in such fashion as I can. Cul for this reason 
and this only Homer calls ards Winger th 
they are able to go to and fro in irection, 
darting where the 
But do you tor your part write to me too, my friend4 
For you possess an equal if not a larger share of the 
plumage of words, with which you are able to travel 
to your friends and from wherever you may be, just 
as though you were present, to cheer them. 

To Sopater ® 

Ir is an occasion to rejoice the more when one 
has the chance to address friends through an 
intimate friend. For then it ts not only by what 

3 A Platonic commonplace; cf. Julian, Oration 6. 1988 ; 
7. 9068. 4 Cf. Letter 76. 449D, p. 244, note. 

5 This letter is rejected by Schwarz, Cumont and Geffcken ; 
Schwarz on the slender evidence of style classes it with the 
apocryphal letters to Iamblichus ; Cumont also places it in 
that series, and thinks that this Sopater is the friend of 
the elder Iamblichus executed by Constantine. 



μόνον. οἷς γράφεις τὸ τῆς σεαυτοῦ ψυχῆς ἴνδαλμα 
τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι ξυναρμόττῃ. ὃ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς 
ποιῶ. τὸν γὰρ τροφέα τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ παίδων᾽ Αντί- 
οχον ὡς ὑμᾶς ἐκπέμπων, ἀπρόσρητόν σε κατα- 
λιπεῖν οὐκ ἠνεσχόμην" ὥστε, εἴ τι τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς 
ποθεῖς, ἔχοις ἂν οἰκειότερον map αὐτοῦ γνῶναι. 
εἰ δέ τι καὶ σοὶ μέλει τῶν σῶν ἐραστῶν, ὡς ἔγωγε 
ὅτι μέλει πιστεύω, δείξεις ἕως ἂν ἐξῇ γράφειν 
μηδαμῶς ἐλλείπων. 

Εὐκλείδῃ φιλοσόφῳ 3 

Πότε γὰρ ἡμῶν ἀπελείφθης, ἵ ἵνα καὶ γράφωμεν, 
ἢ πότε οὐχὶ τοῖς τῆς “ψυχῆς ὀφθαλμοῖς ὡς παρόν- 
ta σε θεωροῦμεν ; οἵ γε οὐ μόνον ἀεί σοι συνεῖναι 
καὶ συνομιλεῖν. δοκοῦμεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν γε νῦν 
προσηκόντων ὡς ὑπὸ παρουσίᾳ τῇ σῇ τὰ εἰκότα 
κηδόμεθα. εἴ δὲ καὶ γράφεσθαι σοι παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ὡς 
ἀπόντι θέλεις, ὅ ὅρα μὲν ὅπως μὴ αὐτὸς τὸ δοκεῖν 
ἡμῶν ἀπεῖναι μᾶλλον αὐτῷ τῷ γράφειν ἐθέλειν 
ἐκφήνῃς" πλὴν ἀλλ᾽ εἴ γε σοι φίλον ἐστί, καὶ “πρὸς 
τοῦτο ἑκόντες ὑπακούομεν. πάντως γε, τὸ τοῦ 

ἕως Hertlein suggests ; MSS., Hertlein ἐν οἷς. 
8 : Hectlein 73. 

1 No forger would have referred to children of Julian’s 
body ; but the phrase may refer to his writings. Libanius, 
Epitaphius, says of Julian’s letters παῖδας τούτους ἀθανάτους 
καταλέλοιπεν. See also 70 Jamblichus, p. 255. 

2 Libanius often mentions a certain Eucleides, a native of 
Constantinople, to whom this letter may be addressed ; the 



you write that you unite the image of your own soul 
with your readers. And this is what I myself am 
doing. For when I despatched the custodian of my 
children,! Antiochus, to you, I could not bear to 
leave you without a word of greeting. So that if 
you want to have news of me, you can have from 
him information of a more intimate sort. And if 
you care at all for your admirers, as I believe you 
do care, you will prove it by never missing an 
opportunity while you are able to write. 

To Eucleides the Philosopher 3 

Nay, when did you ever leave me, so that I need 
to write, or when do I not behold you with the eyes 
of the soul as though you were here with me? For. 
not only do I seem to be with you continually and 
to converse with you, but I pay attention to my 
duties now just as zealously as when you were here 
to guide me. But if you do wish me to write to you, 
just as though you were not here, then take care 
that you do not yourself create the impression of 
not being with me all the more by your very wish 
that I should write. However, if you do really find 
pleasure in it I am willing to obey you in this also. 
At any rate, by your request, you will, as the proverb 

reference to public affairs may imply that Julian was already 
Emperor, but it cannot be dated with certainty. Schwarz 
rejects the letter on stylistic grounds, and Cumont for the same 
reason attributed it to the sophist Julian of Caesarea, for 
whom see Introduction under lamblichus ; but, though it is 
conventional and sophistic, there is nothing in it that the 
Emperor Julian might not have written. 




λόγου, θέοντα , τῇ “παρακελεύσει τὸν ἵππον εἰς 
πεδίον ἄξεις. ἄγε οὖν ὅπως ἀντιδώσειςϊ τὰ ἴσα, καὶ 
πρὸς τὴν ἀντίκλησιν ἐν τῇ τῶν ἀμοιβαίων συνε- 
χείᾳ μὴ κατοκνήσεις." καίτοι ἔγωγε εἰς τὴν ὑπὲρ 
τοῦ κοινοῦ σοι γινομένην σπουδὴν οὐκ ἐθέλω 
διοχλεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσῳ 5 σε φυλάττω * τῇ θήρᾳ τῶν 
καλῶν, οὐ μόνον οὐκ ἀδικεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ξύμπαν 
ὁμοῦ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ὠφελεῖν ἂν δοκοίην, ὥσπερ 
σκύλακα γενναῖον, ἀόχλητον ἀφιεὶς ἐσχολακέναι 
σε τοῖς περὶ τοὺς λόγους ἴχνεσιν ὁλοκλήρῳ τῷ 
λήματι" εἰ δέ σοι τοσοῦτον ,τάχος περίεστιν, ὡς 
μήτε τῶν φίλων ἀμελεῖν μήτ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἐνδεῖν, ἴθι 

χρῆσαι Tap > ἄμφω τῷ δρόμῳ. 

“Εκηβολίῳ ὃ 

Πινδάρῳ μὲν ἀργυρέας εἶναι δοκεῖ τὰς “Μούσας, 
οἱονεὶ τὸ ἔκδηλον αὐτῶν καὶ περιφανὲς τῆς τέχνης 
ἐς τὸ τῆς ὕλης λαμπρότερον ἀπεικάξοντι"" Ὅμηρος 
δὲ ὁ σοφὸς τόν τε ἄργυρον αἰγλήεντα λέγει καὶ τὸ 
ὕδωρ a ἀργύρεον ὀνομάξει, καθάπερ ἡλίου καθαραῖς 
ἀκτῖσιν αὐτῷ τῷ τῆς εἰκόνος φαιδρῷ μαρμαρύοσ- 
σον" Σαπφὼ δ᾽ ἡ καλὴ τὴν σελήνην ἀργυρέαν 
φησὶ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τῶν ἄχλων ἀστέρων ἀποκρύ- 
Trew τὴν ὄψιν. οὕτω καὶ θεοῖς τὸν ἄργυρον 
ἀντιδώσεις Cobet ; ἀντιδίδως Hertlein, MSS. 

κατοκνήσεις Cobet ; κατοκνήσῃς Hertlein, MSS. 
ὕλον X, 

Hertlein suggests ἀλλὰ τῷ σε φυλάττειν, 
Hertlein suggests πρός. 

Hertlein 19, 


oo αὐ ὦ & tl 



says, lead a galloping horse into the plain. Come 
then, see that you return like for like, and in answer 
to my counter-summons do not grow weary of the 
unbroken series of letters exchanged between us. 
And yet I have no wish to hinder the zeal that 
you display on behalf of the public welfare, never- 
theless, in proportion as I keep you free for the 
pursuit of noble studies, I shall be thought, far from 
injuring it, to benefit the whole body of Hellenes 
- at once, that is to say, if I leave you like a young 
and well-bred dog without interference, free to give 
all your time to tracking down, with a mind wholly 
free from all else, the art of writing discourses; but 
if you possess such swiftness that you need neither 
neglect your friends nor slacken in those other 
pursuits, come, take both courses and run at full 
speed ! 

To Hecebolius 1 

Pinpar? thinks that the Muses are “silvery,” 
and it is as though he likened the clearness and 
splendour of their art to the substance that shines 
most brilliantly. And the wise Homer® calls silver 
“shining,” and gives to water the epithet “silvery” 
because it gleams with the very brightness of the 
reflected image of the sun, as though under its 
direct rays. And Sappho‘ the fair says that the 
moon is “silvery,” and that because of this it dims 
the radiance of the other stars. Similarly one might 

1 See Introduction, under Hecebolius. 
2 Frag. 272, Bergk. ; cf. Pythian 9. 65, Isthmian 2. 13. 
ὃ. These epithets for silver and water are not in our 
4 Frag. 3, Bergk.; cf. Julian, Oration 3. 1090, note, Wright. 


μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν ρυσὸν εἰκάσειεν ἄν τις πρέπειν" 
Β ἀνθρώποις γε μὴν ὅτι πρὸς τὴν χρείαν ἐστὶν ὁ 
ἄργυρος τοῦ χρυσοῦ τιμιώτερος καὶ σύνεστι μᾶλ- 
λον αὐτοῖς, οὐχ ὥσπερ ὁ 0 “χρυσὸς ὑπὸ γῆς κρυπτό- 
μενος ἢ φεύγων αὐτῶν τὴν ὄψιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὀφθῆ- 
vat καλὸς καὶ ἐν διαιτήματι κρείττων, οὐκ ἐμὸς 
ἴδιος, ἀλλὰ παλαιῶν ἀνδρῶν ὁ λόγος ἐστίν. εἰ 
C δέ σοι τοῦ “πεμφθέντος ὑπὸ σοῦ χρυσοῦ νομίσ- 
ματος εἰς τὸ ἴσον τῆς τιμῆς ἕτερον ἀργύρεον. ἀντι- 
δίδομεν, μὴ κρίνῃς ἥττω τὴν χάριν, μηδὲ ὥσπερ 
τῷ ᾿λαύκῳ πρὸς τὸ ἔλαττον οἰηθῇς εἶ εἶναι τὴν ἀντί- 
δοσιν, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ὁ ὁ Διομήδης ἴσως “ἀργυρᾶ χρυσῶν 
ἀντέδωκεν av,} ἅτε δὴ πολλῷ τῶν ἑτέρων ὄντα 
χρησιμώτερα καὶ τὰς αἰχμὰς οἱονεὶ 2 μολίβδου 
ten EXT PET EW εἰδότα. ταῦτά σοι προσπαίζο- 
μεν, ἀφ᾽ ὧν αὐτὸς γράφεις τὸ ἐνδόσιμον εἰς σὲ τῆς 
D παρρησίας λαμβάνοντες. σὺ δὲ εἰ τῷ ὄντι χρυσοῦ 
τιμιώτερα ἡμῖν δῶρα ἐθέλεις ἐκπέμπειν, γράφε, 
καὶ μὴ λῆγε συνεχῶς τοῦτο πράττων" ἐμοὶ γὰρ 
καὶ γράμμα παρὰ σοῦ μικρὸν ὅτου περ ἂν εἴπῃ τις 
ἀγαθοῦ κάλλιον εἶναι κρίνεται. 

n ἴω 3 
Λουκιανῷ σοφιστῇ 
404 Kai γράφω καὶ ἀντιτυχεῖν ἀξιῶ τῶν ἴσων. εἰ 

1 ἂν Cobet adds. 
5. οἱονεὶ Hercher deletes, Hertlein brackets, but the con- 
struction οἷον εἰ--δίκην occurs in letters not certainly Julian’s ; 
οἵ, 3930, p. 274, 440p, p. 222. 3 Hertlein 32. 

1 For this Julianic commonplace cf. Oration 6. 1978, note. 
* A sophistic commonplace; cf. Vol. 2, Letter to Themistius 
260A, note. He exchanged bronze armour for golden; Jliad 
6. 236, 


imagine silver to be more appropriate to the gods 
than gold; but that to man, at any rate, silver 
is more precious than gold and more familiar to 
them because it is not, like gold, hidden under the 
earth and does not avoid their eyes, but is both beau- 
tiful to the eye and more serviceable in daily life,— 
this, I say, is not my own theory?! but was held by 
men of old. If, therefore, in return for the gold coin 
sent by you I give you a piece of silver of equal 
value, think not that the favour is less and do not 
imagine that, as with Glaucus,? the exchange is to 
your disadvantage; for perhaps not even Diomede 
would have exchanged silver armour for golden, 
seeing that the former is far more serviceable than 
the latter, and like lead well fitted to turn the points 
of spears.2 All this I am saying in jest, and 1 take 
the cue* for my freedom of speech to you from what 
you write yourself. But if you really wish to send 
me gifts more precious than gold, write, and keep 
on writing regularly. For even a short letter from | 
you I hold to be more precious than any other 

blessing that one could name. 

To Lucian the Sophist ® 

Not only do I write to you but I demand to 
receive payment in kind. And if I treat you ill by 

3 Iliad 11. 237 ἀργύρῳ ἀντομένη, μόλιβος ὥς, ἐτράπετ᾽ αἰχμή. 

4 Literally ‘‘keynote”; cf. Zo Jamblichus 421a, p. 238. 

5 A merely sophistic letter of compliment such as this 
is a conventional “type” of the sort recommended in the 
contemporary handbooks on epistolary style. Gesner thinks 
it was addressed to the Lucian who wrote the dialogue 
Philopatris, preserved with the works of his illustrious 
namesake, but there is no eyidence of this. 





δὲ ἀδικῶ συνεχῶς ἐπιστέλλων, ἀνταδικηθῆναι déo- 
μαι τὰ ὅμοια παθών. 

᾿Ελπιδίῳ φιλοσόφῳ 1 

Ἔστι καὶ μικροῦ γράμματος ἡδονὴ μείζων, ὅταν 
ἡ τοῦ γράφοντος. εὔνοια μὴ τῇ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς σμι- 
κρότητι μᾶλλον ἢ ἢ τῷ τῆς ψυχῆς μεγέθει μετρῆται" 
εἰ δὲ δὴ καὶ νῦν βραχέα τὰ τῆς προσρήσεως ὑφ᾽ 
ἡμῶν γεγένηται, μηδ᾽ οὕτω 3 τὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς πόθον 
τεκμηριώσῃ, ἀλλ᾽ εἰδώς, ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ὁ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν 
ἔρως ἐπὶ σοὶ τέταται, τῇ μὲν τοῦ γράμματος βρα- 
χύτητι συγγνώμην νέμε, τοῖς ἴσοις ὲ ἡμᾶς ἀμεί- 
βεσθαι μὴ KaToKver. πᾶν γὰρ ὅ τι ἂν διδῷς, κἂν 
μικρὸν ἢ, παντὸς ἀγαθοῦ γνώρισμα παρ᾽ ἡμῖν 
Γεωργίῳ ΚΚαθολικῷ 3 

Ἡ μὲν ἠχὼ θεὸς ἔστω κατὰ σὲ καὶ λάλος, εἰ δὲ 
βούλει, καὶ Πανὶ σύξυγος" οὐ γὰρ διοίσομαι. κἂν 
γὰρ ἐθέλῃ με διδάσκειν ἡ φύσις ὅτι ἐστὶν ἠχὼ 
φωνῆς ἐς ἀέρος πλῆξιν ἀντίτυπος ἠχὴ πρὸς τοὔμ- 

2 , Hertlein 57. 

μὴ τούτῳ Hertlein suggests. 
ὃ ὁ δὲ τοῖς 54. 

1 We know from Libanius, Letter 758 Foerster, ΤῸ Julian, 
that towards the end of 362 Elpidius was at Antioch and in 
Julian’s confidence. This letter is purely formal and may 
have been written then, or earlier. There are several letters 
extant from Libanius to Elpidius. Cumont ascribed this 
letter to Julian of Caesarea. 



writing continually, then I beg you to illtreat me in 
return and make me suffer in the same way. 

To Elpidius, a Philosopher 1 

Even a short letter gives more pleasure when the 
writer's affection can be measured by the greatness 
of his soul rather than by the meagre proportions 
of what he writes. So that if I now address you 
briefly, do not even so conclude that the accompany- 
ing affection is equally slight, but since you know 
the full extent of my love for you, forgive the brevity 
of my letter and do not hesitate to answer me in 
one equally short. For whatever you send me, how- 
ever trifling, keeps alive in my mind a remembrance 
of all that is good. 

To George, a Revenue Official 3 

We tt, let us grant that Echo is a goddess, as 
you say she is, and a chatterbox, and, if you like, 
the wife of Pan? also; for I shall not object. And 
even though nature would fain inform me that Echo 
is only the sound of the voice answering back when 
the air is struck, and bent back upon that which is 

2 Otherwise unknown. ‘The title Catholicus (cf. our 
‘*General”) was used of officials in charge of the collection 
of tribute, especially in Africa ; it is equivalent to procwrator 
Jisct. George was probably a sophist. his and the following 
letter are rejected by Schwarz, Cumont and aba tain ὅτ because 
of their sophistic mannerisms. 

3 Moschus, Jdyl 6. 




παλιν τῆς ἀκοῆς ἀντανακλωμένη, ὅμως, παλαιῶν 
ἀνδρῶν ἔτι καὶ νέων οὐκ ἔλαττον ἢ τῷ σῷ πειθό- 
μενος λόγῳ, θεὸν εἶναι τὴν ἠχὼ δυσωποῦμαι. τί 
γοῦν ἂν εἴη τοῦτο πρὸς ἡμᾶς, εἰ πολλῷ τῷ μέτρῳ 
τοῖς πρὸς σὲ φιλικοῖς τὴν ἠχὼ νικῶμεν ; ἡ μὲν 
γὰρ οὐ πρὸς ἅπαντα, 6 τι ἂν ἀκούσῃ, μᾶλλον 7} 
πρὸς τὰ ἔσχατα τῆς φωνῆς ἀντιφθέγγεται, καθά- 
περ ἐρωμένη φειδωλὸς ἄκροις ἀντιφιλοῦσα τὸν 
ἐραστὴν τοῖς χείλεσιν" ἡμεῖς δὲ καὶ τῶν πρὸς σὲ 
κατάρχομεν ἡδέως͵ καὶ αὖθις εἰς τὴν παρὰ σοῦ 
πρόκλησιν οἱονεὶ " σφαίρας δίκην τὸ ἴσον ἀντιπέμ- 
πομεν. ὥστε οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις αὐτὸς ἔνοχος ὧν οἷς 
γράφεις, καὶ σαυτόν, ἀφ᾽ ὧν πλέον λαμβάνων ἐλά- 
χιστον ἀντιδίδως, οὐχ ἡμᾶς, ἐν οἷς ἐπ᾿ ἄμφω πλεο- 
νεκτεῖν σπεύδομεν, ἐς τὸ ὅμοιον τῆς εἰκόνος ἐγκρί- 
νων' πλὴν ἄν τε ἴσῳ τῷ μέτρῳ διδῷς ᾧπερ ἂν 
λάβῃς, ἄν τε μή, ἡμῖν ὅ τι ἂν ἐξῇ παρὰ σοῦ 
λαβεῖν ἡδὺ καὶ πρὸς τὸ ὅλον ἀρκεῖν πιστεύεται. 

Γεωργίῳ ἹΚαθολικῷ ὃ 

Ἦλθες, Τηλέμαχε, φησὶ τὸ ἔπος" ἐγὼ δέ σε καὶ 
εἶδον ἤδη τοῖς γράμμασι, καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς σοῦ ψυχῆς 

1 δὲ Hertlein suggests, but cf. Letter 71, p. 234. 

2 See note to Letter 63, 387c. 

3. Hertlein 8. Following Vossianus he omits καϑολικϑ, 
which is preserved in Ambrosianus L73. 

* For this conventional phrase, often used by Julian, cf. 
7.0 Hecebolius, p. 219, and 70 Sarapion, pp. 271, 277. 



opposite the ear that hears it, nevertheless, since 
I put my faith in the account given by men both 
ancient and modern,! and in your own account no 
less, I am abashed into admitting that Echo is a 
goddess.” What, in any case, would that matter to 
me, if only, in my expressions of friendship towards 
you, I excel Echo in a considerable degree? For she 
does not reply to all the sounds that she hears, but 
rather to the last syllables uttered by the voice, 
like a grudging sweetheart who returns her lover's 
kisses with the merest touch of her lips. I, on the 
other hand, in my correspondence with you, lead off 
sweetly, and then again, in reply to your challenge, 
I return you like for like as though I threw back a 
ball. Therefore you cannot be too quick in recog- 
nising that your letters put you in default, and that 
it is yourself, since you receive more and give back 
very little, whom you consign to the similitude of 
the figure, and not me, since I am eager to score off 
you in both ways.? However, whether you give in 
just the same degree as you receive, or not, whatever 
I am permitted to receive from you is a boon, and is 
credited as sufficient to balance the whole. 

To George, a Revenue Official ὅ 

* Tuou hast come, Telemachus!’’® as the verse 
says, but in your letters I have already seen you and 

* George had evidently used the figure of Echo, and 
accused Julian of imitating her. 

8 i.e. both in sending ne | receiving letters. 

* Perhaps the last two sentences are a playful allusion to 
George’s profession as a financier. 

δ᾽ Geficken and Cumont reject this letter. 

ὁ Odyssey 16. 23. 



377 τὴν εἰκόνα καθάπερ ὀλίγῃ σφραγῖδι μεγάλου χα- 
ρακτῆρος τύπον ἀνεμαξάμην. ἔστι γὰρ ἐν ὀλίγῳ 
πολλὰ δειχθῆναι" ἐπεὶ καὶ Φειδίας ὁ σοφὸς οὐκ 
ἐκ τῆς ᾿λυμπίασι μόνον ἢ ᾿Αθήνησιν εἰκόνος 
ἐγνωρίξετο, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδει καὶ μικρῷ γλύμματι μεγά- 
λης τέχνης ἔργον ἐγκλεῖσαι, οἷον δὴ τὸν τέττιγά 

Β φασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν μέλιτταν, εἰ δὲ βούλει, καὶ 
τὴν μυῖαν εἶναι" ὧν ἕκαστον, εἰ καὶ τῇ φύσει κε- 
χάλκωται, τῇ τέχνῃ γ᾽ ἐψύχωται. ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἐκεί- 
vous μὲν ἴσως αὐτῷ καὶ ἡ σμικρότης τῶν ζῴων. εἰς, 
τὴν κατὰ λόγον τέχνην τὸ εἰκὸς ἐχαρίξετο' σὺ δ᾽ 
ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀφ᾽ ἵππου θηρῶντα ᾿Αλέξανδρον, εἰ 
δοκεῖ, σκόπει, οὗ τὸ «μέτρον ἐστὶ πᾶν ὄνυχος οὐ 
μεῖζον. οὕτω δ᾽ «ἐφ᾽ ἑκάστου τὸ θαῦμα τῆς τέχνης 
κέχυται, ὥστε ὁ μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἤδη τὸ θηρίον 

C βάλλει καὶ τὸν θεατὴν φοβεῖ, δι᾿ ὅλου δυσωπῶν 
τοῦ σχήματος, ὁ δὲ ἵππος, ἐν ἄκρᾳ τῶν ποδῶν τῇ 
βάσει τὴν στάσιν φεύγων, ἐν τῇ τῆς ἐνεργείας 
κλοπῇ τῇ τέχνῃ κινεῖται" ὃ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς ἡμῖν, ὦ ὧ 
γενναῖε, ποιεῖς. ὥσπερ γὰρ ἐν “Ἑρμοῦ λογίου 
σταδίοις ov ὅλου πολλάκις τοῦ δρόμου στεφανω- 
θεὶς ἤδη, Ov ὧν ἐν ὀλίγοις γράφεις τῆς ἀρετῆς τὸ 
ἄκρον ἐμφαίνεις, καὶ τῷ ὄντι. τὸν ᾿Οδυσσέα τὸν 

D Ὁμήρου ζηλοῖς, ὃς καὶ μόνον εἰπὼν ὅστις ἦν ἤρκει 

1 The ascription to Pheidias the sculptor of works in the 
‘microtechnique’ described here, is sometimes due to the 
confusion, in the Roman period, of the fifth century Pheidias 
with a gem- -cutter of the same name who lived in the third 
century n.c. In the Jahrbuch d.k.d. Arch. Instituls, 1889, 
p. 210, Furtwiingler, who does not quote this letter, re- 
produces a gem from the British Museum collection signed 
by this later Pheidias; it is an Alexander on foot. The 
anachronism here makes the letter suspect. 




the image of your noble soul, and have received the 
impression thereof as of an imposing device on a 
small seal. For it is possible for much to be re- 
vealed in little. Nay even Pheidias the wise artist 
not only became famous for his statue at Olympia or 
at Athens, but he knew also how to confine a work 
of great art within the limits of a small piece of 
sculpture ; for instance, they say that his grasshopper 
and bee, and, if you please, his fly also, were of this 
sort; for every one of these, though naturally com- 
posed of bronze, through his artistic skill became a 
living thing. In those works, however, the very 
smallness of the living models perhaps contributed 
the appearance of reality to his skilful art; and do 
you, please, look at his Alexander! hunting on horse- 
back, for its whole measurement is no larger than 
a fingernail.? Yet the marvellous skill of the work- 
manship is so lavished on every detail that Alexander 
at one and the same time strikes his quarry and 
intimidates the spectator, scaring him by his whole 
bearing, while the horse, reared on the very tips of 
his hoofs, is about to take a step and leave the 
pedestal, and by creating the illusion of vigorous 
action is endowed with movement by the artist’s 
skill. This is exactly the effect that you have on me, 
my excellent friend. For after having been crowned 
often, already, as victor over the whole course, so to 
speak, in the lists of Hermes, the God of Eloquence, 
you now display the highest pitch of excellence in a 
few written words. And in very truth you imitate 
Homer's Odysseus,? who, by merely saying who he 
2 See Vol. 1, Oration 3, 1124 for a reference to this kind of 


3 Odyssey 9. 19. 


VOL. Ill, ῳ 




TOUS Φαίακας ἐκπλῆξαι. εἰ δέ τι καὶ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν 
τοῦ κατὰ σὲ φιλικοῦ καπνοῦ δέει, φθόνος οὐδείς. 
πάντως που καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἡττόνων εἶναί τι XpN- 
στὸν ὁ μῦς τὸν λέοντα ἐν τῷ μύθῳ σώσας ἀρκούν- 
τως δείκνυσιν. 

Δοσιθέῳ 5 

Μικροῦ μοι ἐπῆλθε δακρῦσαι" καίτοι γε ἐχρῆν 
εὐφημεῖν τοὔνομα τὸ σὸν φθεγξάμενον' ἀνεμνήσθην 
γὰρ τοῦ γενναίου καὶ πάντα θαυμασίου πατρὸς 
ἡμῶν, 5 ὃ ὃν εἰ μὲν ζηλώσεις, αὐτός τε εὐδαίμων. ἔ ἔσῃ, 
καὶ τῷ βίῳ δώσεις, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνος, ἐφ᾽ ὅτῳ φιλο- 
τιμήσεται" ῥᾳθυμήσας δὲ λυπήσεις ἐμέ, σαυτῷ δὲ 

ὅτε μηδὲν ὄφελος μέμψῃ. 

Ἵμερίῳ 4 

3 > , \ > \ 5 / 

Οὐκ ἀδακρυτί σου τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἀνέγνων, ἣν 
ἐπὶ τῷ τῆς συνοικούσης θανάτῳ πεποίησαι, τοῦ 
πάθους τὴν ὑπερβολὴν ἀγγείλας. πρὸς γὰρ τῷ 

1 δέῃ, Parisinas 2964, Heyler, cf. Leiter 6, 4038. 

2 Hertlein 33. ® ὑμῶν Reiske. 

4 Hertlein 37. Varsaviensis, δ ὦ Ἱμερίῳ Cumont accepts ; 
Baroceianus Ἱμερίῳ ἐπάρχῳ Αἰγύπτου ἐπὶ τῇ γυναικὶ according to 
Hertlein, Ἡμερίῳ «.7.A. Cumont. Parisinus, Hertlein *Apeple. 

1 George had perhaps in his letter referred to the longing 
of Odysseus to see even the smoke of his native land, an 
had compared his friend’s letters to that smoke. 



was, was able to dazzle the Phaeacians, But if even 
from me you require some of what you call “ friendly 
smoke,’ 1 shall not begrudge it. Surely the mouse 
who saved the lion in the fable? is proof enough 
that something useful may come even from one’s 

To Dositheus 8 

I am almost in tears—and yet the very utterance of 
your name ought to have been an auspicious sound, 
—for I recall to mind our noble and wholly admirable 
father. If you make it your aim to imitate him, 
not only will you yourself be happy but also you will 
give to human life, as he did, an example of which it 
will be proud. But if you are indolent you will 
grieve me, and you will blame yourself when blaming 
will not avail. 

To Himerius® 

I coutp not read without tears the letter which 
you wrote after your wife’s death, in which you told 
me of your surpassing grief. For not only does the 

* Babrius, Fable 107; Aesop, Fable 256. 

3 Otherwise unknown. 

4 If the MS. reading is retained, Julian must. be referring 
to someone who had taught them both. This was a regular 
usage and the teacher of one’s own teacher could be referred 
to as ‘‘ grandfather.” 

5 Of Hertlein’s “" Amerius” we know nothing. See Intro- 
duction, under Himerius. 

ο 2 


καὶ καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸ λύπης TO EvpBav ἄξιον εἶναι, 
γυναῖκα νέαν καὶ σώφρονα καὶ θυμήρη τῷ γή- 
x / e a 
μαντι, πρὸς δὲ καὶ παίδων ἱερῶν ᾿ μητέρα, πρὸ 
Ὁ a a a 
ὥρας ἀναρπασθῆναι καθάπερ δᾷδα λαμπρῶς ἡμ- 
/ s » > / la) \ ’ 
μένην, εἶτα ἐν ὀλίγῳ καταβαλοῦσαν τὴν φλόγα, 
, \ na , 
ἔτι Kal TO τὰ τοῦ πάθους εἰς σὲ τείνειν οὐχ ἧττόν 
μοι δοκεῖ λυπηρὸν εἶναι. ἥκιστα γὰρ δὴ πάντων 
vy te ς Ν ΚΝ ἘΣ / 9? n \ 2 
ἄξιος ἣν ὁ καλὸς ἡμῖν “Ἱμέριος " ἀλγεινοῦ τινὸς εἰς 
a > a » RE \ / ‘ a 
πεῖραν ἐλθεῖν, ἀνὴρ καὶ λόγῳ χρηστὸς Kal ἡμῖν 
, \ 7 lal / e ’ » 
εἰς τὰ μάλιστα τῶν φίλων ὁ ποθεινότατος. οὐ 
\ > > ’ ἈΝ v4 9 e / \ / 
μὴν ἀλλ, εἰ μὲν ἕτερος HV, ᾧ γράφειν περὶ τούτων 
ἐχρῆν, πάντως ἂν ἔδει μοι πλειόνων εἰς τοῦτο 
4 \ e ᾿] , \ \ i? 
λόγων, TO TE συμβὰν ws ἀνθρώπινον καὶ TO φέρειν 
id » - Ν \ \ > lal a > a 
ὡς ἀναγκαῖον Kal TO μηδὲν ἐκ τοῦ μᾶλλον ἀλγεῖν 
\ r 
ἔχειν πλέον, Kal πάντα ὅσα ἐδόκει πρὸς τὴν TOU 
πάθους παραμυθίαν ἁρμόττειν ὡς ἀγνοοῦντα διδά- 
΄ a \ 
σκοντι. ἐπεὶ δὲ αἰσχρὸν ἡγοῦμαι πρὸς ἄνδρα καὶ 
\ A al 50. 7 a , 
τοὺς ἄλλους νουθετεῖν εἰδότα ποιεῖσθαι λόγους, 
e \ \ \ 50. 7 a / / 
ols χρὴ τοὺς μὴ εἰδότας σωφρονεῖν παιδεύειν, φέρε 
ἊΝ \ 3 \ ” 9 "» “ fa 
σοι Ta ἄλλα παρεὶς ἀνδρὸς εἴτ᾽ εἴπω σοφοῦ μῦθον 
” \ / > a \ \ ,᾿ > / a 
εἴτε δὴ λόγον ἀληθῆ, σοὶ μὲν ἴσως ov EEvov, τοῖς 
πλείοσι δέ, ὡς εἰκός, ἄγνωστον, ᾧ δὴ καὶ μόνῳ χρη- 
σάμενος ὥσπερ φαρμάκῳ νηπενθεῖ λύσιν ἂν εὕροις 
Qn / > > / fal 4 ἃ « ’ὔ 
τοῦ πάθους οὐκ ἐλάττω τῆς κύλικος, ἣν ἡ Λάκαινα 
a a / 
τῷ Τηλεμάχῳ πρὸς τὸ ἴσον τῆς χρείας ὀρέξαι πι- 

1 γνεαρῶν Thomas suggests, but ἱερὸς is Julianic in the sense 
of ‘* precious,” 2 Αμέριος, Parisinus 2755. 



event in itself call for sorrow, when a young and 
virtuous: wife, the joy of her husband's heart,! and 
moreover the mother of precious children, is prema- 
turely snatched away like a torch that has been 
_kindled and shines brightly, and in a little while its 
flame dies down, but over and above this, the fact 
that it is you to whom this sorrow has come seems to 
me to make it still more grievous. For least of all 
men did our good Himerius deserve to experience 
any afHiction, excellent orator that he is, and of all 
my friends the best beloved. Moreover, if it were 
any other man to whom 1 had to write about this, 
I should certainly have had to use more words in 
dealing with it; for instance, I should have said that 
such an event is the common lot, that we must needs 
submit, that nothing is gained by excessive grief, and 
I should have uttered all the other commonplaces 
considered appropriate for the alleviation of suffering, 
that is if I were exhorting one who did not know them. 
But since I think it unbecoming to offer to a man 
who well knows how to instruct others the sort of 
argument by which one must school those who are 
too ignorant for self-control, see now, I will forbear 
all such phrases; but I will relate to you a fable, or 
it may be a true story, of a certain wise man, which 
perhaps is not new to you, though it is probably 
unfamiliar to most people ; and if you will use this 
and this alone, as though it were a drug to relieve 
pain, you will find release from your sorrow, as surely as 
from that cup which the Spartan woman ? is believed 
to have offered to Telemachus when his need was as 

1 An echo of Jliad 9. 336 ἄλοχον θυμαρέα. 
2 Helen, Odyssey 4. 220, a rhetorical commonplace ; cf. 
Vol. 2, Oration 8. 2408, p. 167, note. 



413 στεύεται. φασὶ yap Δημόκριτον τὸν ᾿Αβδηρίτην, 


ἐπειδὴ Δαρείῳ γυναικὸς καλῆς ἀλγοῦντι θάνατον 
, / 
οὐκ εἶχεν ὅ TL ἂν εἰπὼν εἰς παραμυθίαν ἀρκέσειεν, 
ig / e \ > a ? an > 7, 
ὑποσχέσθαι οἱ τὴν ἀπελθοῦσαν εἰς φῶς ἀνάξειν, 
ἣν ἐθελήσῃ τῶν εἰς τὴν χρείαν ἡκόντων ὑποστῆναι 
/ ’ Ν 
τὴν χορηγίαν. κελεύσαντος δ᾽ ἐκείνου μηδενὸς 
, Ὁ > xX Jen , =") ἀν αν 
φείσασθαι, 6 τι δ᾽ ἂν ἐξῇ λαβόντα τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν 
“ Ν 4 / a 
ἐμπεδῶσαι, μικρὸν ἐπισχόντα χρόνον εἰπεῖν, ὅτι 
a \ an a 
τὰ μὲν ἄλλα αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ ἔργου πρᾶξιν 
’ , ἃ Ν 
συμπορισθείη, μόνου δὲ ἑνὸς προσδέοιτο, ὃ δὴ 
> \ Ν > ΝΜ [κέ Ἃ / a \ 
αὐτὸν μὲν οὐκ ἔχειν ὅπως ἂν λάβοι, Δαρεῖον δὲ 
΄ / ce an ’ e > al XN »” 
ws βασιλέα ὅλης τῆς Actas ov χαλεπῶς ἂν Laws 
-“ ’ὔ “ re 
εὑρεῖν. ἐρομένου δ᾽ ἐκείνου, τί ἂν εἴη τοσοῦτον ὃ 
μόνῳ βασιλεῖ γνωσθῆναι συγχωρεῖται, ὑπολα- 
/ \ , al a 
Bovra φασὶ τὸν Δημόκριτον εἰπεῖν, εἰ τρεῶν ἀπεν- 
5 ’ A an 
θήτων ὀνόματα TO τάφῳ THs γυναικὸς ἐπυγρά- 
‘ \ a fol an 
ψείεν, εὐθὺς αὐτὴν ἀναβιώσεσθαι τῷ τῆς τελετῆς 
, ἴω / 
νόμῳ δυσωπουμένην. ἀπορήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Δαρείου 
Yi a 
καὶ μηδένα apa δυνηθέντος εὑρεῖν ὅτῳ μὴ Kal 
a / 
παθεῖν λυπηρόν τι συνηνέχθη, γελάσαντα συνή- 
Ν / a 
θως tov Δημόκριτον εἰπεῖν “ Ti οὖν, ὦ πάντων 
ἀτοπώτατε, θρηνεῖς ἀνέδην ὡς μόνος ἀλγεινῷ το- 
“ e a 
σούτῳ συμπλακείς, ὁ μηδὲ Eva τῶν πώποτε γεγο- 
ῇ 7 2 / / ” ς ὅς 9% 28 \ 
νότων ἄμοιρον οἰκείου πάθους ἔχων εὑρεῖν. ἀλλὰ 
“ Ν :] 4 Μ a » ’ 
ταῦτα μὲν ἀκούειν ἔδει Δαρεῖον, ἄνδρα βάρβαρον 

1 The Atomistic philosopher, cf. Diels, Die Fragmente der 
Vorsokratiker 2. 16. 41. This is a traditional anecdote, told 
of Herodes Atticus and Demonax by Lucian, Demonax 25, 
and only here of Darius and Democritus, 



great as your own. Now the story is that when 
Darius was in great grief for the death of a beauti- 
ful wife, Democritus! of Abdera could not by any 
argument succeed in consoling him; and so he 
promised him that he would bring back the departed 
to life, if Darius were willing to undertake to supply 
him with everything necessary for the purpose. Darius 
bade him spare no expense but take whatever he 
needed and make good his promise. After waiting 
a little, Democritus said that he was provided with 
everything else for carrying out his task, but still 
needed one thing only, which he himself did not 
know how to obtain; Darius, however, as King of all 
Asia, would perhaps find it without difficulty. And 
when the King asked him what it might be, this 
great thing which it was possible for only a king to 
know of, they say that Democritus in reply declared 
that if he- would inscribe on his wife's tomb the 
names of three persons who had never mourned for 
anyone, she would straightway come to life again, 
since she could not disobey the authority of this 
mystic rite. Then Darius was in a dilemma, and 
could not find any man who had not had to bear 
some great sorrow, whereupon Democritus burst out 
laughing,? as was his wont, and said: “ Why, then, 
O most absurd of men, do you mourn without ceas- 
ing, as though you were the only man who had ever 
been involved in so great a grief, you who cannot 
discover a single person of all who have ever lived 
who was without his share of personal sorrow?” 
But though it was necessary to say these things to 
Darius, a barbarian and a man of no education, the slave 

2 Democritus was known as ‘‘the laughing Philosopher 
cf. Oration 6. 1860, Vol. 2, p. 20, Wright. 




Kal ἀπαίδευτον, ἔκδοτον ἡδονῇ καὶ πάθει" σὲ δέ, 
ἄνδρα Ἕλληνα καὶ παιδείαν ἀληθῆ “πρεσβεύοντα, 
καὶ παρὰ σαυτοῦ τὸ ἄκος ἐχρῆν ἔχειν, ἐπεὶ καὶ 
ἄλλως αἰσχύνη τῷ "λογισμῷ γένοιτ᾽ ἄν, εἰ μὴ 
ταὐτὸν σθένοι τῷ χρόνῳ. 


Διογένης ὁ ὁ σὸς υἱὸς ὀφθείς μοι μετὰ τὴν ἔξοδον 
τὴν σὴν καὶ φήσας ὠργίσθαι σέ τι πρὸς αὐτόν, 
οἷον ἂν πατὴρ πρὸς παῖδα χαλεπήνειεν, ἐδεήθη 
μέσον με τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν καταλλαγῶν παρὰ σοὶ 
γενέσθαι. εἰ μὲν οὖν μέτρια καὶ οἷα δύνασθαι 
φέρειν ἥ ἥμαρτεν, εἶξον τῇ φύσει καὶ τὸ “πατὴρ εἶναι 
γνοὺς ἐπάνελθε πρὸς τὸν παῖδα τῇ γνώμῃ" εἰ 
δέ τι μεῖξον ἔπταικεν ἢ οἷον πρὸς συγγνώμην 
ἐλθεῖν, αὐτὸς ἂν εἴης δικαιότερος κριτής," εἴτε δεῖ 
καὶ τοῦτο γενναίως ἐνεγκόντα νικῆσαι τοῦ παιδὸς 
τὴν βουλὴν γνώμῃ κρείττονι, εἴτε καὶ πλείονος 
χρόνου σωφρονισμῷ τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ πταισθέντι βάσα- 
νον πιστεῦσαι. 


Tpit ἡγεμόνι 3 
᾿Εμοὶ καὶ γράμμα παρὰ σοῦ μικρὸν ἀρκεῖ μεγά- 
λης ἡδονῆς πρόφασιν μνηστεῦσαι. καὶ τοίνυν, 

1 Hertlein 70. 2 Hertlein 28. 

* Diogenes is otherwise unknown. Schwarz places this 
letter between January and June 362, when Julian was at 
Constantinople, _The tone seems to imply that he was already 


—— σῶν ὅμωυ 


both of pleasure and of grief, you, on the other hand, 
are a Greek, and honour true learning, and you must 
find your remedy from within; for surely it would 
be a disgrace to the reasoning faculty if it had not 
the same potency as time. 

To Diogenes ὦ 

Your son Diogenes, whom I saw after you went 
away, told me that you had been much irritated with 
him for some reason that would naturally make a 
father feel vexed with his child, and he implored me 
to act as mediator in a reconciliation between him 
and yourself. Now, if he has committed some error 
of a mild and not intolerable kind, do you yield to 
nature, recognise that you are a father, and again 
turn your thoughts to your child. But if his offence 
is too serious to admit of immediate forgiveness, it is 
right for you yourself rather than for me to decide 
whether you ought to bear even that with a generous 
spirit and overcome your son’s purpose by wiser 
thoughts, or to entrust the offender’s probation to 
a longer period of discipline. 

To Commander Gregory 5 

Even a short letter from you is enough to provide 
me with grounds for feeling greatly pleased. Ac- 

Emperor, but the note is purely conventional, a ‘‘ type” of 
the letter of intervention. 

2 A Gregorius Dux was pretorian prefect in 336, accord- 
ing to Codex Theodosianus 3. 1.2, but this purely formal letter 
of the type that survived in epistolary handbooks is ars 
addressed to a younger man. 




οἷς ἔγραψας ἄγαν. ἡσθεὶς, ἀντιδίδωμι καὶ αὐτὸς 
τὴν ἴσην, οὐ τῷ τῶν ἐπιστολῶν μήκει μᾶλλον ἢ 
τῷ τῆς εὐνοίας μεγέθει τὰς τῶν ἑταίρων φιλίας 
ἐκτίνεσθαι δεῖν κρίνων. 

Πλουτάρχῳ | 

Πάντων μὲν ἕνεκά μοι τὸ σῶμα διάκειται με- 
τρίως, οὐ “μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τῆς γνώμης ἔχει καλῶς. 
οἶμαι δ᾽ ἐγὼ τούτου προοίμιον εἶναι μηδὲν κρεῖττον 
ἐπιστολῇ φίλῳ παρὰ φίλου πεμπομένῃ. τίνος 
οὖν ἐστι τὸ προοίμιον ; αἰτήσεως, οἶμαι. τίς δὲ 
ἡ αἴτησις ; ἐπιστολῶν ἀμοιβαίων, ἃ ἃς εἴη γε καὶ 
κατὰ διάνοιαν “ὁμολογῆσαι ταῖς ἐμαῖς, αἴσια παρὰ 
σοῦ ταὐτὰ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἐξαγγελλούσας. 

Μαξιμίνῳ 3 


Ναῦς ἐπέταξα γενέσθαι περὶ τὰς ,Κεγχρέας" τὸ 
μὲν οὖν ὅσας ὁ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγούμενος φράσει, 
τὸ δὲ ὅ ὅπας χρὴ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἄκουε 
map ἡμῶν" ἀδωροδοκήτως καὶ ταχέως. ὅπως δὲ 
μὴ “μεταμελήσει, σοι τῆς τοιαύτης ὑπουργίας, 
αὐτὸς σὺν θεοῖς ἐπιμελήσομαι. 

1 Hertlein 48, Ζήνωνι, To Zeno; I follow Cumont in re- 
jecting this title, which does not appear in any MS. and was 
introduced by Heyler, who derived it from the Paris edition 

1605. Πλουτάρχῳ is the title in the Papadopoulos (Chalce) 
MSS. 2 Papadopoulos 5*. 

1 This <p? be the ohscure Athenian philosopher, a con- 
temporary of Julian; cf. Marinus, Proclus 12, 



a la Ἂς 


cordingly, since I was exceedingly pleased with what 
you wrote to me, 1 in turn send you a letter of the 
same length, because in my judgement the friendly 
greetings of comrades ought to be rewarded not by 
length of letter so much as by magnitude of goodwill. 

To Plutarch ! 

In all respects my bodily health is fairly good, and 
indeed my state of mind is no less satisfactory. I 
fancy there can be no better prelude than this toa 

letter sent from one friend to another. And to what 

is this the prelude? Toa request, of course! And 
what is the request? It is for letters in return, and 
in their sentiments may they harmonise with my 
own letters and bring me similar news from you, and 
equally auspicious. 

To Maximinus 2 

I nave given orders that there shall be ships at 
Cenchreae.? The number of these you will learn 
from the governor of the Hellenes,* but as to how 
you are to discharge your commission you may now 
hear from me. [Ὁ must be without bribery and with- 
out delay. I will myself, with the help of the gods, 
see that you do not repent of having done your duty 
as I have indicated. 

2 Nothing is known of Maximinus or the circumstances ; if 
the letter is genuine, as is probable, it may refer to Julian’s 
preparations for his march against Constantius in 361. 

3 A coast town δ΄. ΝΥ. of the Isthmus of Corinth. 

4 2.6. the proconsul of Achaia who resided at Corinth. 




Ιαμβλίχῳ 1 

᾿Εχρῆν μὲν ἡμᾶς τῷ γράμματι πειθομένους τῷ 
Δελφικῷ γιγνώσ kev ἑαυτοὺς καὶ μὴ τολμᾶν ἀνδρὸς 
ἀκοῆς τοσούτου καταθαρρεῖν, ᾧ ᾧ καὶ ὀφθέντι μόνον 
ἀντιβλέψαι δυσχερές, ἤ ἤ που τὴν πάνσοφον ἅρμο- 
νίαν κινοῦντι πρὸς τὸ ἴσον ἐλθεῖν, ἐ ἐπεὶ κἂν Πανὶ 
μέλος λιγυρὸν ἠχοῦντι πᾶς ὅστις ἐκσταίη, κἂν 
"A ρισταῖος ἦ, καὶ ᾿Απόλλωνι πρὸς κιθάραν ψάλ- 
λοντι πᾶς ὅστις ἠρεμοίη, κἂν τὴν ᾿Ορφέως μου- 
σικὴν εἰδῇ. τὸ γὰρ ἧττον τῷ κρείττονι, καθ᾽ ὅ ὅσον 
ἧττόν ἐστιν, εἴκοι ἂν δικαίως, εἰ μέλλοι τό τε 
οἰκεῖον καὶ τὸ μὴ τί ἐστι γιγνώσκειν. ὅστις δ᾽ 
ἐνθέῳ μουσικῇ θνητὸν ἀνθαρμόσαι μέλος ἤλπισεν, 
οὐκ ἔμαθέ που τὸ Μαρσύου τοῦ Φρυγὸς πάθος, 
οὐδὲ τὸν ὁμώνυμον ἐκείνῳ ποταμόν, ὃς “μανέντος 
αὐλητοῦ τιμωρίαν μαρτυρεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὴν Θαμύ- 
ριδος τοῦ Θρᾳκὸς τελευτὴν ἤκουσεν, ὃς ταῖς 
Μούσαις οὐκ εὐτυχῶς ἀντεφθέγξατο. τί γὰρ δεῖ 
τὰς Σειρῆνας λέγειν, ὧν ἔτι τὸ πτερὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ 

1 Hertlein 41, τῷ αὐτῷ, as his Letter 40 is to Iamblichus. 

Δ Letlers 74-83, with the possible exception of 81, are 
certainly not by Julian. 




To Iamblichus 

I ovent indeed to have obeyed the Delphic 
inscription “ Know Thyself,’ and not have ventured 
to affront the ears of so great a man as yourself; for 
only to look you in the face, when one meets your 
eye, is no easy matter, and it is much less easy to 
try to rival you when you wake the harmony of your 
unfailing wisdom, seeing that if Pan roused the 
echoes with his shrill song everyone would yield him 
place, yes, even though it were Aristaeus? himself, 
and when Apollo played the lyre everyone would 
keep silence, even though he knew the music of 
Orpheus. For it is right that the inferior, in so far 
as it is inferior, should yield to the superior, that is 
if it is to know what is appropriate to itself and 
what is not. But he who has conceived the hope of 
matching his mortal song with inspired music has 
surely never heard of the sad fate of Marsyas the 
Phrygian, or of the river which is named after 
him and bears witness to the punishment of that 
insane flute-player, nor has he heard of the end of 
Thamyris, the Thracian who, in an evil hour, strove in 
song against the Muses. Need I mention the Sirens, 
whose feathers the victorious Muses still wear on 

* For Aristaeus see Vergil, Georgics 4; he is a vegetation 
deity not usually associated with music. 




μετώπου φέρουσιν αἱ νικήσασαι ; ἀλλ᾽ ἐκείνων 
μὲν ἕκαστος ἀμούσου τόλμης ἀρκοῦσαν ἔτι καὶ 
νῦν ἐκτίνει τῇ μνήμῃ δίκην, ἡμᾶς δὲ ἔδει μέν, ὡς 
ἔφην, εἴσω τῶν οἰκείων ὅρων ἑστάναι καὶ τῆς ὑπὸ 
σοῦ “μουσικῆς ἐμφορουμένους ἠρεμεῖν, ὥσπερ οἱ 
τὴν ᾿Απόλλωνος μαντείαν ἐξ ἀδύτων ἱἑ “ερῶν 7 pot- 
οὔσαν ἡσυχῇ δέχονται" ἐπεὶ δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἡμῖν τοῦ 
μέλους τὸ ἐνδόσιμον μνηστεύεις καὶ οἷον “Ἑρμοῦ 
ῥάβδῳ τῷ παρὰ σαυτοῦ λόγῳ κινεῖς καὶ διεγείρεις 
καθεύδοντας, φέρε σοι, καθάπερ οἱ τῷ Διονύσῳ 
τὸν θύρσον κρούσαντι πρὸς τὴν χορείαν ἄνετοι 
φέρονται, οὕτω καὶ ἡμεῖς ὑπὸ τῷ σῷ πλήκτρῳ τὸ 
εἰκὸς ἀντηχήσωμεν, ὥσπερ οἱ τῷ χοροστάτῃ πρὸς 
τὸ ἀνάκλημα τοῦ ῥυθμοῦ συνομαρτοῦντες. καὶ 
πρῶτόν σοι τῶν λόγων, οὺς βασιλεῖ κελεύσαντι 
πρὸς τὴν ἀοίδιμον τοῦ πορθμοῦ ζεῦξιν ἔναγχος 
ἐξειργασάμεθα, ἐπειδὴ τοῦτό ἐστί σοι δοκοῦν, 
ἀπαρξώμεθα, μικρὰ μὲν ἀντὶ μεγάλων καὶ τῷ ὄντι 
χαλκᾶ χρυσῶν ἀντιδιδόντες, οἷς δὲ ἐ ἔχομεν ξενίοις 
τὸν ᾿Βρμῆν τὸν ἡμέτερον ἑστιῶντες. πάντως οὐδὲ 
τῆς Ἑκάλης ὁ 0 Θησεὺς τοῦ δείπνου τὸ λιτὸν ann: 
Eiwoev, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδει Kal μικροῖς ἐς τὸ ἀναγκαῖον 
ἀρκεῖσθαι. ὁ Πὰν δὲ ὁ νόμιος τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ 
βουκόλου τὴν σύριγγα προσαρμύσαι τοῖς χείλεσιν 

1 Cumont would read ποταμοῦ. 

* The Muses, having defeated the Sirens in a singing 
competition, tore out “their feathers and wore them as a 
symbol of victory. 

* Geffcken tries to connect this passage with the order of 
Constantius to Julian to send his troops across the Bosporus 
en route to Persia. Cumont’s reading ποταμοῦ “ of the river’ 
supposes that Constantine’s bridge over the Danube in 328 is 



———— σσστω ψο. 


their brows?! But each one of those that I have 
named is still even now paying in the tradition the 
fitting penalty for his boorishness and temerity, and 
I, as I said, ought to have stayed within my own 
boundaries and held my peace while I enjoyed my 
fill of the music uttered by you, like those who 

_ receive in silence the oracle of Apollo when it issues 

from the sacred shrine. But since you yourself 
furnish me with the keynote of my song, and by your 
words, as though with the wand of Hermes, arouse 
and wake me from sleep, lo now, even as when 
Dionysus strikes his thyrsus his followers—rush 
riotous to the dance, so let me too in response to 
your plectron make answering music, like those who 
accompany the choirmaster, keeping time to the call 
of the rhythm. And in the first place let me make a 
first-offering to you, since this is your pleasure, of the 
speeches which I recently composed at the Emperor's 
command in honour of the glorious bridging of the 
strait,? though what I offer you is returning small for 
great and in very truth bronze for gold®; yet I am 
entertaining our Hermes with such fare as I have. 
Surely Theseus did not disdain the plain meal that 
Hecale * provided, but knew how to content himself 
with humble fare when the need arose. Nor was Pan, 
the god of shepherds, too proud to set to his lips the 
pipe of the boy neat-herd.5 Then do you also in your 

meant; cf. Aurelius Victor 41. 18, pons per Danubium 
ductus. In my opinion the sophist who wrote this letter 
had composed speeches on the stock theme of Xerxes and the 
Hellespont. 3 See p. 218. 

4 The tale is told in the brief epic of Callimachus, the 
Hecale, of which we have fragments; also in Plutarch, 

5 Theocritus 1. 128. 



οὐκ ἠτίμασε. προσοῦ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς τὸν λόγον 
εὐμενεῖ νεύματι, καὶ μὴ ἀποκνήσῃς ὀλίγῳ μέλει 
μεγάλην ἀκοὴν ἐνδοῦναι. ἀλλ᾽ ἐὰν μὲν ἔχῃ τι 
δεξιόν, αὐτός τε ὁ λόγος εὐτυχεῖ καὶ ὁ ποιητὴς 
αὐτοῦ τῆς παρὰ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς “ψήφου τὴν μαρτυρίαν 
προσλαβών. εἰ δ᾽ ἔτι χειρὸς ἐντελοῦς εἰς τὸ τοῦ 
ὅλου πλήρωμα προσδεῖται, μὴ ἀπαξιώσῃς αὐτὸς 
τὸ ἐνδέον προσθεῖναι. ἤδη που καὶ ἀνδρὶ τοξότῃ 
κληθεὶς ὁ θεὸς παρέστη καὶ συνεφήψατο τοῦ 
βέλους, καὶ κιθαρῳδῷ τὸν ὄρθιον ἄδοντι, πρὸς τὸ 
ἐλλεῖπον τῆς χορδῆς ὑπὸ τῷ τέττιγι τὸ ἴσον ὁ 
Πύθιος ἀντεφθέγξατο. 

τῷ αὐτῷ * 

& .« 

Ἢ Ζεῦ, πῶς ἔχει καλῶς ἡμᾶς μὲν ἐν Θράκῃ δι- 
ἄγειν. μέσῃ καὶ τοῖς ἐνταῦθα σιροῖς ἐγχειμάξειν, 
παρ᾽ Ἰαμβλίχου δὲ τοῦ καλοῦ καθάπερ ἑῴου τινὸς 
ἔαρος ἡμῖν τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἀντὶ χελιδόνων. πέμπε- 
σθαι, καὶ “μήτε ἡμῖν εἶναι “μηδέπω παρ᾽ αὐτὸν 
ἐλθεῖν μήτ' αὐτῷ παρ᾽ ἡ ἡμᾶς ἥκειν ἐξεῖναι"; τίς ἂν 
ἑκὼν εἶναι ταῦτα δέξαιτο, ἐὰν μὴ Θρᾷξ τις ἢ καὶ 
Τηρέως ἀντάξιος ; 

Ζεῦ ἄνα, ἀλλὰ σὺ ῥῦσαι ἀπὸ Θρήκηθεν 

ποίησον δ᾽ αἴθρην, δὸς δ᾽ ὀφθαλμοῖσιν ἰδέσθαι 
1 Hertlein 53, entitled Ἰαμβλίχῳ φιλοσόφῳ. 

2 ἥξειν ἐξεῖναι MSS., Horkel would delete; Hertlein ἥκειν 
or delete. 



) Ὶ 


turn accept my discourse in ἃ gracious spirit and do 
not refuse to lend your mighty ear to my humble 
strain. But if it has any cleverness at all, then not 
only is my discourse itself fortunate but so too is its 
author, in that he has obtained the testimony of 
Athene’s vote.t And if it still needs a finishing 
touch to complete it as a whole, do not refuse to add 
to it yourself what it needs. Before now the god in 
answer to prayer has stood by the side of a bow- 
man and set his hand to the arrow, and again, when 
a bard was playing the cithara and singing a high 
and stirring strain, the Pythian god, when the string 
failed, assumed the guise of a cicada and uttered a 
note of the same tone. 

To the Same 

O Zxus, how can it be right that I should spend 
my time in the middle of Thrace and winter in the 
grain-pits ? here, while from charming lamblichus, as 
though from a sort of spring inthe East, letters come 
to me like swallows and I cannot yet go to him nor ᾿ 
can he come to me? Who would be willing to put 
up with this unless he were some Thracian and as 
bad as Tereus ?3 

“Lord Zeus do thou rescue the Achaeans from 
Thrace and make clear weather and grant us to see 

1 The suffragium Minervae; the proverb is derived from 
Aeschylus, Hwmenides, where Athene, by breaking a tie vote, _ 
saved Orestes. : 

3 The phrase is borrowed from Demosthenes, On the 
Chersonese 45. 8. Tereus was king of Thrace. 





ποτὲ τὸν ἡμέτερον “Ἑρμῆν καὶ τά τε ἀνάκτορα 
αὐτοῦ προσειπεῖν καὶ τοῖς ἕδεσιν ἐμφῦναι, καθάπερ 
τὸν Οδυσσέα φασίν, ὃ ὅτε ἐκ τῆς ἄλης τὴν ᾿Ιθάκην 
εἶδεν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκεῖνον μὲν οἱ Φαίακες ἔτι καθεύδοντα 
ὥσπερ TL φορτίον ἐκθέμενοι τῆς νεὼς ὥχοντο" 
ἡμᾶς δὲ οὐδὲ ὕ ὕπνος αἱρεῖ, μέχρις ἂν σέ, τὸ μέγα 
τῆς οἰκουμένης ὄφελος, ἰδεῖν ἐγγένηται. καίτοι 
σὺ μὲν τὴν ἑῴαν ὅλην ἐμέ τε καὶ τὸν ἑταῖρον 
Σώπατρον εἰς τὴν Θράκην peter ηνοχέναι προσπαί- 
ζεις" ἡμῖν δέ, εἰ χρὴ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, ἕως ἂν ἸἸάμ- 
βλιχος μὴ παρῇ, Κιμμερίων ἀχλὺς συνοικεῖ. 
καὶ σὺ μὲν δυοῖν θάτερον αἰτεῖς, ἢ ἡμᾶς παρὰ 
σὲ ἥκειν ἢ αὐτόν σε παρ᾽ ἡμᾶς. ἡμῖν δὲ 
τὸ μὲν ἕτερον εὐκταῖόν τε ὁμοῦ καὶ σύμφορον, 
αὐτοὺς ἐπανελθεῖν ὡς σὲ καὶ τῶν παρὰ σοὶ 
καλῶν ἀπολαῦσαι" τὸ δὲ ἕ ἕτερον εὐχῆς μὲν ἁπάσης 
κρεῖττον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀδύνατόν σοί γε καὶ ἀξύμφορόν 
ἐστι, σὺ μὲν οἴκοι μένειν καὶ αίρειν καὶ τὴν ἡσυ- 
χίαν ἣν ἔχεις σώζειν, ἡμεῖς δὲ ὅ,τι ἂν θεὸς διδῷ 
γενναίως οἴσομεν. ἀνδρῶν γὰρ ἀγαθῶν εἶναί φασι 
τὸ μὲν εὔελπι “κεκτῆσθαι καὶ τὰ δέοντα πράττειν, 
ἕπεσθαι δὲ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις τοῦ δαίμοτος. 

Τῷ αὐτῷ 
ἹἹκανὴν ὁμολογῶ τῆς σῆς ἀπολείψεως ἐκτετι- 
κέναι δίκην οὐ μόνον οἷς παρὰ τὴν ἀποδημίαν 

1 Hertlein 61. 

Julian paraphrases {ας 17. 645. 



with our eyes’! our own Hermes some day, and 
salute his shrine and embrace his statue as they tell 
us Odysseus did when after his wandering he beheld 
Ithaca.2— Nay, but he was still asleep when the 
Phaeacians unloaded him from their ship like a 
piece of freight and went their way; but as for me 
sleep can never lay hold on me till it be my lot to 
see you that are the benefactor of the whole world. 
And yet you say in jest that I and my friend 
Sopater have transported the whole East into Thrace. 
Yet, if I must speak the truth, Cimmerian gloom 
abides with me so long as Iamblichus is not here. 
And you demand one of two things, that I should 
go to you or that you yourself should come to me. 
To my mind one of these alternatives is both 
desirable and expedient, I mean that I should go 
to you and benefit by the blessings that you bestow, 
while the other surpasses all my prayers. But since 
this is impossible for you and inexpedient, do you 
remain at home and prosper and preserve the 
tranquillity that you enjoy, while I will endure with 
a brave spirit whatever God may send.’ For we are 
told that it is the proof of a good man to keep 
hoping for the best, to do his duty and follow his 
fate and the will of God. 

To the Same 

I conress that I had paid a full and sufficient 
penalty for leaving you, not only in the annoyances 

2 Odyssey 13. 354. 
3 Cf. Oration 8. 2438p for the same phrase, derived from 
Demosthenes, On the Crown 97. 




συνηνέχθην ἀνιαροῖς, ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ αὐτῷ τούτῳ 
πλέον, ὅτι σου τὸν τοσοῦτον ἀπελείφθην. χρόνον, 
καίτοι πολλαῖς καὶ ποικίλαις ͵,πανταχοῦ χρησά- 
μενος τύχαις, ὡς μηδὲν ἀπείρατον καταλιπεῖν. 
ἀλλὰ καὶ πολέμων θορύβους καὶ πολιορκίας ἀνάγ- 
κην καὶ φυγῆς πλάνην καὶ φόβους παντοίους, ἔτι 
δὲ χειμώνων ὑπερβολὰς καὶ νόσων κινδύνους καὶ 
τὰς ἐκ Ἰ]αννονίας τῆς ἄνω μέχρι τοῦ κατὰ τὸν 
Καλχηδόνιον πορθμὸν διάπλου μυρίας δὴ καὶ πολυ- 
τρόπους συμφορὰς ὑπομείνας οὐδὲν οὕτω λυπηρὸν 
οὐδὲ δυσχερὲς ἐμαυτῷ συμβεβηκέναι φαίην ἂν ὡς 
ὅτι σὲ τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀγαθὸν ἐ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον 
χρόνον τὴν ἑῴαν ἀπολιπὼν οὐκ εἶδον" ὥστ᾽ εἴπερ 
ἀχλύν τινα τοῖς ἐμοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς καὶ νέφος πολὺ 
περικεῖσθαι λέγοιμι, μὴ θαυμάσῃς. τότε γὰρ δή 
με καὶ ἀὴρ εὔδιος καὶ φέγγος ἡλίου λαμπρότατον 
καὶ οἷον ἔαρ ἀληθῶς τοῦ βίου περιέξει κάλλιστον, 
ὅταν σὲ τὸ μέγα τῆς οἰκουμένης ἄγαλμα περιπτύ- 
ξωμαι καὶ, καθάπερ ἀγαθῷ πατρὶ παῖς γνήσιος € ἐκ 
πολέμου τινὸς ἢ διαποντίου κλύδωνος ἀνελπίστως 
ὀφθεὶς, εἶ εἶτα ὅσα ἔπαθον καὶ δι᾽ ὅσων ἦλθον κινδύ- 
νων εἰπὼν καὶ οἷον ἐπ᾽ ἀγκύρας ἱερᾶς ὁρμιξόμενος 
ἀρκοῦσαν ἤδη παραψυχὴν τῶν ἀλγεινῶν εὕρωμαι. 
παραμυθεῖται γάρ, ὡς εἰκός, καὶ ἐπικουφίξει τὰς 
συμφοράς, ὅταν τις ἃ πέπονθεν εἰς τοὺς ἄλλους 
ἔκφορα καθιστὰς διανείμῃ τοῦ πάθους τὴν νῶσιν 
év! τῇ κοινωνίᾳ τοῦ λόγου. τέως γε μὴν οἷς ἔχω ” 

1 Hertlein would delete ἐν, but see 449p, p. 246. 
* Brambs would insert πτέροις after ἔχω; cf. Letter 60. 

* The reference is probably to Constantine’s march in 323 
from Pannonia to Nicomedia by way of the Dardanelles. 


ee ee 

sient emdtinien οτος 


that I encountered on my journey, but far more in 
the very fact that I have been away from you for so 
long, though 1 have indeed endured so many and 
various fortunes everywhere, that I have left nothing 
untried. But though I have undergone the alarms 
of war, the rigour of a siege, the wandering of exile 
and all sorts of terrors, and moreover the extreme 
cold of winter, the dangers of disease and countless 
mischances of many kinds in my journey from Upper 
Pannonia till I crossed the Chalcedonian straits,! I 
may say that nothing so painful or so distressing has 
happened to meas the fact that after I left the East 
I have not, for so long a time, seen you, the universal 
blessing of the Hellenes. So. do not be surprised if 
I say that a sort of mist and thick cloud overshadows 
my eyes. For only then will a clear atmosphere and 
the brilliant light of the sun, and, so to speak, the 
fairest and truest springtime of my life, encompass 
me when I can embrace you, the delight and glory 
of the whole world, and, like the true son of a noble 
father who when hope is given up is seen returning 
from war, it may be, or from the stormy billows of the 
sea,” can proceed to recount to you all that I have 
suffered and what dangers I have been through, and 
as I, so to speak, ride safely on a sacred anchor,® can 
find at last asufficient consolation for my misfortunes. 
For naturally it is a consolation and lightens the 
weight of sorrow when one unburdens one’s ex- 
periences to others and shares with them the know- 
ledge of one’s sufferings in the intercourse of speech. 
Meanwhile, however, with what means I have I will, 

2 For a similar idea cf. Julian, 70 the Athenians, Vol. 2, 
Wright, 2850, p. 285. 

3 Cf. ancoram sacram (or ultimam) solvere, a proverb 
implying the use of what has been kept in reserve, 




σε κατὰ δύναμιν τὴν ἐμὴν μέτειμι" καὶ γὰρ οὐ 
παύσομαι τὸν ἐν μέσῳ τῆς ἀπολείψεως χρόνον ἐν 
τῷ τῶν γραμμάτων θεραπεύων συνθήματι. εἰ i δὲ δὴ 
καὶ ἀντιτύχοιμι παρὰ σοῦ τῶν ἴσων, ὑφήσω τί καὶ 
μικρόν, οἷον ἀντὶ σωτηρίου. τινὸς συμϑόλου * τοῖς 
σοῖς ὁμιλῶν. γράμμασι. σὺ δὲ δέχοιο μὲν εὐμενῶς 
τὰ Tap ἡμῶν, παρέχοις δὲ καὶ σεαυτὸν εἰς ἀμοι- 
βὴν εὐμενέστερον, ὡς ὅ τι ἄν σημήνῃς καλὸν 
ἢ γράψῆς, τοῦτο ἀντὶ τῆς “Ἑρμοῦ λογίου φωνῆς 
ἢ τῆς ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ χειρὸς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν κρίνεται. 

Τῴ αὐτῷ " 

Ἦλθες ean ἐπόησας" ἦλθες γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἀπὼν 
οἷς γράφεις" ‘ “ἐγὼ δέ σε μαόμαν, ἂν δ᾽ ἔφλεξας 
ἐμὰν φρένα καιομέναν πόθῳ." οὔκουν οὔτε 
ἀρνοῦμαι τὸ φίλτρον οὔτε ἀπολείπω σε κατ᾽ οὐδέν 
ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς παρόντα τῇ ψυχῇ θεωρῶ καὶ ἀπόντι 
σύνειμι, καὶ οὐδὲν ἱκανόν ἐστί μοι πρὸς κόρον 
ἀρκέσαι. καίτοι σύ γε οὐκ ἀνίης καὶ παρόντας 
εὖ ποιῶν ἀεὶ καὶ ἀπόντας οὐκ εὐφραίνων μόνον 
οἷς γράφεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ σώζων. ὅτε γοῦν ἀπήγ- 

1 Hertlein, following Reiske, συμβούλου but the reading of 
the MSS., συμβόλον echoes συνθήματι above and should be 

® Hertlein 60, with title Ἰαμβλίχῳ. 

8. Reiske first recognized this quotation from Sappho not 
found elsewhere: MSS., Hertlein καὶ ἐποίησα:--- ἔγὼ δέ σε 
μὰ ἐμὰν ἄν δὲ φύλαξας; Reiske ἐγὼ δέ σ᾽ ἐματεύμαν (for 
ἐματευόμην), τὺ δ᾽ ἐψάλαξας- ἐμὰν φρένα ; Wesseling ἄν δ᾽ 
ἔφλεξας ; Spanheim ἐμὰν ἄν δ᾽ ἐφύλαξας ; Petavius ἔμαν ἄν δὲ 


—— ee 


so far as I can approach you; and indeed I shall not 
cease, for the whole period of our separation, to con- 
ciliate you with letters by way of a token. And if I 
only receive the like from you, I shall be somewhat 
more submissive and shall hold converse with your 
letters, regarding them as a sort of symbol that you 
are safe and well. Do you, then, graciously accept 
what arrives from me, and show yourself still more 
gracious in making requital, since every noble utter- 
ance of yours, every written word, is reckoned by 
me as equivalent to the voice of Hermes the god of 
eloquence, or to the hand of Asclepius.} 

To the Same 

“Trou hast come! well hast thou done!” You 
have indeed come, even though absent, by means of 
your letter—“ And I was yearning for thee, and 
thou didst set ablaze my heart, already aflame with 
longing for thee.’’? Nay, I neither refuse the love- 
philtre nor do I ever leave you at all, but with my 
soul I behold you as though you were present, and 
am with you when absent, and nothing is enough to 
quench my insatiate desire. Moreover, you also 
never slacken, but without ceasing you benefit those 
who are present with you and by your letters not 
only cheer but even heal those who are absent. At 

1 See Letter 79. 406}. 
2 The quotations are from an ode of Sappho and perhaps 
run through the whole letter ; see critical note. 

φύλαξας. I give the version of Bidez. For ἔφλεξας Wila- 
mowitz ἔφλυξας, cf. Isyllus 120; ἂν δ᾽ ἔψυξας Thomas, 




γειλέ μοί τίς ἔναγχος, ὡς παρὰ σοῦ γράμματα 
κομίσας ἑταῖρος ἥκοι, ἐτύγχανον μὲν ἐν ἀηδίᾳ 
τοῦ στομάχου τριταῖος ἤδη καθεστὼς καί. τι 
καὶ περιανγῶς ἔχων τοῦ σώματος, ὡς μηδὲ ἔξω 
πυρετοῦ μεῖναι" σημανθὲν δέ, ὡς ἔφην, ὅτι μοι 
πρὸς ταῖς θύραις ὁ τὰ γράμματα ἔχων εἴη, ἐγὼ 
μὲν ὥσπερ τις ἀκρατὴς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ κάτοχος 
ἀναπηδήσας nea πρὶν ὅ τι δέοι παρεῖναι. ἐπεὶ 
δὲ καὶ ἔλαβον εἰς χεῖρας τὴν ἐπιστολὴν μόνον, 
ὀμνύω τοὺς θεοὺς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ σοί με 
ἀνάψαντα πόθον, ὡς ἅμα τε ἔφυγον οἱ πόνοι καί 
με καὶ ὁ πυρετὸς ἀνῆκεν εὐθύς, ὥσπερ τινὶ τοῦ 
σωτῆρος ἐναργεῖ παρουσίᾳ δυσωπούμενος. ὡς δὲ 
καὶ λύσας ἀνέγνων, τίνα με ἡγῇ ψυχὴν ἐσχη- 
κέναι τότε ἢ πόσης ἡδονῆς ἀνάπλεων γεγενῆσθαι, 
τὸν φίλτατον, ὡς φής, ἀνέμων, τὸν ἐρωτικὸν 
ἀληθῶς, τὸν διάκονον τῶν καλῶν ὑπερεπαινοῦντά 
τε καὶ φιλοῦντα δικαίως, ὅ ὅτι μοι τῶν παρὰ σοῦ 
γραμμάτων ὑπηρέτης γέγονεν, οἱονεὶ * πτηνοῦ 
δίκην ἡμῖν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν διευθύνας οὐρίῳ τε καὶ 
πομπίμῳ πνεύματι, δι’ ἧς οὐ μόνον. ὑπῆρξεν 
ἡσθῆναί μοι τὰ εἰκότα “περὶ σοῦ γνόντι, ἀχλὰ 
καὶ αὐτῷ κάμνοντι παρὰ σοῦ σωθῆναι ; τά γε 
μὴν ἄλλα πῶς ἃ πρῶτον" πρὸς τὴν ἐπιστολὴν 
ἔπαθον εἴποιμ᾽ ἄν, ἢ πῶς ἂν ἀρκούντως ἐμαυτοῦ τὸν 
ἔρωτα καταμηνύσαιμι ; ποσάκις ἀνέδραμον εἰς 
ἀρχὴν ἐκ μέσου; ποσάκις ἔδεισα μὴ πληρώσας 
λάθω; ποσάκις ὥσπερ ἐν κύκλῳ τινὶ καὶ 

' Hertlein following Hercher would delete οἱονεί, but it 
oceurs with δίκην too often to be an oversight ; see p 218, note. 

* For ἃ πρῶτον Hertlein suggests ἅπερ, Hercher would 
delete πρῶτον. 



any rate, when someone not long ago gave me the 
news that a friend had come and brought letters 
from you, it happened that for three days 1 had 
been suffering from a disorder of the stomach, and 
in fact I was in acute physical pain, so that I was 
not even free from fever. But, as I said, when I was 
told that the person who had the letters was at my 
door I jumped up like one possessed, who has lost 
control of himself, and rushed out before what I 
wanted could arrive. And the moment that I 
merely took the letter in my hands, I swear by the 
very gods and by the love that burns in me for you, 
that instant my pains forsook me and at once the 
fever let me go, as though it were abashed by some 
manifest saving presence. But when I broke the seal. 
and read the letter, can you imagine what feelings 
took possession of my soul at that moment or with 

what delight I was filled, or how I praised to the 

skies that dearest of winds,! to quote your words, 
the lover’s wind in very truth, the messenger of 
glad tidings—and loved it with good reason, since it 
had done me this service of bringing a letter from 
you, and like a winged thing had guided straight to 
me, with a fair and hurrying blast, that letter which 
brought me not only the pleasure of hearing good 
news of you but also salvation at your hands in my 
own illness? But how could I describe my other 
sensations when first I read the letter, or how could 
I find adequate words to betray my own passion? 
How often did I hark back from the middle to the 
beginning? How often did I fear that I should finish 
it before I was aware? How often, as though I 

1 An echo of Sophocles, Philoctetes 237 τίς προσήγαγεν ; 
. τίς ἀνέμων ὁ φίλτατος ; 




στροφῆς περιόδῳ τοῦ συμπεράσματος τὸ πλή- 
ρωμα πρὸς τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀνεῖλκον, οἷον ἐν ἄσματι 
μουσικῷ ταὐτὸν τοῦ ῥυθμοῦ τῷ τέλει. τὸ πρὸς τὴν 
ἀρχὴν ἡγούμενον μέλος ἀντιδιδούς' ἢ καὶ νὴ Δία 
τὰ ἑξῆς τούτων, ὁσάκις μὲν τῷ “στόματι τὴν 
ἐπιστολὴν προσήγαγον, ὥσπερ αἱ μητέρες τὰ 
παιδία περιπλέκονται, ὁσάκις δὲ ἐνέφυν τῷ 
στόματι καθάπερ ἐρωμένην ἐμαυτοῦ φιλτάτην 
ἀσπαζόμενος, ὁσάκις δὲ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν αὐτήν, ἣ 
χειρὶ σῇ καθάπερ ἐναργεῖ σφραγῖδι ἐσεσήμαντο, 
προσειπὼν καὶ φιλήσας, εἶτα ἐπέβαλον τοῖς 
ὀφθαλμοῖς, οἱονεὶ τοῖς τῆς ἱερᾶς ἐκείνης δεξιᾶς 
δακτύλοις τῷ τῶν γραμ μάτων ἴχνει προσπεφυκώς. 
χαῖρε δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἡμῖν πολλά, καθάπερ ἡ καλὴ 
Σαπφώ φησι, καὶ οὐκ ἰσάριθμα μόνον. τῷ χρόνῳ, 
ὃν XM OV ἀπελείφθημεν," ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ ἀεὶ 
χαῖρε, καὶ γράφε καὶ μέμνησο ἡμῶν τὰ εἰκότα. 
ὡς lowe γε οὐκ ἐπιλείψει χρόνος, ἐν ᾧ σε μὴ 
πάντη ὃ καὶ ἐν παντὶ “καιρῷ καὶ λόγῳ διὰ μνήμης 
ἕξομεν. ἀλλ᾽ ἡμῖν εἴ ποθι Ζεὺς δοίη ἱκέσθαι ἐς 
πατρίδα γαῖαν, καί σου τὴν ἱερὰν ἐκείνην ἑστίαν 
αὖθις ὑπέλθοιμεν, μὴ φείσῃ λοιπὸν ὡς φυγάδος, 
ἀλλὰ δῆσον, εἰ δοκεῖ, πρὸς τοῖς σεαυτοῦ θώκοις 
τοῖς φιλτάτοις, ὥσπερ τινὰ Μουσῶν λιποτάκτην 
ἑλών, εἶτα τοῖς εἰς τιμωρίαν ἀρκοῦσι παιδεύων. 
πάντως οὐδὲ ἄκων ὑποστήσομαι τὴν δίκην, ANN’ 
ἑκὼν δὴ καὶ χαίρων, ὥσπερ ἀγαθοῦ πατρὸς 

' περιπλέκονται Hertlein suggests, προσπλέκονται MSS. 

* Blass in Cl. Philology I. p. 253 reconstructs a fragment 

of Sappho, as follows: χαῖρε πολλά τέ μοι καὶ ἰσάριθμα τῷ 
χρόνῳ, ὃν σεθεν. .  ἀπελειπόμαν. 


OO a 


were going round ina circle in the evolutions of a 
strophe,! did I try to connect the contents of the 
last paragraph with the first, just as though in a 
song set to music I were making the leading note 
of the beginning the same as the closing bars of the 
measure? Or how describe what I did next—how 
often I held the letter to my lips, as mothers 
embrace their children, how often I kissed it with 
those lips as though I were embracing my dearest 
sweetheart, how often I invoked and kissed and held 
to my eyes even the superscription which had been 
signed by your own hand as though by a clear cut 
seal, and how I clung to the imprint of the letters 
as I should to the fingers of that sacred right hand of 
yours! I too “ wish thee joy in full measure,’ ? as fair 
Sappho says, and not only “ for just so long as we have 
been parted from one another,’ but may you rejoice 
evermore, and write to me and remember me with 
kindly thoughts. For no time shall ever pass by me 
in which I shall forget you, in any’place, at any hour, 
in any word I speak. “ But if ever Zeus permits 
me to return to my native land,’*® and once more 
I humbly approach that sacred hearth of yours, do 
not spare me hereafter as you would a runaway, but 
fetter me, if you will, to your own beloved dwelling, 
making me captive like a deserter from the Muses, 
and then discipline me with such penalties as suffice 
for my punishment. Assuredly I shall submit to your 
jurisdiction not unwillingly, but with a good will and 

1 e.g. in the chorus of the drama. 
2 Frag. 85, Bergk. 3 Odyssey 4. 475. 

3 πάντη Hercher suggests, πάντα Hertlein, MSS. 
4 ἀλλ᾽ ἡμῖν ef Hertlein suggests ; ἀλλήλων δὲ MSS. 





ἡπανόρθ θῆ καὶ 5 88 δή 
ἐπανόρθωσιν προμηθῆ καὶ σωτήριον. εἰ δὲ δή 
᾽ “ 
μοι καὶ κατ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ τὴν κρίσιν ἐθέλοις πισ- 
ἴω / n , 
τεῦσαι καὶ διδοίης ἐνεγκεῖν ἣν βούλομαι, ἐμαυτόν, 
ὦ γενναῖε, τῷ σῷ χιτωνίσκῳ προσάψαιμε . ἂν 
c / t/ \ \ 5 / > . 
ἡδέως, ἵνα σου κατὰ μηδὲν ἀπολειποίμην, ἀλλὰ 
, na , “ 
συνείην ἀεὶ καὶ πανταχῆ προσφεροίμην, ὥσπερ 
οὺς οἱ μῦθοι διφυεῖς ἀνθρώπους πλάττουσιν. εἰ 
μὴ κἀκεῖνο οἱ μῦθοι λέγουσι μὲν ὡς παίζοντες, 
ee 4 \ > \ “ / 5 7 ’ “ 
αἰνίττονται δὲ εἰς τὸ τῆς φιλίας ἐξαίρετον, ἐν τῷ 
“ ’ A - lel 
τῆς κοινωνίας δεσμῷ τὸ δι᾿ ἑκατέρου τῆς ψυχῆς 
ς \ , 
ὁμογενὲς ἐμφαίνοντες. 

Τῷ αὐτῷ 

Αἰσθάνομαί σου τῆς ἐν τῇ μέμψει γλυκύτητος, 
καὶ ὡς ἑκάτερον ἐξ ἴσου πράττεις, καὶ οἷς γράφεις 
τιμῶν καὶ οἷς ἐγκαλεῖς παιδεύων. ἐγὼ δὲ εἰ μέν 
TL συνήδειν ἐμαυτῷ τοῦ πρὸς σὲ γιγνομένου καὶ 
κατὰ μικρὸν ἐλλιπόντι, πάντως ἢ προφάσεις 
εὐλόγους εἰπὼν ἐπειρώμην ἂν τὴν μέμψιν 
ἐκκλίνειν, ἢ συγγνώμην ἁμαρτὼν αἰτεῖν οὐκ 
᾽ / , \ \ 5" > / = 4 
ἠρνούμην, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ἄλλως ἀσύγγνωστον οἶδά 
σε πρὸς τοὺς σούς, εἴ τι τῶν πρὸς σὲ φιλικῶν 
ἐξήμαρτον ἄκοντες. νῦν dé: οὐ γὰρ ἣν οὔτε σὲ 
n , "᾿ ta “Ὁ > an “ ͵ὔ 
παροφθῆναι θέμις οὔτε ἡμᾶς ἀμελεῖν, ἵνα τύ- 

1 Hertlein 40, with title Ἰαμβλίχφ. 


gladly, as to a kind father’s provident and salutary 
correction. Moreover, if you would consent to trust 
me to sentence myself and allow me to suffer the 
penalty that I prefer, I would gladly fasten myself 
to your tunic, my noble friend, so that I might never 
for a moment leave your side but be with you always 
and closely attached to you wherever you are, like 
those two-bodied beings invented in the myths. 
Unless, indeed, in this case also the myths, though 
they tell us the story in jest, are describing in 
enigmatical words an extraordinary sort of friend- 
ship and by that close tie of a common being 
express the kinship of soul in both beings. 

To the Same. 

I am sensible of the sweet-tempered manner in 
which you reproach me, and that you achieve two 
things with equal success, for you do me honour by 
what you write and instruct me by your criticisms. 
And for my part, if I were conscious of even the least 
failure in the attention due to you, I should certainly 
try by making reasonable excuses to parry your 
criticism, or if I were in fault I should not hesitate 
to ask your forgiveness, especially as I know that you 
are not implacable towards your friends when they 
have involuntarily failed in some friendly office to 
you. But as it is—since it was not right either for 
you to be neglected or for me to be careless if we 

1 For Julian’s allegorising interpretation of myths see 
Oration, 5. 170; 7. 2160, 222c; and for the illustration here 
Lucian, Toxaris 62. 





χοιμεν ὧν ἀεὶ ζητοῦντες ποθοῦμεν" φέρε σοι 

καθάπερ ἐ ἐν ὅρῳ γραφῆς ἀπολογήσωμαι, καὶ δείξω 
μηδὲν ἐμαυτὸν ὧν ἐχρῆν εἰς σὲ παριδεῖν, ἀλλὰ 
μηδὲ μελλῆσαι τολμήσαντα. 

Ἦλθον ἐκ Ilavvovias ἤδη τρίτον ἔτος τουτί, 
μόλις ἀφ᾽ ὧν οἶσθα κινδύνων καὶ πόνων σωθείς. 
ὑπερβὰς δὲ τὸν Καλχηδόνιον πορθμὸν καὶ ἐπιστὰς 
τῇ Νικομήδους πόλει Tol πρώτῳ καθάπερ πατρίῳ 
θεῷ τὰ πρωτόλεια τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ σώστρων ἀπέ- 
δωκα, σύμβολον. τῆς ἀφί ξεως τῆς ἐμῆς οἷον ἀντ᾽ 
ἀναθήματος ἱ ἱεροῦ τὴν εἰς σὲ πρόσρησιν ἐκπέμπων. 
καὶ ἣν ὁ κομίζων τὰ γρώμματα τῶν βασιλείων 
ὑπασπιστῶν εἷς, ᾿Ιουλιανὸς ὄνομα, Βακχύλου 
παῖς, ᾿Απαμεὺς τὸ γένος, ᾧ διὰ τοῦτο μάλιστα 
τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐνεχείριζον, ὅτι καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς 
ἥξειν καί σε ἀκριβῶς εἰδέναι καθυπισχνεῖτο. 
μετὰ ταῦτά μοι καθάπερ ἐξ ᾿Απόλλωνος ἱερὸν 
ἐφοίτα παρὰ σοῦ γράμμα, τὴν ἄφιξιν τὴν ἡμε- 
τέραν “ἀσμένως σε ἀκηκοέναι δηλοῦν' ἣν δὲ 
τοῦτο ἐμοὶ δεξιὸν οἰώνισμα καὶ χρηστῶν ἐλπίδων 
ἀρχή, ᾿Ἰάμβλιχος ὁ σοφὸς καὶ τὰ ᾿Ιαμβλίχου 
πρὸς ἡμᾶς γράμματα. τί με δεῖ λέγειν ὅπως 
ηὐφράνθην ἢ ἃ περὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἔπαθον 
σημαίνειν ; εἰ γὰρ ἐδέξω τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἕνεκα 
τούτων γραφέντα" ἣν δὲ δι ἡμεροδρόμου τῶν 
ἐκεῖθεν ἡκόντων ὡς σὲ πεμφθέντα" πάντως ἂν 
ὁπόσην ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἡδονὴν ἔσχον ἀφ᾽ ὧν ἐδήλουν. 
ἐγίνωσκες. πάλιν ἐπανιόντος οἴκαδε τοῦ τροφέως 

* Constantine marched from Pannonia to Nicomedia in 323, 
so perhaps this letter can be dated 326. In Julian’s authentic 
writings we always find Paeonia for Pannonia ; see Letter 76, 
p. 244, for a reference to this journey. 



were to attain that which we ever seek after and 
desire—come, I will plead my case before you as 
though by the rules of a lawsuit, and I will prove 
that far from having neglected any of my duties 
towards you I have never even ventured to post- 
pone them. 

It is now three years since I arrived from Pannonia,! 
with difficulty escaping safely from the dangers and 
troubles that you know of. When I had crossed the 
Chalcedonian strait and approached the city of 
Nicomedia, to you first as though to the god of my 
fathers I paid vows as the first thank-offering for my 
deliverance, by sending you as a token of my arrival 
my salutation in place ‘of a sacred offering. ‘The man 
who took charge of my letter was one of the imperial 
guard named Julian, the son of Bacchylus, a native of 
Apamea, and to him I all the more readily entrusted 
the letter because he asserted that he was going in ~ 
your direction and that he knew you very well. 
Afterwards, as though from Apollo, a sacred letter 
came to me from you, in which you declared that 
you had been pleased to hear of my arrival. This 
was to my mind an auspicious omen and a fount of 
fairest hopes,—Iamblichus the wise and the letter of 
Iamblichus to me. Need I say how I rejoiced or 
assure you how deeply I was moved by your letter? 
For if you had received what I wrote to you with 
no other purpose—and it was sent to you by one of 
the couriers who came from where you are,—you 
would certainly know from what I then said how great 
was the pleasure that I felt on receiving it. Again, 
when the custodian of my children*? was returning 

* This phrase is perhaps metaphorical ; see p. 214, note 1, 





TOV ἐμαυτοῦ παιδίων, ἑτέρων ἦρχον πρὸς σὲ 
γραμμάτων, ὁμοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς φθάνουσι 
χάριν ὁμολογῶν καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἑξῆς ἐν ἴσῳ παρὰ 
σοῦ τὴν ἀντίδοσιν αἰτῶν. μετὰ ταῦτα ᾿ἐπρέσ- 
βευσεν ὡς ἡμᾶς ὁ καλὸς Σώπατρος" ἐγὼ δὲ ὡς 
ἔγνων, εὐθὺς ἀναπηδήσας ἦξα καὶ “περιπλακεὶς 
ἐδάκρυον ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ σὲ καὶ τὰ 
παρὰ σοῦ πρὸς ἡμᾶς ὀνειροπολῶν γράμματα. 
ὡς δὲ ἔλαβον, ἐφίλουν καὶ τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς προσῆ- 
γον, καὶ ἀπρὶξ εἰχόμην, ὥσπερ δεδιὼς μὴ λάθῃ 
με ἀποπτὰν ἐν τῇ τῶν γραμμάτων ἀναγνώσει τὸ 
τῆς σῆς εἰκόνος ἴνδαλμα. καὶ δὴ καὶ “ἀντέγραφον 
εὐθύς, οὐ πρὸς σὲ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἱ ἱερὸν 
Σώπατρον, τὸν ἐκείνου παῖδα, καθάπερ θρυπτό- 
μενος ὅτι τὸν κοινὸν ἑταῖρον ἐκ τῆς ᾿Απαμείας 
οἷον ἐ ἐνέχυρον τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀπουσίας ἀντειληφότες 
εἴημεν. ἐξ ἐκείνου τρίτην ἤδη πρὸς σὲ γεγραφώς, 
αὐτὸς οὐδεμίαν ἄλλην ἢ τὴν ἐν 7 μέμφεσθαι δοκεῖς 
ἐπιστολὴν ἐδεξάμην. 

Ki μὲν δὴ διὰ τοῦτο ἐγκαλεῖς, | ἵνα τῷ τῆς αἰτίας 
σχήματι πλείονας ἡμῖν ἀφορμὰς τοῦ γράφειν προ- 
ξενῇς, δέχομαι τὴν μέμψιν ἄσμενος πάνυ, καὶ ἐν 
οἷς λαμβάνω τὸ πᾶν τῆς χάριτος εἰς ἐμαυτὸν 
οἰκειοῦμαι" εἰ δὲ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἐλλιπόντα τι τοῦ 
πρὸς σὲ καθήκοντος αἰτιᾷ, τίς ἂν ἐμοῦ γένοιτ᾽ ἂν 
ἀθλιώτερος 1 διὰ γραμματοφόρων ἀδικίαν ἢ ῥᾳ- 

1 Nauck, Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, "Adespota 280 
suggests τίς dp’; Schmidt τίς ἀντ. The verse does not occur 
elsewhere, but cf. Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus 815 τίς τοῦ- 
δε viv ἔστ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἀθλιώτερος ; 

+ This may be the Sopater whom Julian mentions in Letter 


home, I began another letter to you in which I at the 
same time spoke to you of my gratitude for your 
previous favours and begged for a like return from. 
you for the immediate future. After this the 
excellent Sopater! came on an embassy to our city. 
When I recognised him I at once started up and 
flew to him and when I had embraced him I wept 
for joy, dreaming of nothing else but you and a letter 
from you tome. And when I received it I kissed it 
and held it to my eyes and kept tight hold of it as 
though I were afraid that while I was in the act of 
reading your letter the phantom of your image might 
elude me and fly away. And, moreover, I at once 
wrote an answer, not to you only but also to the 
revered Sopater, that great man’s son, telling him, 
as though giving myself airs, that I accepted our 
mutual friend from Apamea as a sort of hostage for 
your absence. This is the third letter that I have 
written to you since that time, but I have myself 
received no other letter from you save that in which 
you seem to reproach me. 

Now if you are accusing me merely for the purpose 
of providing me with further motives for writing to 
you, and only pretend to reproach me, then I am 
very glad to receive your criticism, and in this very 
letter that has now come I take to myself the whole 
of the kindness implied. But if you really accuse me 
of being in any way remiss in my duty to you, “ who 
could be more wretched than I’ 2 through the wrong- 
doing or negligence of letter-carriers, when I, least 

58 To Libanius, Ὁ. 207. But he is more probably the elder 
Sopater who was executed by Constantine. 

5. An iambic trimeter whose source is not known; see 
critical note. 


VOL, Ill, 8 


C θυμίαν πάντων ἥκιστα ἀξίου τούτου τυγχάνειν 


ὄντος ; 1 καίτοι ἐγὼ μέν, κἂν μὴ πλεονάκις γράφω, 
δίκαιός εἰμι συγγνώμης παρὰ σοῦ τυγχάνειν" οὐ 
τῆς ἀσχολίας ἣν ἐν χερσὶν ἔχω φαίην ἄν' μὴ 
γὰρ οὕτω πράξαιμι κακῶς, ὡς μὴ καὶ ἀσχολίας 
ἁπάσης, καθά φησι Πίνδαρος, τὸ κατὰ σὲ κρεῖτ- 
Tov ἡγεῖσθαι: ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι πρὸς ἄνδρα τηλικοῦτον, 
οὗ καὶ μνησθῆναι φόβος, ὁ καὶ γράφειν κατοκνῶν 
τοῦ πλέον ἢ προσήκει θαρροῦντός ἐστι σωφρονέ- 
στερος. ὥσπερ γὰρ οἱ ταῖς Ἡλίου μαρμαρυγαῖς 
ἀντιβλέπειν συνεχῶς τολμῶντες, ἂν μὴ θεῖοΐ τινες 
ὧσι καὶ τῶν ἀκτίνων αὐτοῦ καθάπερ οἱ τῶν 
ἀετῶν γνήσιοι καταθαρρῶσιν, οὔτε ἃ μὴ θέμις 
ὀφθῆναι θεωρεῖν ἔχουσι, καὶ ὅσῳπερ μᾶλλον 
φιλονεικοῦσι, τοσούτῳ πλέον ὅτι μὴ δύνανται 
τυχεῖν ἐμφαίνουσιν, οὕτω καὶ ὁ πρὸς σὲ γράφειν 
τολμῶν, ὅσῳπερ ἂν ἐθέλῃ θαρρεῖν, τοσούτῳ 
μᾶλλον ὅτι χρὴ δεδιέναι καθαρῶς δείκνυσι. σοί 
γε μήν, ὦ γενναῖε, παντὸς ὡς εἰπεῖν τοῦ Ἔλ- 
ληνικοῦ σωτῆρι καθεστῶτι, πρέπον ἣν ἀφθόνως 
τε ἡμῖν γράφειν καὶ τὸν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ὄκνον ἐφ᾽ ὅσον 
ἐξὴν καταστέλλειν. ὥσπερ γὰρ ὁ “λιος" ἵνα δὴ 
πάλιν ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πρός σε τὴν εἰκόνα λάβῃ ὁ 
λόγος" ὁ δ᾽ οὖν “Ἥλιος ὥσπερ, ὅταν ἀκτῖσι κα- 
θαραῖς ὅλος λάμπῃ, οὐδὲν ἀποκρίνει τοῦ πρὸς 
τὴν αἴγλην ἐλθόντος, ἀλλὰ τὸ οἰκεῖον ἐργάζεται, 
1 ἀξίου τούτου τυγχάνειν ὄντος Hertlein suggests; τούτου 
τυγχάνοντος MSS., τυγχάνειν Reiske. 



of all men, deserve the reproach? And yet even if I 
do not write oftener I may well claim indulgence 
from you—I do not mean because of the many affairs 
which I have on my hands—for may I never sink so 
low as not to count you more important than any 
business whatever, as Pindar! says!—but because 
there is more wisdom in hesitating to write more 
than is fitting to so great a man as yourself, whom 
one cannot so much as think of without awe, than in 
being too presumptuous. For even as those who 
venture, to gaze steadily at the bright beams of 
Helios, unless indeed they be in some sort divine 
and like the genuine offspring of eagles? can brave 
his rays, are unable to behold what is not lawful for 
their eyes to see, and the more they strive for this 
the more do they show that they have not the 
power to attain it, even so, I say, he who ventures to 
write to you shows clearly that the more he allows 
himself to presume the more he ought to be afraid. 
For you, however, my noble friend, who have been 
appointed as the saviour, so to speak, of the whole 
Hellenic world, it would have been becoming not 
only to write to me without stint, but also to allay 
as far as you could the scruples felt by me. For as 
Helios—if my argument may again employ in reference 
to you a simile from the god,—even as Helios, I say, 
when he shines in full splendour with his brilliant 
rays rejects naught of what encounters his beams, 

1 Isthmian Odes 1. 1 τὸ τεόν. . . πρᾶγμα καὶ ἀσχολίας 
ὑπέρτερον θήσομαι. 

2 For this allusion to the eagle’s test of its offspring see 
Letter ὅθ, To Maximus; Themistius 240c; Lucian, Jearo- 
menippus 14; Claudian, On the Third Consulship of Honorius, 
Preface 1-14. 





Ὁ \ \ \ a b I fal ‘ \ a 
οὕτω δὲ Kal σὲ χρῆν ἀφθόνως τῶν Tapa σοῦ 
-“ / Ἁ 
καλῶν οἷον φωτὸς τὸ ᾿Ελληνικὸν ἐπαρδεύοντα μὴ 
n fal nr \ 
ἀποκνεῖν, εἴ τις ἢ αἰδοῦς ἢ δέους ἕνεκα τοῦ πρὸς 
\ \ > / la 2Q\ 4 Rye 
σὲ τὴν ἀντίδοσιν δυσωπεῖται. οὐδὲ yap ὁ ᾿Ασ- 
a , 
κληπιὸς ἐπ᾽ ἀμοιβῆς ἐλπίδι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 
tA ᾽ Ν \ 5 rn ’ an / 
ἰᾶται, ἀλλὰ τὸ οἰκεῖον αὐτῷ φιλανθρώπευμα 
lal an \ A 
πανταχοῦ πληροῖ. ὃ δὴ Kal σὲ χρῆν ὡσπερεὶ 
ψυχῶν ἐλλογίμων ἰατρὸν ὄντα ποιεῖν καὶ το τῆς 
ἀρετῆς παράγγελμα διὰ πάντων σώζειν, οἷον 
> \ / tA x \ \ > / » 
ἀγαθὸν τοξότην, ὅς, κἂν μὴ τὸν ἀντίπαλον ἔχη, 
πάντως ἐς τὸ καίριον ἀεὶ τὴν χεῖρα γυμνάζει. 
ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ὁ σκοπὸς ἑκατέροις ὁ αὐτός, ἡμῖν 
δὲ τῶν παρὰ σοῦ δεξιῶν τυχεῖν καὶ σοὶ τοῖς 
> e n Ὁ 7 > lal 9 2 e n xX 
Tap ἡμῶν διδομένοις ἐντυχεῖν. ἀλλ᾽ ἡμεῖς, κἂν 
n a \ 
μυριάκις γράφωμεν, ἴσα τοῖς “Opnptxots παισὶ 
/ ᾿ - δ “Ὁ 
παΐζομεν, οὗ παρὰ τὰς θῖνας ὅτι ἂν ἐκ πηλοῦ 
πλάσωσιν ἀφιᾶσιν κλύζεσθαι; παρὰ σοῦ δὲ καὶ 
μικρὸν γράμμα παντός ἔστι γονίμου ῥεύματος 
a \ , x ” ? , 
κρεῖττον, καὶ δεξαίμην ἂν ἔγωγε ᾿Ιαμβλίχου 
“ ᾽ \ , Ἃ \ b] , \ 
μᾶλλον ἐπιστολὴν μίαν ἢ τὸν ἐκ Λυδίας χρυσὸν 
κεκτῆσθαι. εἰ δὲ μέλει τί σοι τῶν ἐραστῶν τῶν 
σῶν" μέλει δέ, εἰ μὴ σφάλλομαι' μὴ περιΐδῃς 
ὥσπερ νεοττοὺς ἡμᾶς ἀεὶ τῶν παρὰ σοῦ τροφῶν 
ἐν χρείᾳ τυγχάνοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ γράφε συνεχῶς 
καὶ τοῖς παρὰ σαυτοῦ καλοῖς ἑστιᾶν μὴ κατόκνει. 
κἂν ἐλλίπωμεν, αὐτὸς ἑκατέρου τὴν χρείαν οἰκειοῦ, 
κ Φ / \ @ > al, 5 n Ἂν » /, 
καὶ ὧν δίδως καὶ ὧν ἀνθ᾽ ἡμῶν τὸ ἴσον πρεσβεύεις. 
/ Ἃ a 
πρέπει δὲ “Ἑρμοῦ Noyiov μαθητήν, εἰ δὲ βούλει 


but ever performs his function, so ought you also not 
to shrink from bountifully pouring forth the flood of 
your blessings like light over the Hellenic world even 
when, whether from modesty, or fear of you, one is 
too bashful to make any return. Asclepius, again, 
does not heal mankind in the hope of repayment, but 
everywhere fulfils his own function of beneficence to 
mankind. This, then, you ought to do also, as 
though you were the physician of souls endowed 
with eloquence, and you ought to keep up on all 
oceasions the preaching of virtue, like a skilled 
archer who,even though he have no opponent, keeps 
training his hand by every means in view of future 
need. For in truth we two have not the same 
ambition, since mine is to secure the wise teachings 
that flow from you and yours is to read letters sent 
by me. But as for me, though 1 should write ten 
thousand times, mine is still mere child’s play, and 
I am like the boys in Homer who on the sea-shores 
model something in wet sand and then abandon it 
all for the sea to wash away; whereas even a short 
letter from you is more potent than any fertilising 
flood, and for my part I would rather receive one 
letter from Iamblichus than possess all the gold of 
Lydia. If, then, you care at all for your fond ad- 
mirers—and you do care if I am not mistaken—do not 
neglect me who am like a fledgling constantly in 
need of sustenance from you, but write regularly, 
and moreover do not be reluctant to feast me on the 
good things that come from you. And if I prove to 
be remiss, do you take on yourself to provide both 
things, not only what you yourself give but equally 
what you furnish in my place. For it befits you as a 
pupil of Hermes, the god of eloquence, or, if you 





καὶ τρόφιμον ὄντα σε, τὴν ἐκείνου ῥάβδον οὐκ 
ἐν τῷ καθεύδειν ποιεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῷ κινεῖν καὶ 
διεγείρειν μᾶλλον ἐθέλειν μιμεῖσθαι. 


Τῷ αὐτῷ] 
᾽ a \ > , a 50 \ 74? ς A 
Οδυσσεῖ μὲν ἐξήρκει τοῦ παιδὸς τὴν ἐφ᾽ αὑτῷ 
φαντασίαν ἀναστέλλοντι λέγειν 

” Υ > , τ, /, 57 
οὔτις τοι θεός εἰμι" τί μ᾽ ἀθανάτοισιν ἐίσκεις ; 

ἐγὼ δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἐν ἀνθρώποις εἶναι φαίην ἂν ὅλως, 
ἕως ἂν ᾿Ιαμβλίχῳ μὴ συνῶ. ἀλλ᾽ ἐραστὴς μὲν 
εἶναι σὸς ὁμολογῶ, καθάπερ ἐκεῖνος τοῦ 'ηλε- 
μάχου πατήρ. κἂν γὰρ ἀνάξιόν με λέγῃ τις 
εἶναι, οὐδὲ οὕτω τοῦ ποθεῖν ἀφαιρήσεται" ἐπεὶ 
καὶ ἀγαλμάτων καλῶν ἀκούω πολλοὺς ἐραστὰς 
γενέσθαι μὴ μόνον τοῦ δημιουργοῦ τὴν “τέχνην 
μὴ βλάπτοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ περὶ αὐτὰ πάθει 
τὴν ἔμψυχον ἡδονὴν τῷ ἔργῳ προστιθέντας. τῶν 
γε μὴν παλαιῶν καὶ σοφῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἷς ἡμᾶς 
ἐγκρίνειν ἐθέλεις παίζων, τοσοῦτον ἀπέχειν. ἂν 
φαίην, ὁπόσον αὐτῷ σοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν “μετεῖναι 
πιστεύω. καίτοι σύ γε οὐ Πίνδαρον μόνον οὐδὲ 
Δημόκριτον ἢ ᾿Ορφέα τὸν παλαιότατον, ἀλλὰ 
καὶ ξύμπαν ὁ ὁμοῦ τὸ Ἑλληνικόν, ὁ ὁπόσον εἰς ἄκρον 
φιλοσοφίας ἐλθεῖν μνημονεύεται, “καθάπερ, ἐν 
λύρᾳ ποικίλων φθόγγων ἐναρμονίῳ συστάσει 
πρὸς τὸ ἐντελὲς τῆς μουσικῆς κεράσας ἔχεις. 
καὶ ὥσπερ ΓΛργον τὸν φύλακα τῆς ᾿Ιοῦς οἱ μῦθοι 

+ Hertlein 34, with title ᾿Ιαμβλίχῳ φιλοσόφῳ. 


prefer, his nursling, to desire to imitate his use of 
the wand, not by putting men to sleep, but by 
rousing and awakening them. 

To the Same 

Wuen Odysseus was trying to remove his son’s 
illusion about him, it was enough for him to say: 
“No God am I. Why then do you liken me to the 
immortals?”’4 But I might say that I do not exist 
at all among men so long as I am not with Iam- 
blichus. Nay, I admit that I am your lover, even as 
Odysseus that he was the father of Telemachus. For 
even though someone should say that I am un- 
worthy, not even so shall he deprive me of my long- 
ing. For Ihave heard that many men have fallen in 
love with beautiful statues? and far from injuring the 
art of the craftsman they have by their passion for 
them imparted to the workmanship the added delight 
in what lives and breathes. But as for the wise men 
of old among whom you are pleased to reckon me in 
jest, I should say that I fall as far short of them as 
I believe that you are to be ranked among them. 
And indeed you have succeeded in combining with 
yourself not only Pindar or Democritus or most ancient 
Orpheus, but also that whole genius of the Hellenes 
which is on record as having attained to the summit 
of philosophy, even as in a lyre by the harmonious 
combination of various notes the perfection of 
music is achieved. And just as the myths give 
Argus, Io’s guardian, an encircling ring of ever- 

1 Odyssey 16. 187. 
* For such cases cf. Aelian, Varia Historia 9. 39. 




-“ lal 7] 
πρόνοιαν ἔχοντα τῶν Διὸς παιδικῶν ἀκοιμήτοις 
πανταχόθεν ὀμμάτων βολαῖς περιφράττουσιν, 
οὕτω καὶ σὲ γνήσιον ἀρετῆς φύλακα μυρίοις 
παιδεύσεως ὀφθαλμοῖς ὁ λόγος φωτίζει. Ipwrtéa 

\ \ \ > / / / lal « 
μὲν δὴ τὸν Αἰγύπτιόν φασι ποικίλαις μορφαῖς ἑαυ- 
τὸν ἐξαλλάττειν, ὥσπερ δεδιότα μὴ λάθῃ τοῖς δε- 

, ra 9 \ 5] / ee \ \ Μ 9S v 
ομένοις ws ἣν σοφὸς ἐκφήνας" ἐγὼ δὲ εἴπερ ἣν ὄντως 
Ν € \ \ Le q \ Ὁ v 
σοφὸς ὁ Ilpwrevs καὶ olos* πολλὰ τῶν ὄντων 
/ / a 7 
γινώσκειν, ὡς “Ὅμηρος λέγει, τῆς μὲν φύσεως 
ἴων “ / > 7 
αὐτὸν ἐπαινῶ, τῆς γνώμης δ᾽ οὐκ ἄγαμαι, διότι 

\ , 4 2 ? > “ ΝΜ 

μὴ φιλανθρώπου τινὸς, ἄλλ ἀπατεῶνος ἔργον 
, ¥ 

ἐποίει κρύπτων ἑαυτόν, ἵνα μὴ χρήσιμος ἀνθρώ. 
ποις ἢ. σὲ δέ, ὦ γενναῖε, τίς οὐκ ἂν ἀληθῶς 
θαυμάσειεν, ὡς οὐδέν τι τοῦ IIpwréws τοῦ σοφοῦ 
μείων el,” εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον εἰς ἀρετὴν ἄκραν 
τελεσθεὶς ὧν ἔχεις καλῶν οὐ φθονεῖς ἀνθρώποις, 
ΕῚ > «ey / a , Σ a , ᾽ 

ἀλλ᾽ ἡλίου καθαροῦ δίκην ἀκτῖνας σοφίας ἀκραι- 

a / a 

φνοῦς ἐπὶ πάντας ἄγεις, οὐ μόνον παροῦσι 

\ ᾽ / / > \ \ > / 22 τ 
τὰ εἰκότα ξυνών, ἀλλὰ Kal ἀπόντας ἐφ᾽ ὅσον 
ἔξεστι τοῖς παρὰ σαυτοῦ σεμνύνων. νικῴης δ᾽ 
FY ¢ ΨΩ ies , \ \ , 
ἂν οὕτω καὶ τὸν ᾿Ορφέα τὸν καλὸν ols πράττεις, 
εἴγε ὁ μὲν τὴν οἰκείαν μουσικὴν εἰς τὰς τῶν 
θηρίων ἀκοὰς κατανάλισκε, σὺ δ᾽ ὥσπερ ἐπὶ 
σωτηρίᾳ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένους τεχ- 
θείς, τὴν ᾿Ασκληπιοῦ χεῖρα πανταχοῦ ζηλῶν, 
ἅπαντα ἐπέρχῃ λογίῳ τε καὶ σωτηρίῳ νεύματι.8 

1 οἷός τε Hertlein. 

3. εἶ, εἰ μὴ καὶ Baroccianus; εἶ καὶ μὴ Vossianus, εἰ μὴ καὶ 
Hertlein. 3 πνεύματι ** breath,” Martin. 


SS μὰ} νκ... 

ΝΣ “ον υ «»ὕ.. 


wakeful eyes as he keeps watch over the darling 
of Zeus, so too does true report endow you, the 
trusted guardian of virtue, with the light of the 
countless eyes of culture. They say that Proteus 
the Egyptian used to change himself into various 
shapes! as though he feared being taken unawares 
and showing those who needed his aid that he was 
wise. But for my part, if Proteus was really wise 
and the sort of man to know the truth about many 
things, as Homer says, I applaud him for his talent, 
but I cannot admire his attitude of mind, since he 
played the part, not of one who loves mankind, but 
of an impostor by concealing himself in order to 
avoid being of service to mankind. But who, my 
noble friend, would not genuinely admire you, since 
though you are inferior in no way to wise Proteus if 
not even more fully initiated than he in con- 
summate virtues, you do not begrudge mankind the 
blessings that you possess, but, like the bright sun, 
you cause the rays of your pure wisdom to shine on 
all men, not only by associating, as is natural, with 
those near you, but also as far as possible by making 
the absent proud through your writings. And in 
this way by your achievements you surpass even 
charming Orpheus; for he squandered on the ears of 
wild beasts his own peculiar musical gift, but you, as 
though you had been born to save the whole human 
race, emulate everywhere the hand of Asclepius and 
pervade all things with the saving power of your 

1 Odyssey 4. 363 foll. ; Vergil, Georgics 4. 388 foll. 


a / ᾿] / 
ὥστ᾽ ἔμοιγε δοκεῖ καὶ Ὅμηρος, εἰ aveBiw, πολλῷ 
Ν ’ὔ 
δικαιότερον ἂν ἐπὶ σοὶ τὸ ἔπος αἰνίξασθαι τὸ 

e >» \ x > κα , 
εἷς δ᾽ ἔτι που ζωὸς κατερύκεται εὐρέι κόσμῳ. 

τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τοῦ παλαιοῦ κόμματος ἡμῖν οἱονεὶ 
σπινθήρ τις ἱερὸς ἀληθοῦς καὶ γονίμου παιδεύσεως 
ὑπὸ σοὶ μόνῳ ζωπυρεῖται. καὶ εἴη γε, Ζεῦ σῶτερ 
407 καὶ “Ἑρμῆ λόγιε, τὸ κοινὸν ἁπάσης τῆς οἰκουμένης 
” ? / \ U ee, ͵ὕ 
ὄφελος, Ιάμβλιχον τὸν καλὸν, ἐπὶ μήκιστον 
χρόνου τηρεῖσθαι. πάντως που καὶ ἐφ᾽ Ὅμήρῳ 
Ν Tt / \ > ᾿ς 1 \ y » 
καὶ ᾿ἰἰλάτωνν καὶ Σωκράτει" καὶ εἰ τις ἄλλος 
ἄξιος τοῦ χοροῦ τούτου, δικαίας εὐχῆς ἐπίτευγμα 
a , : Ξ 
τοῖς πρότερον εὐτυχηθὲν οὕτω τοὺς ἐκείνων 
a > \ 
καιροὺς ἐπὶ μεῖζον ηὔξησεν. οὐδὲν δὴ κωλύει 
\ ’ ᾽ ς “ Bd % / \ , an 
καὶ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἄνδρα καὶ λόγῳ καὶ βίῳ τῶν 
Β ἀνδρῶν ἐκείνων ἀντάξιον ὑφ᾽ ὁμοίαις εὐχαῖς ἐς 
‘ / n na 
TO ἀκρότατον τοῦ γήρως ἐπ᾽ εὐδαιμονίᾳ τῶν 
ἀνθρώπων παραπεμφθῆναι. 


ΤᾺ , A / 2 
920 Σαραπίωνι τῷ λαμπροτάτῳ 

Bo άλλοι μὲν ἄλλως τὰς πανηγύρεις νομίζουσιν, 


> +s 7 β e “ - fa) b] 
ἐγὼ δὲ ἡδύ σοι γλυκείας ἑορτῆς σύνθημα τῶν ἐπι- 

1 Ισοκράτει Cumont, since Socrates was only seventy when 
he died. 

2 Hertlein 24. 

1 Odyssey 4. 498. The original verse ends with πόντῳ, 


Se ... .. 


eloquence. Wherefore I think that Homer, too, if 
he were to return to life, would with far more justice 
allude to you in the verse: 

‘One is still alive and is detained in the wide 
world.” 1 

For, in very truth, for those of us who are of the 
antique mould, a sacred spark, so to speak, of true 
and life-giving culture is kindled by your aid alone. 
And grant, O Zeus the saviour, and Hermes, god of 
eloquence, that this blessing which is the common 
property of the whole world, even the charming 
lamblichus, may be preserved for the longest possible 
period of time! Indeed, there is no doubt that in the 
case of Homer and Plato and Socrates? and others 
who were worthy to be of that company, the prayers 
of the just.were successful and did avail men of old, 
and thus increased and prolonged the natural term 
of those great men’s lives. So there is no reason 
why in our day, also, a man who in his eloquence and 
virtuous life is the peer of those famous men, should 
not by means of similar prayers be conducted to the 
extreme limit of old age for the happiness of 

To the most illustrious Sarapion 8 

PeorLe observe the public festivals in various 
ways. But I am sending you a hundred long-stalked, 
dried, homegrown figs as a sweet token of this 

“fon the sea”; the verse was a rhetorical commonplace and 
the ending is often altered to suit the context. 

* There would be more point in the reading ‘‘ Isocrates” 
(Cumont) since he lived to be nearly one hundred. 

3 Sarapion is otherwise unknown. 






χωρίων ἰσχάδων μακροκέντρους ἑκατὸν ἐκπέμπω, 
τῷ μὲν τοῦ δώρου μεγέθει μικράν, τῷ κάλλει δὲ 
ἴσως ἀρκοῦσαν ἡδονὴν μνηστεύων. ᾿Αριστοφάνει 
μὲν οὖν δοκεῖ εἶναι πλὴν μέλιτος τῶν ἄχλων γλυ- 
κύτερον τὰς ἰσχάδας, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦτ᾽ ἀνέχεται τῶν 
ἰσχάδων εἶναι γλυκύτερον, ὡς αὐτὸς ἐπικρίνας 
λέγει" Ἡροδότῳ δὲ ἄρα τῷ συγγραφεῖ πρὸς ἐπί- 
δειξιν ἐρημίας “ἀληθοῦς ἤρκεσεν εἰπόντι “" Παρ’ 
οἷς οὔτε σῦκα ἐστιν οὔτε ἄλλο ἀγαθὸν οὐδέν," ὡς 
ἄρ᾽ οὔτε ἄλλου τινὸς ἐν καρποῖς ἀγαθοῦ προτέρου 
τῶν σύκων ὄντος, οὔτε ἔτι πάντως ἀγαθοῦ δέον 
τοῖς * map "ols ἂν ἢ τὸ σῦκον. “Ὅμηρος δὲ ὁ ὃ σοφὸς 
τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τῶν καρπῶν εἰς μέγεθος ἢ 7 χρόαν ἢ 
κάλλος ἐπαινεῖ, μόνῳ δὲ τῷ σύκῳ τὴν τῆς γλυκύ- 
τητος ἐπωνυμίαν συγχωρεῖ. καὶ τὸ μέλε χλωρὸν 
καλεῖ, δεδιὼς μὴ λάθῃ γλυκὺ προσειπών, ὃ καὶ 
πικρὸν εἶναι πολλαχοῦ συμβαίνει: τῷ σύκῳ δὲ 
ἄρα μόνῳ ἀποδίδωσι τὴν οἰκείαν εὐφημίαν, ὥσπερ 
τῷ “νέκταρι, διότι καὶ μόνον γλυκὺ τῶν ἄχλων ἐστί. 
καὶ μέλι μὲν ἹΓπποκράτης φησὶ γλυκὺ μὲν εἶναι 
τὴν αἴσθησιν, πικρὸν δὲ πάντως τὴν ἀνάδοσιν, καὶ 
οὐκ ἀπιστῶ τῷ λόγῳ: χολῆς γὰρ αὐτὸ “ποιητικὸν 
εἶναι ξύμπαντες ὁμολογοῦσι καὶ τρέπειν τοὺς 
χυμοὺς εἰς τοὐναντίον τῆς γεύσεως. ὃ δὴ καὶ 
μᾶλλον. τῆς ἐκ φύσεως αὐτοῦ πικρότητος κατη- 
γορεῖ τὴν γένεσιν' οὐ γὰρ ἂν εἰς τοῦτο μετέβαλλεν 
ὃ πικρόν ἐστιν, εἰ μὴ καὶ πάντως αὐτῷ προσῆν 
ἐξ ἀρχῆς τοῦτο, ἀφ᾽ οὗ πρὸς τὸ ἕτερον μετέπιπτε. 

1 δέον τοῖς Hertlein suggests ; δέοντος MSS. 

1 Quoted in Athenaeus, Deipnosophists θὅ2ε ; Fragg. Incert. 
Fab. 7 οὐδὲν γὰρ ὄντως γλυκύτερον τῶν ἰσχάδων. 




pleasant festal season, If you measure the gift by 
its size, the pleasure I offer you is trifling, but if 
measured by its beauty it will perhaps suffice. Itis the 
opinion of Aristophanes? that figs are sweeter than 
anything else except honey, and on second thoughts 
he does not allow that even honey is sweeter than 
figs. Herodotus? the historian also, in order to 
describe a really barren desert thought it enough to 
say: “They have no figs or anything else that is 
good’; as though to say that among the fruits of the 
earth there is none to be ranked above figs, and that 
where men had figs they did not wholly lack some- 
thing good. Again, the wise Homer praises other 
fruits for their size or colour or beauty, but to the fig 
alone he allows the epithet “sweet.” 3 And he calls 
honey “ yellow,’ * for fear he should inadvertently 
eall “sweet”? what is in fact often bitter; accord- 
ingly, to the fig alone he assigns this epithet for its 
own, just as he does to nectar, because alone of all 
things it is sweet. Indeed Hippocrates® says that 
honey, though it is sweet to the taste, is quite bitter 
to the digestion, and I can believe his statement; for 
all agree that it produces bile and turns the juices 
to the very opposite of its original flavour, which fact 
even more surely convicts it of being in its origin 
naturally bitter.? For it would not change to this 
bitterness if in the beginning this quality had not 
belonged to it, from which it changed to the 

aie Noa: δ 3 Odyssey 7. 116. 4 Odyssey 10. 234. 

5 Homer does however call honey “ sweet” in Odyssey 
20. 69 μέλιτι γλυκερῷ. 

§ De internis affectionibus 844 ; Hippocrates is speaking of 
honey that has been cooked. 

Τ Oration 8. 241A, Julian says that honey is made from 
the bitterest herbs. 




σῦκον δὲ οὐκ αἰσθήσει μόνον ἡδύ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀνα- 
δόσει κρεῖττόν ἐστιν. οὕτω δέ ἐστιν ἀνθρώποις 
ὠφέλιμον, ὥστε καὶ ἀλεξιφάρμακον αὐτὸ παντὸς 
ὀλεθρίου φαρμάκου φησὶν ᾿Αριστοτέχης εἶναι, κἀν 
τοῖς δείπνοις οὐκ ἄλλου τινὸς ἢ τούτου χάρι" τῶν 
ἐδεσμάτων προπαρατίθεσθαί τε καὶ ἐπιτραγημα- 
τίξεσθαι, καθάπερ ἀντ᾽ ἄλλης τινὸς ἀλεξήσεως 
ἱερᾶς ταῖς τῶν βρωμάτων ἀδικίαις περιπτυσσό- 
μενον. καὶ μὴν ὅτι καὶ θεοῖς τὸ σῦκον ἀνάκειται, 
καὶ θυσίας ἐστὶν ἁπάσης ἐμβώμιον, καὶ ὅτι παν- 
τὸς λιβανωτοῦ κρεῖττον ἐς θυμιάματος σκευασίαν 
ἐστίν, οὐκ ἐμὸς ἴδιος οὗτος ὁ λόγος, ἀλλ᾽ ὅστις τὴν 
χρείαν αὐτοῦ ἔμαθεν, οἷδεν ὡς ἀνδρὸς σοφοῦ καὶ 
ἱεροφάντου λόγος ἐστί. Θεόφραστος δὲ ὁ καλὸς 
ἐν γεωργίας παραγγέλμασι τὰς τῶν ἑτεροφύτων 
δένδρων. γενέσεις ἐκτιθεὶς καὶ ὅσα ἀλληλούχοις 
ἐγκεντρίσεσιν εἴκει, πάντων, οἶμαι, τῶν φυτῶν 
μᾶλλον ἐπαινεῖ τῆς συκῆς τὸ δένδρον ὡς ἂν ποι- 
κίλης καὶ διαφόρου γενέσεως δεκτικὸν καὶ μόνον 
τῶν ἄλλων εὔκολον παντοίου γένους ἐνεγκεῖν βλά- 
στῆν, εἴ τις αὐτοῦ τῶν κλάδων “ἐκτεμὼν ἕκαστον, 
εἶτα ἐκρήξας ἄλλην ἐς ἄλλο τῶν πρέμνων ἐμφυῆ 
γονὴν ἐναρμόσειεν, ὡς ἀρκεῖν ἤδη πολλάκις αὐτοῦ 
καὶ ἀνθ᾽ ὁλοκλήρου κήπου τὴν ὄψιν, οἷον ἐν λει- 
μῶνι χαριεστάτῳ ποικίλην τινὰ καὶ πολυειδῆ τῶν 
καρπῶν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ τὴν ἀγλαΐαν. ἀντιπεπομφύτος. 
καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τῶν ἀκροδρύων ἐ ἐστὶν ὀλιγοχρόνια 
καὶ τὴν μονὴν οὐκ ἀνέχεται, μόνῳ δὲ τῷ σύκῳ 
καὶ ὑπερενιαυτίζειν ἔξεστι καὶ τῇ τοῦ μέλλοντος 

1 Aristotle, Frag. 105, Rose. 


reverse, But the fig is not only sweet to taste but 
it is still better for digestion. And it is so beneficial 
to mankind that Aristotle! even says that it is an 
antidote for every deadly poison, and that for no 
other reason than this is it served before other 
food as a first course at meals and then at the end 
for dessert, as though we embraced it in prefer- 
ence to any other sacred means of averting the 
injury caused by the things we eat. Moreover, that 
the fig is offered to the gods also, and is set on the 
altar in every sacrifice, and that it is better than 
any frankincense for making fragrant fumes, this 
is a statement not made by me alone,? but who- 
ever is acquainted with its use knows that it is the 
statement of a wise man, a hierophant. Again, the 
admirable Theophrastus* in his precepts of agri- 
culture, when he is describing the kinds of grafted 
trees and what sorts admit of being grafted on one 
another, commends the fig tree above all other 
plants, if I am not mistaken, as being able to receive 
various and different kinds, and as the only one of 
them all that easily bears a growth of any other sort, 
if you cut out every one of its boughs and then break 
off and insert a different engrafted stock into each of 
the cleft stumps; hence to look at it is often equi- 
valent to a complete garden, since it returns you the 
variegated and manifold splendours of other fruits, 
as happens in the loveliest orchard. And whereas 
the fruits of other fruit-bearing trees are short-lived 
and cannot last for any time, the fig alone can 
survive beyond the year, and is present at the birth 

2 A Julianic commonplace, cf. note on Vol. 2 Fragment of 
a Letter 299c, and above, p. 222. 
3 Enquiry into Plants 2. 5. 6. 





na n 4 \ \ 
καρποῦ γενέσει συνενεχθῆναι. ὥστε φησὶ Kal 
Ὅμηρος ἐν ᾿Αλκίνου κήπῳ τοὺς καρποὺς ἀλλήλοις 
a x 
ἐπιγηράσκειν. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν TOV ἄλλων ἴσως ἂν 
a / na Δ 
μῦθος ποιητικὸς εἶναι δόξειε: μόνῳ δὲ TO σύκῳ 
\ \ n > " bl \ x / , 
πρὸς TO τῆς ἀληθείας ἐναργὲς Av συμφέροιτο, διότι 
καὶ μόνον τῶν ἄλλων καρπῶν ἐστὶ μονιμώτερον. 
τοιαύτην δὲ ἔχον, οἶμαι, τὸ σῦκον τὴν φύσιν, πολλῷ 
Ὁ / ,’ "Ὁ. \ / lal 4 
κρεῖττόν ἐστι Tap ἡμῖν τὴν γένεσιν, ὡς εἶναι TOV 
\ 7 an ae , > a \ a 
μὲν ἄλλων φυτῶν αὐτὸ τιμιώτερον, αὐτοῦ δὲ τοῦ 
΄ a : a 
σύκου τὸ Tap ἡμῖν θαυμασιώτερον, Kal νικᾶν μὲν 
εις." al ΝΜ \ / i ’ e \ a 
αὐτὸ τῶν ἄλλων τὴν γένεσιν, αὖθις δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ 
᾽ a “Ὁ n , 
παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἡττᾶσθαι καὶ τῇ πρὸς ἑκάτερον ἐγκρίσει 
nr ᾽ 9S 
πάλιν σώζεσθαι, κρατοῦντι μὲν ἐοικός, ols δ᾽ av 
a a , an 
κρατεῖσθαι δοκεῖ, πάλιν és τὸ καθόλου νικῶντι. 
a a , 
καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἀπεικότως παρ᾽ ἡμῖν μόνοις συμ- 
7ὔ 5d % 53 \ \ 7 > n \ 
βαίνει" ἔδει yap, οἶμαι, τὴν Διὸς πόλιν ἀληθῶς καὶ 
\ n e- F e / >] , \ e \ \ 
τὸν Ths ἑῴας ἁπάσης ὀφθαλμόν' τὴν ἱερὰν καὶ 
μεγίστην Δαμασκὸν λέγω" τοῖς τε ἄλλοις σύμπα- 
σιν, οἷον ἱερῶν κάλλει καὶ νεῶν μεγέθει καὶ ὡρῶν 
> / 1 \ a > εἰ x nr ft 
εὐκρασίᾳ' καὶ πηγῶν ἀγλαΐᾳ, καὶ ποταμῶν πλή 
\ fol > a » a 
θει καὶ γῆς εὐφορίᾳ νικῶσαν μόνην ἄρα καὶ TO 
n \ al / \ 
τοιούτῳ φυτῷ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ θαύματος ὑπεροχὴν 
> / ἡδὲ 4 5 / na \ δέ 
ἀρκέσαι. οὐδὲν οὖν ἀνέχεται μεταβολῆς τὸ δέν- 
Spov, οὐδὲ ὑπερβαίνει τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους ὅρους τῆς 
/ > > > / “ / \ > 
βλάστης, ἀλλ αὐτόχθονος φυτοῦ νόμῳ τὴν ἐξ 
ἀποικίας γένεσιν ἀρνεῖται. καὶ χρυσὸς μὲν, οἶμαι, 

1 εὐκρασίᾳ Cobet οἵ, Zimaeus 34 0, εὐκαιρίᾳ Hertlein, MSS. 

1 Odyssey 7. 120. 


of the fruit that is to follow it. Hence Homer ! also 
says that in the garden of Alcinous the fruits “ wax 
old on” one another. Now in the case of other 
fruits this might perhaps seem to be a poetic fiction, 
but for the fig alone it would be consistent with the 
plain fact, because alone of all fruits it lasts for some 
time. Such, I think, is the nature of the fig in 
general, but the kind that grows with us is much 
better than others; so that in proportion as the fig 
is more valuable than other plants, our fig is more 
admirable than the fig in general; and while the 
latter in its kind ‘surpasses all other fruits, it is in its 
turn excelled by ours, and again holds its own by 
comparison in both respects, first in being plainly 
superior, and secondly, in points where it seems to 
be inferior it wins on the general count. And it is 
quite natural that this should be so in our country 
alone. For it was fitting, I think, that the city 
which in very truth belongs to Zeus and is the eye 
of the whole East,—I mean sacred and most mighty 
Damascus,—?* which in all other respects bears the 
palm, for instance, for the beauty of its shrines and 
the size of its temples and for its exquisitely 
tempered climate and the splendour of its fountains, 
the number of its rivers and the fertility of its soil— 
I say it is fitting that she alone should keep up her 
reputation by the possession of a plant of this ex- 
cellence and thus excite an excess of admiration. 
Accordingly our tree does not brook transplanting, 
nor does it overstep the natural boundaries of its 
growth, but as though by a law that governs the 
indigenous plant refuses to grow in colonies abroad. 
The same sorts of gold and silver are, I believe, 

2 Julian, as far as we know, never visited Damascus. 


VOL, Il. T 


Kab ἄργυρος ὁ αὐτὸς πολλαχοῦ φύεται, μόνη δὲ ἡ 
παρ᾽ ἡμῖν χώρα τίκτει φυτὸν ἀλλαχοῦ φῦναι μὴ 
δυνάμενον. ὥσπερ δὲ τὰ cE Ἰνδῶν ἀγώγιμα, καὶ 
οἱ Περσικοὶ σῆρες ἢ ὅσα ἐν τῇ Αἰθιόπων γῇ τίκτε- 
ται μὲν καὶ λέγεται, τῷ δὲ τῆς ἐμπορίας νόμῳ 
πανταχοῦ διαβαίνει" οὕτω δὴ" καὶ τὸ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν 
σῦκον, ἀλλαχοῦ τῆς γῆς οὐ “γινόμενον, πανταχοῦ 
παρ᾽ ἡμῶν στέλλεται, καὶ οὔτε πόλις οὔτε νῆσός 
ἐστιν, ἣν οὐκ ἐπέρχεται τῷ τῆς ἡδονῆς θαύματι. 
ἀλλὰ καὶ τράπεζαν βασιλικὴν κοσμεῖ, καὶ παντὸς 
δείπνου σεμνόν ἐστιν ᾿ἐγκαλλώπισμα, καὶ οὔτ᾽ 

ἔνθρυπτον οὔτε στρεπτὸν οὔτε νεήλατον οὔτε ἄλλο 

καρυκείας γένος ἥδυσμα ἴ ἴσον ἣ ἂν ἀφίκηται" " το- 
σοῦτον αὐτῷ τῶν τε ἄλλων ἐδεσμάτων καὶ δὴ καὶ 
τών ἑκασταχοῦ σύκων“ περίεστι τοῦ θαύματος. 
καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τῶν σύκων ἢ ὀπωρινὴν ἔχει τὴν 
βρῶσιν ἢ ἢ τερσαινόμενα ἐς τὸ ταμεῖον ἔ ἔρχεται, τὸ 
δὲ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν μόνον ἀμφοτερίζει τῇ χρείᾳ, καὶ καλὸν 
μέν ἐστιν ἐπιδένδριον, πολλῷ δὲ κάλλιον, εἰ ἐς 
τὴν τερσιὰν ἔλθοι. εἰ δὲ καὶ τὴν ὥραν ¢ αὐτοῦ THY 
ἐν τοῖς δένδροις ὀφθαλμῷ λάβοις, καὶ ὅπως ἑκά- 
στου τῶν πρέμνων ἐπιμήκεσι. τοῖς κέντροις οἱονεὶ 
καλύκων δίκην a ἀπήρτηται, ἢ ὅπως ἐν κύκλῳ περι- 
θεῖ τῷ καρπῷ τὸ δένδρον, ἄλλας ἐπ᾽ ἄλλαις ἐν 
στόιχῳ " περιφερεῖ πολυειδεῖς ἀγλαΐας μηχανᾶ- 
cba’ φαίης ἂν αὐτὸ καθάπερ ἐν ὅρμῳ δέρης. αἱ 

1 χέγεται MSS., Bidez would retain = colliguntur, Hertlein 


οὕτω δὲ Hertlein in error for MSS., δή, restored by Bidez. 
ὃ Hercher and Hertlein οὔτ᾽ ἀρ ὐλδὸν ἐς τὸ ἴσον ἀφίκοιτο ; 
MSS. οὔτ᾽---ἔσται ἥδυσμα ἴσον ἤ ; Bidez οὔτ᾽ ----ῆἥδυσμα ἴσον ἣ 
(cf. Thucydides 2. 100 = ‘‘ where”) ἄν ἀφίκηται. 
4 After ἑκασταχοῦ Hertlein suggests σύκων. 



produced in many places, but our country aloné 
gives birth to a plant that cannot be grown any- 
where else. And just like the wares of India, or 
Persian silks, or all that is produced and collected 
in the country of the Ethiopians but travels every- 
where by the law of commerce, so, too, our native fig 
doves not grow anywhere else on earth, but is exported 
by us to all parts, and there is no city or island to 
which it does not travel, because it is so much 
admired for its sweet flavour. Moreover it even 
adorns the imperial table and is the boast and orna- 
ment of every feast; and there is no cake or roll or 
pastry! or any kind of confectionery to match it as 
a sweetmeat wherever it comes; so far does it surpass 
in admirable qualities all other dainties, and more- 
over all figs from any other place. Again, other 
figs are either eaten in autumn, or are dried and go to 
the store-room, but the fig of our country alone can 
be used in both ways, and though it is good while on 
the tree it is far better when it has been dried. 
And should you see with your own eyes their beauty 
while they are still on the trees, and how from each 
one of the branches they hang by long stalks like 
flower-buds, so to speak, or again, how with their fruit 
they completely encircle the tree, then you would say 
that by this circular series one above another they 
compose a splendid and varied picture even as a 
neck in its necklace. Then again, the manner in 

1 An echo of Demosthenes, On the Crown 260 ἔν)ρυπτα καὶ 
στρεπτοὺς καὶ νεήλατα. 

5 Thomas; ὅμοιον MSS. 
8 στοίχῳ MSS., Bidez; τοίχῳ Vossianus, Hertlein. 
7 μηχανώμενον, φαίης Hertlein, MSS. ; μηχανᾶσθαι φαίης Bidez. 


rT 2 



oe} Tay δένδρων ἐξαιρέσεις αὐτοῦ " καὶ ἡ πρὸς 

χρονίαν "μονὴν ἐπιτέχνησις οὐκ ἐλάττονα τῆς ἐς 
τὴν χρείαν. ἡδονῆς ἔχει τὴν φιλοτιμίαν" οὐ γὰρ 
ὥσπερ τὰ ἄλλα τῶν σύκων ὁμοῦ καὶ κατὰ ταὐτὸν 
ἔρριπται, οὐδὲ σωρηδὸν ἢ ἢ χύδην ἡλίῳ τερσαίνεται, 
ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν ἠρέμα τῶν δένδρων αὐτὰ ταῖς 
χερσὶν ἀποδρέπουσιν, ἔπειτα ὅρπηξιν ἢ ῥάβδοις 
ἀκανθώδεσι τῶν τοίχων ἀπαρτῶσιν, ἵνα λευκαί- 
νηται μὲν ἡλίῳ καθαρῷ προσομιλοῦντα, μένῃ δ᾽ 
ἀνεπιβούλευτα τῶν ζῴων καὶ τῶν ὀρνιθίων, οἱονεὶ 
τῶν κέντρων τῇ ἀλεξήσει δορυφορούμενα. καὶ 
περὶ μὲν γενέσεως αὐτῶν καὶ γλυκύτητος καὶ 
ὥρας καὶ ποιήσεως καὶ χρείας ταῦτά σοι παρ᾽ 
ἡμῶν ἡ ἐπιστολὴ προσπαίζει. 

ὝὍ γε μὴν τῶν ἑκατὸν ἀριθμὸς ὡς ἔστι τῶν 
ἄλλων τιμιώτερος καὶ τὸ τέλεον ἐν αὑτῷ τῶν ἀρι- 
θμῶν περιγράφων, μάθοι av τις θεωρῶν τῇδε. καὶ 
οὐκ ἀγνοῶ μὲν ὡς παλαιῶν καὶ σοφῶν ᾿ἀνδρῶν ὁ 
λόγος, τοῦ ἀρτίου τὸν περιττὸν προκεῖσθαι, οὐδὲ 
ὡς ἀρχήν φασιν αὐξήσεως εἶναι τὸ μὴ συνδυάξον' 
τὸ γὰρ ὅμοιον θατέρῳ μένειν ὁποῖον καὶ τὸ ἕτερον, 
δυοῖν δὲ γενομένοιν τὸν τρίτον εἶναι τὴν περιτ- 
τότητα. ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἄν, εἰ καὶ τολμηρότερος ὁ λόγος 
ἐστί, φαίην ὅμως" ἀρχῆς μὲν εἰσιν οἱ ἀριθμοὶ 
πάντως ἐξηρτημένοι, καὶ τὸ προσεχὲς τῆς αὐξή- 
σεως διὰ παντὸς ἂν κομίξοιντο. πολλῷ γε μὴν 
οἶμαι δικαιότερον τῷ ἀρτίῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ περιττῷ 
τὴν τῆς αὐξήσεως αἰτίαν προσκεῖσθαι. ὁ μὲν 

ὶ 1 αὐτὺ---δέρης. αἱ δὲ Bidez; αὐτῷ---δέρης τὰς Hertlein, 

* αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡ Bidez; αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἡ Hertlein, MSS. 



which they are taken from the tree and the means 
employed for preserving them for a long time 
involve quite as much outlay as the pleasure 
derived from their use. For they are not, like 
other kinds of figs, thrown together in one place, 
nor are they dried in the sun in heaps or promis- 
cuously; but first they are gathered carefully by 
hand from the trees, then they are hung on walls*by 
means of sticks or thorny twigs, so that they may 
be bleached by exposure to the direct rays of the 
sun while they are also safe from the attacks of 
animals and small birds, since the protection of the 
prickles furnishes them with a sort of bodyguard. 
So far my letter to you deals with their origin, 
sweetness, beauty, confection, and use, and is in 
lighter vein. 

Now to consider the number one hundred,! which 
is more honourable than \jany other and contains in 
itself the perfection of all numbers, as one may learn 
from the following considerations. I am indeed 
well aware that there is a saying of wise men of old 
that an odd number is to be preferred to an even, 
and they declare that the source of increase is 
that which does not couple. For in a pair the one 
term being equal to the other remains of the same 
quality, but when there are two numbers the third 
produces oddness. But for my part, even though 
the statement is somewhat bold, I would neverthe- 
less say this: Numbers surely depend on a genera- 
tive principle, and can carry on consecutive increase 
through the whole series. But I hold that it is far 
more just to assign the cause of that increase to the 
even than to the odd number. For the number one 

1 He was sending one hundred figs. 



C yap els ἀριθμὸς οὐκ ἂν εἴη περιττός, οὐκ ἔχων 

ὅτου περιττὸς γένοιτο" ἡ δὲ τῆς δυάδος συξυγία 
τίκτει διπλῆν τὴν περιττότητα, κἀκ τῶν δυοῖν 
ἀριθμῶν ὁ τρίτος εἰκότως εἰς αὔξησιν “ἔρχεται. 
πάλιν τε ἐν τῇ τῆς ἑτέρας δυάδος μίξει τῆς πετρά- 
δος τὴν ὑπεροχὴν. λαμβάνει, καὶ ὅλως ἡ πρὸς 

ἄλληλα κοινωνία τὴν ἐξἑκατέρου περιττότητα φαί- 
νουσα εἰς τὸν τῆς δυάδος ἀριθμὸν περικλείεται. 
δεδομένου δὴ τούτου, φαίην ἂν, οἶμαι, τῆς πρώτης 
δεκάδος τὴν εἰς αὑτὴν περιφέρειαν ἀνακυκλούσης 
εἰς τὸν τῆς ἑκατοντάδος ἀριθμὸν τὸ ὅλον δια- 
βαίνειν, ὡς τῷ μὲν ἑνὶ τὴν αὔξησιν ἂν εἰς δέκα 
συντείνειν, πάλιν δ᾽ αὖ τὴν δεκάδα δι’ αὑτῆς ἀνι- 
οὔσαν εἰς τὸν τῶν ἑκατὸν ἀριθμὸν συντελεῖσθαι. 
κἀντεῦθεν αὖ πάλιν ἐξ ἑκατοντάδων τὸ ὅλον τῶν 
ἀριθμῶν τὴν δύναμιν καρποῦσθαι, “μήτε τοῦ ἑνὸς 
ἠρεμοῦντος, εἰ μή τι τῆς δυάδος ἐν τῇ μίξει τὸ 
περιττὸν ἀεὶ τικτούσης τε καὶ εἰς ἑαυτὴν αὖθις 
ἀνακαλουμένης, ἄχρις ἂν ἑτέρᾳ πάλιν ἑκατοντάδι 
τῶν ἀριθμῶν τὸ συναγόμενον κατακλείσῃ, καὶ τὸ 
τέλεον αὐτῷ προσάπτουσα πάλιν ἐξ αὐτοῦ πρὸς 
τὸ ἕτερον ἑρπύσῃ, ταῖς τῶν ἑκατοντάδων ἐπηγο- 
ρίαις ἀεὶ τὸ ὅλον εἰς τὸ τῆς καταλήψεως ἄπειρον 
ἀναφέρουσα. δοκεῖ δέ μοι καὶ Ὅμηρος οὐχ ἁπλῶς 
οὐδὲ ἀργῶς ἐν τοῖς ἔπεσι τὴν ἑκατονταθύσανον 
αἰγίδα τῷ Aut περιθεῖναι, ἀλλά τινι κρείττονι καὶ 
ἀπορρήτῳ λόγῳ τοῦτο αἰνίττεσθαι λέγων, ὡς ἄρα 

1 δι 1 is now odd in relation to 2, and their combination 
results in 3, an odd number. 

* i.e. when ten is multiplied by ten. 




is not odd, when it has no number in respect to 
which it were odd. But its coupling with two pro- 
duces twofold oddness,! and the number three, 
coming from the two, naturally proceeds as increase. 
Then again when we add two to two, the result is the 
higher stage of the number four, and, in a word, 
their conjunction, while making oddness clear in 
each of their two elements, is constituted in the 
number two. This being granted, I should say, of 
course, that when the first decad is revolving on 
itself in a circle,? the whole series progresses to the 
number one hundred, so that by the number one 
the increase amounts to ten, and the decad in turn 
is added each time to. itself, and the total is 
reached in the number one hundred. And. start- 
ing again from this point, with the hundreds, the 
whole series of numbers derive their power, by 
the activity of the number one, except that it is 
the number two* when combined with it that ever 
produces the odd and again recalls it to itself, 
until again it concludes with a second hundred the 
sum of all the numbers, and, making it complete, 
proceeds again from it to another and under the 
denomination of hundreds continually carries forward 
the sum to the conception of infinity. So I think 
that Homer too in his poems does not lightly or 
idly assign to Zeus the hundred-tasselled egis,* but 
in a lofty and obscure saying he hinted at this 

3 The writer, who probably could not have explained his 
cryptic language, insists on the superiority of the dyad, 
even and feminine, to the odd number 1, regarded as the 
male principle. 

4 The epithet is not used in our Homer of the egis of 
Zeus, but of the egis of Athene and the girdle of Hera. 



na 7 A Ν , 3 \ ’ 
τῷ τελεωτάτῳ θεῷ τὸν τελεώτατον ἀριθμὸν περιά- 
\ GC - ¥ \ \ 7 xX‘ “ 
Were καὶ ᾧ μόνῳ παρὰ τοὺς ἄλλους ἂν δικαιότερον 
a δ ᾽ὔ 
κοσμοῖτο, ἢ ὅτι τὸν ξύμπαντα κόσμον, ὃν εἰς αἰγί- 
δος σχῆμα τῷ τῆς εἰκόνος περιφερεῖ ξυνείληφεν, 
> 37 Ἃ ἐς la) ς \ > \ / 
οὐκ ἄλλος πως ἢ ὁ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἀριθμὸς περιγράφει, 
»“»ὦ» \ 4 e , \ “3 Ν « lol 
τῇ κατὰ κύκλον ἑκατοντάδι τὴν és TO ὅλον TOD 
νοητοῦ κατανόησιν ἐφαρμόττων. ὁ δ᾽ αὐτὸς λόγος 
οὗτος καὶ τὸν ἑκατοντάχειρα, τὸν Βριάρεω, καθίζει 
n \ rn 
πάρεδρον τῷ Διί, καὶ πρὸς THY TOD πατρὸς aptr- 
al A , e 3 lal lal » r 
λᾶσθαι συγχωρεῖ δύναμιν, οἷον ἐν τῷ TOD ἀριθμοῦ 
7 \ / 3 a a 3 4 ᾽ / \ 
τελέῳ TO τέλεον αὐτῷ τῆς ἰσχύος ἀποδιδούς. καὶ 
\ \ Ti 5 ε Θ ἴω \ 5 7] \ 
μὴν καὶ Πίνδαρος ὁ Θηβαῖος τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τὴν 
r , 
Tudwéws ἐν ἐπινικίοις κηρύττων καὶ TO τοῦ μεγί- 
στου τούτου γίγαντος κράτος τῷ μεγίστῳ βασιλεῖ 
τῶν θεῶν περιτιθεὶς οὐχ ἑτέρωθεν αὐτῷ τῆς εὐφη- 
, 4 \ ς \ XN “ x , 
pias κρατύνει τὴν ὑπερβολὴν ἢ ὅτι τὸν γίγαντα 
τὸν ἑκατοντακέφαλον ἑνὶ βλήματι καθελεῖν ἤρκε- 
ξ ” \ 5) >’ a n \ lal 
σεν, WS οὔτε τινὸς ἄλλου εἰς χεῖρα TOD Διὸς ἐλθεῖν 
ἀντιμάχου γίγαντος νομισθέντος ἢ ὃν ἡ μήτηρ 
, n yy [ὦ \ ral [2 » 
μονον τῶν ἄλλων EKATOV κεφαλαῖς ὥπλισεν, οὔτε 
[2 / \ al xX ’ \ ᾽ ’ Ν 
ἑτέρου τινὸς θεῶν ἢ μόνου Διὸς ἀξιονικοτέρου πρὸς 
τὴν τοῦ τοσούτου γίγαντος καθαίρεσιν ὄντος. 
Σεμωνίδῃ δὲ ἄρα τῷ μελικῷ πρὸς τὴν ᾿Απόλλωνος 
nr \ 
εὐφημίαν ἀρκεῖ τὸν θεὸν Ἑκατον προσειπόντι καὶ 
καθάπερ ἀντ᾽ ἄλλου τινὸς ἱεροῦ γνωρίσματος 
αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν κοσμῆσαι, διότι τὸν Πύθωνα, 

\ / / « [4 > 4 
τὸν δράκοντα, βέλεσιν ἑκατόν, ὥς φησιν, ἐχειρώ- 


that to the most perfect god he attached. the most 
perfect number, that number by which alone beyond 
all the others he would most fittingly be adorned, 
or because the whole universe which he has com- 
prehended in the shape of an wgis, by reason of 
the roundness of that image, no other number 
than the hundred describes, and so with the round 
number one hundred he harmonises the conception 
of the intelligible world asa whole. Again, on the 
same principle he makes Briareus with his hundred 
hands the assessor of Zeus and allows him to rival his 
father’s might, as though he expressed the perfec- 
tion of his strength by means of the perfect number. 
Again, Pindar! the Theban, when he celebrates the 
destruction of Typhoeus in his odes of victory, and 
ascribes to the most mighty ruler of the gods power 
over this most mighty giant, rises to the highest 
pitch of praise simply because with one blow he 
was able to lay low the hundred-headed giant, as 
though no other giant was held worthy to fight 
hand to hand with Zeus than he whom, alone of all 
the rest, his mother had armed with a hundred 
heads; and as though no other of the gods save 
Zeus only were worthy to win a victory by the 
destruction of so great a giant. Simonides? also, 
the lyric poet, thinks it enough for his praise of 
Apollo that he should call the god “ Hekatos’’% 
and adorn him with this title rather than with any 
other sacred symbol; for this reason, that he over- 
came the Python, the serpent, with a hundred 

1 1 Pindar, Olympian Ode 4. 7; Pythian 1. 16. 

2 Simonides, frag. 26, Bergk. 

8 This epithet means ‘‘ Far-Darter” and is misinterpreted 
by the writer of this letter to mean ‘*‘ Hundredth,” 





σατο, Kal μᾶλλον αὐτὸν “Exatov ἢ Πύθιον χαίρειν 
προσαγορευόμενον, οἷον desma’: τινὸς ἐπωνυ- 
μίας συμβόλῳ προσφωνούμενον. ἥ γε μὴν τὸν 
Δία θρεψαμένη νῆσος, ἡ Κρήτη, καθάπερ τροφεῖα 
τῆς Διὸς ὑποδοχῆς ἀντιλαβοῦσα τῷ τῶν ἑκατὸν 
πόλεων ἀριθμῷ τετίμηται. καὶ Θήβας bea ἄρα τὰς 
ἑκατονταπύλους οὐκ ἄλλου τινὸς ἢ τούτου χάριν 
ἐπαινεῖ “Ὅμηρος, διότι ταῖς πύλαις ταῖς ἑκατὸν 
κάλλος Hv θαυμαστόν. καὶ σιωπῶ θεῶν ἑ ἑκατόμ- 
βας καὶ νεὼς ἑκατονταπέδους καὶ βωμοὺς ἑκατον- 
τακρήπιδας καὶ τοὺς ἑκατονταδόχους ἀνδρῶνας 
καὶ τὰς ἀρούρας δὲ τὰς ἑκατονταπλέθρους καὶ ὅσα 
ἄλλα θεῖά τε καὶ ἀνθρώπινα. τῇ τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ τοῦδε 
προσηγορίᾳ συνείληπται. ὅ γε μὲν ἀριθμὸς οὗτος 
οἷδε καὶ στρατιωτικὴν ὁμοῦ καὶ εἰρηνικὴν τάξιν 
κοσμῆσαι, καὶ ᾿φαιδρύνει μὲν τὴν ἑκατόντανδρον 
λοχαγίαν, τιμᾷ δὲ ἥδε καὶ δικαστῶν ἐς τὸ ἴσον 
ἥκουσαν ἐπωνυμίαν. καί με καὶ πλείω τούτων 
ἔχοντα λέγειν ὁ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἐπιστρέφει νόμος" 
σὺ δὲ ἀλλὰ συγγνώμην. ἔχειν τῷ λόγῳ, διότι καὶ 
ταῦτα πλείω τῶν ἱκανῶν εἴρηται. καὶ εἰ μὲν ἔχει 
μέτριον. ἐπὶ col κριτῇ κάλλος τὸ ἐγχείρημα, πάν- 
τως “καὶ “πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἔκφορον ἔσται, τῆς 
παρὰ σοῦ ψήφου τὴν μαρτυρίαν δεξάμενον" εἰ δὲ 
χειρὸς ἑτέρας προσδεῖται πρὸς τὸ τοῦ σκοποῦ 
συμπλήρωμα, τίς ἂν σοῦ κάλλιον εἰδείη τὴν γραφὴν 
εἰς κάλλος ἀκριβώσας πρὸς τὴν τῆς θέας ἡδονὴν 
ἀπολεᾶναι ; ἢ 

1 ἀκριβώσας---ἀπολεᾶναι (cf. ἐπιλεαίνων vol. 1, Oration 3, 111 
D in same sense) Hertlein suggests. Hercher ἀκριβῶσαι: 
deleting the last six words. MSS, ἀκριβώσαντο:---ἀπολαῦσαι 
retained in Hertlein’s text. 


——— ll 


shafts, as he says, and the god himself took more 
pleasure in being addressed as “ Hekatos” than as 
“the Pythian,” as if he were thus invoked by the 
symbolic expression of his complete title. Then 
again, the island Crete which nurtured Zeus, has 
received as her reward, as though it were her fee 
for sheltering Zeus, the honour of cities to the 
number of one hundred. Homer? too praises 
Thebes the hundred-gated for no other reason than 
this that there was a marvellous beauty in her 
hundred gates. I say nothing of the hecatombs of 
the gods and temples a hundred feet long, altars 
with a hundred steps, rooms that hold a hundred 
men, fields of a hundred acres and other things 
divine and human which are classed together 
because they have this number for their epithet. 
It is a number, moreover, that has the power to 
adorn official rank both for war and peace, and while 
it lends brilliance to a company of a hundred soldiers 
it also confers distinction on the title of judges? 
when their number is one hundred. And I could say 
more than this, but the etiquette of letter-writing 
deters me. But do you be indulgent to my dis- 
course, for what I have said already is more than 
enough. And if my essay has in your judgement 
even a mediocre elegance it shall surely go forth for 
others to read, after receiving the testimonial of 
your vote; but if it need another hand to make 
it fulfil its aim, who better than you should know 
how to polish the manuscript to the point of 
elegance and make it smooth so as to give pleasure 
to the eye? ᾿ 

1 Jliad 9. 383; Acneid 3. 106. 
2 The centumviri, 



Βασιλείῳ ! 

To ἔμφυτόν μοι ἐκ παιδόθεν γαληνὸν καὶ φιλάν- 
θρωπον μέχρι γε τοῦ παρόντος ἐπιδεικνύμενος, 
πάντας ὑπηκόους ἐκομισάμην τοὺς οἰκοῦντας τὴν 
¢ 4? 2 \ \ cal / 4 / 
ὑφ᾽ ἥλιον. ἰδοὺ yap πᾶν γένος βαρβάρων μέχρις 
ὁρίων ὠκεανοῦ ποταμοῦ δῶρά μοι κομίζον ἧκε 

lal nr e 

Tapa ποσὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς, ὁμοίως δὲ Kal Layddapes οἱ 

παρὰ τὸν Δάνουβιν ἐκτραφέντες καὶ Τόττοι ποικι- 
λοκαρόμορφοι,5 οἷς οὐκ ἔστι θέα ὁμοιοειδὴς ἀνθρώ- 
ποις, ἀλλὰ μορφὴ ἀγριαίνουσα. οὗτοι κατὰ τὴν 
ἐνεστῶσαν προκαλινδοῦνται ἴχνεσι τοῖς ἐμοῖς, 
ὑπισχνούμενοι ποιεῖν ἐκεῖνα, ἅπερ τῇ ἐμῇ ἁρμόζει 
΄ ιν Ses 4 / τ. > \ 
βασιλείᾳ. οὐχὶ δὲ ἐν τούτῳ μόνον ἕλκομαι, ἀλλὰ 
δεῖ we σὺν πολλῷ τῷ τάχει καταλαβεῖν τὴν ΠΕερ- 
σῶν καὶ τροπώσασθαι τὸν Σάπωριν ἐκεῖνον τὸν 
ἀπόγονον Δαρείου γεγονότα, ἄχρις οὗ ὑπόφορος 
καὶ ὑποτελής μοι γένηται" ἐντεῦθεν δὲ καὶ τὴν 
᾿Ινδῶν καὶ τὴν Σαρακηνῶν περιοικίδα ἐκπορθῆσαι, 
ἄχρις οὗ καὶ αὐτοὶ πάντες ἐν δευτέρᾳ τάξει βασι- 
λείας γένωνται τῆς ἐμῆς ὑπόφοροι καὶ ὑποτελεῖς. 
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐπέκεινα τῆς τούτων δυνάμεως πεφρό- 
᾽ / \ / > 7 > ’ 

νηκας, εὐλάβειαν μὲν λέγων ἐνδεδύσθαι, ἀναίδειαν 
δὲ προβαλλόμενος, καὶ πανταχοῦ διαφημίξων 

1 Hertlein 75. It occurs in a great number of MSS., some- 
times with the reply of Basil, also apocryphal, and in Basil, 
Ltters 3. p. 122. The text is very corrupt. 

35 ποικιλοκανθαρόμορφοι, “shaped like variegated beetles,” 

Reiske, from εὐμορφοποικιλοκανθαρόμορφοι, the reading of 
Palatinus 146. 

1 This letter, generally recognised as spurious, is perhaps 
a Christian forgery, since it gives an unfavourable impression 


— —— 


To Basil 1 

Up to the present I have displayed the innately 
mild and humane temper that I have shown since 
childhood, and have brought under my sway all 
who dwell on the earth beneath the sun. For lo, 
every tribe of barbarians as far as the boundaries of 
the river of Ocean has come bringing gifts to lay 
at my feet! And likewise the Sagadares? who are. 
bred on the banks of the Danube, and the Cotti 
with headdresses of many\shapes and colours, who 
are not like the rest of mankind to look at, but have 
a fierce and wild appearance. These at the present 
time are grovelling in my footprints and promise to 
do whatever suits my majesty’s pleasure. And not 
only am I distracted by this, but I must with all 
speed occupy the country of the Persians and put 
to flight the great Sapor, who is the descendant 
of Darius, until he consents to pay me tribute and 
taxes. Afterwards I must also sack the settlements 
of the Indians and Saracens, until they too shall 
all take second plaee in my Empire and consent to 
pay tribute and taxes. But you have in your own 
person displayed a pride far exceeding the power 
of all these, when you say that you are clothed in 
pious reserve, but in fact flaunt your impudence, and 
spread a rumour on all sides that I am not worthy 

of Julian. The writer knew nothing of Julian’s style and 
mannerisms. Julian was no boaster and avoided outlandish 
words, It was probably read by Sozomen, 5. 18. 7, and is 
of early date. Julian was in frequent correspondence with 
Basil, and for their friendly relations cf. 70 Basil, Ὁ. 81. 

2 This tribe cannot be identified. Julian himself always 
calls the Danube ‘‘ Ister.” 



n a ς ’ὔ , , 
ἀνάξιόν με τῆς τῶν «Ρωμαίων βασίλειας yeyove- 
’ , la! - 
vat. ἢ οὐκ οἶσθα αὐτός, ὡς ΚΚώνστα τοῦ κρατι- 
/ Ὁ“ 
στου γέγονα ἀπόγονος ; καὶ τούτων οὕτω γνωσ- 
a \ a / / 
θέντων ἡμῖν σου ἕνεκα οὐδὲ τῆς προτέρας ἐξέστη- 
/ e ” / ” a oe 7 b] , 
μεν διαθέσεως, ἧσπερ ἔτι νέοι ὄντες TH ἡλικίᾳ EY@ 
Ν a a 
τε καὶ σὺ μετεσχήκαμεν. ἀλλὰ γαληνῷ τῷ Hpo- 
’ ’ / ς / / “ 
νήματι θεσπίζω δέκα ἑκατοντάδας χρυσίου λιτρῶν 
a la) a U 
ἐξαποσταλῆναί μοι παρὰ cov ἐν TH παρόδῳ μου 
n \ \ / 5 \ \ / 
τῇ κατὰ THY Καίσαρος, ἔτι μου κατὰ τὴν λεωφο- 
e / \ a a / / , 
pov ὑπάρχοντος, σὺν πολλῷ τῷ τάχει μελλοντος 
Ἅ, , / 
μου βαδίζειν ἐπὶ τὸν Leporxov πόλεμον, ἑτοίμου 
᾿ > \ ἴω , 
ὄντος μου, εἰ μὴ τοῦτο ποιήσεις, πάντα τόπον 
ἀνασκευάσαι τῆς Καίσαρος, καὶ τὰ πάλαι αὐτῆς 
/ \ 
ἐγηγερμένα καλλιουργήματα κατασκάψαι κατὰ 
n [γέ 
τόπον, ναούς τε καὶ ἀγάλματα ἀναστῆσαι, ὥστε 
a / ” ae , \ \ 
με πεῖσαι πάντας εἴκειν βασιλεῖ Ῥωμαίων καὶ μὴ 
ς 7ὔ \ i 3 \ , 2 
ὑπεραίρεσθαι. τὸ οὖν ἐξονομασθὲν χρυσίον ἐξ 
a a a ᾽ὔ 
ἀριθμοῦ ζυγῷ ΚΚαμπανῷ πρυτανίσας καὶ διαμετρὴ- 
> n ΕῚ / U , > / rn 
σας ἀσφαλῶς ἐξαπόστειλόν μοι δι᾽ οἰκείου πιστοῦ 
an a « 
σοι ὄντος, δακτυλίῳ τῷ σῷ σφραγισάμενος, ὥστε 
al n \ 
με ἐπεγνωκότι, κἂν ὀψέ ποτε, TOD καιροῦ TO ἀπα- 
ραίτητον γαληνὸν σοι γενέσθαι περὶ τὰ ἐπταισ- 
/ / 
μένα. ἃ yap ἀνέγνων, ἔγνων καὶ Katéyvev.t 
1 This last sentence was probably not in the original letter 
but was quoted as Julian’s by Sozomen 5. 18 and added to 
this letter in some MSS. It occurs separately in one MB., 

Ambrosianus B 4, with the title πρὸς ἐπισκόπους (Cumont, 
Recherches, p. 47). 


2 ————— ον ὐδδιινδιννν. 

Sh ...- 


to be Emperor of the Romans. What! Do you not 
yourself know that I am a descendant of the most 
mighty Constans? And although this your conduct 
has come to my knowledge I have not, as concerns 
you, departed from my former attitude—I mean that 
mutual regard which you and I had when we 
were young men of the same age. But with no 
harshness of temper I decree that you shall despatch 
to me one thousand pounds weight of gold, as I 
march by Caesarea, to be paid without my leaving 
the high-road, since I purpose to march with all 
speed to carry on the war with Persia, and I am 
prepared, if you do not do this, to lay waste the 
whole district of Caesarea,! to tear down on the 
spot those: fine buildings erected long ago, and to 
set up instead temples and images, that so I may 
persuade all men to submit to the Emperor of Rome 
and not be inflated with conceit. Accordingly, 
weigh the above-mentioned gold to that amount on 
Campanian scales, oversee it yourself and measure 
it carefully and despatch it safely to me by some- 
one of your household in whom you have confidence, 
and first seal it with your own seal-ring, so that, if 
you have recognised, late though it be, that the 
occasion admits of no evasion, I may deal mildly 
with your errors of the past. For what I read, I 
. understood and condemned.? 

* Caesarea had had three fine temples destroyed by the 
Christians. Julian ordered their restoration, confiscated the 
estates of the Church, and imposed a fine of 300 Ibs. of gold, 
cf. Sozomen 5. 9. 7. Julian’s death may have prevented 
the enforcement of the penalty. 

2 See below, frag. 14, p. 303. 




Γάλλος καῖσαρ ᾿Ιουλιανῷ ἀδελφῷ χαίρειν * 

Ἢ γειτνίασις τῆς χώρας, λέγω δὲ τὴς Ἰωνίας, 
πλεῖστον ὅσον κέρδος εἰς ἡμᾶς ἤνεγκεν. ἀνιω- 
μένους γὰρ ἡμᾶς καὶ δυσχεραίνοντας ἐπὶ ταῖς 
πρώταις φήμαις παρεμυθήσατο. τί δὲ ἔστιν ὃ 
λέγω, γνώσῃ. ἧκεν εἰς ἡμετέρας ἀκοὰς ἀποστῆς- 
vat μέν σε τῆς προτέρας θρησκείας τῆς ἐκ προγό- 
νων παραδοθείσης, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν μάταιον δεισιδαι- 
μονίαν ἐληλακέναι, οἴστρῳ τινὶ κακῷ συμβούλῳ 
εἰς τοῦτο ἐλαθέντα. καὶ τί οὐκ ἔμελλον πάσχειν 
δυσχεραίνων ; ὡς yap? εἰ μέν τι τῶν ἐν σοὶ καλῶν 
διαβοώμενον γνοίην, κέρδος οἰκεῖον ἡγοῦμαι, οὕτω ὃ 
δέ τι τῶν δυσχερῶν, ὅπερ οὐκ οἶμαι, ἐξίσης ζημίω- 
μα μᾶλλον ἐμὸν νομίζω. ἐπὶ τούτοις οὖν ἀνιώμενόν 
με ἡ παρουσία τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν ᾿Αετίου ηὔφραι- 
νεν, ἀπαγγέλλοντος μὲν ἐναντία, ἡμῖν δὲ εὐκτά' 
καὶ γὰρ σπουδάζειν σε ἔφη εἰς οἴκους εὐχῶν, καὶ 
μὴ πόρρω τῆς μνείας τῶν ἀθλητῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπο- 
σπᾶσθαι, ὅλως δὲ ἔχεσθαι διεβεβαιοῦτο τῆς θεοσε- 

1 No number in Hertlein. First published by Vulcanius, 
Leyden, 1597 ; found only in Palatinus 209, Barberinus 132. 

* γὰρ Hertlein would add. . 

3 οὕτω δὲ Hertlein suggests; εἰ δὲ Reiske ; οὐ δὲ MSS. 

1 Nearly all the critics reject this letter as a Christian 
forgery, but it is defended by Seeck, Geschichte d. Unter- 
gangs d. Antiken Welt, IV. 124, 440,6. Philostorgius 3. 27. 53, 
Bidez, says that Gallus, Julian’s half-brother, who was a 
Christian, frequently sent Aetius to instruct Julian in 
Christian doctrine in order to counteract the influences 



Letter from Gallus Caesar to his brother Julian 1 
Ga.uus Caesar to his brother Julian, Greeting. 

My nearness to the country, I mean to Ionia,? 
has brought me the greatest possible gain. For it 
gave me comfort when I was troubled and pained 
at the first reports that came to me. You will 
understand what I mean. It came to my ears that 
you had abandoned your former mode of worship 
which was handed down by our ancestors, and goaded 
by some evil kind of madness that incited you to 
this, had betaken yourself to that vain superstition. 
What pain should I not have suffered? For just as 
whenever I learn by public rumour of any noble 
quality in you I regard it as a personal gain, so too 
if I hear of anything disturbing, which, however, I 
do not think I shall, in the same way I consider it 
even more my personal loss. Therefore when I was 
troubled about these matters, the presence of our 
father Aetius* cheered me, for he reported the 
very contrary, which was what I prayed to hear. 
Moreover he said that you were zealous in attend- 
ance at the houses of prayer, and that you are not 
being drawn away from pious remembrance of the 
martyrs, and he affirmed that you entirely adhere to 

that inclined him to paganism. If genuine it must be 
dated between 351, when Gallus was made Cesar, and 
354, as Gallus was put to death by Constantius in the 
latter year. 

2 Gallus Caesar resided at Antioch till 354 when he went 
to Constantinople. Julian, meanwhile, was studying at 
Pergamon and Ephesus. For his relations with Gallus, 
see Vol. 2, 70 the Athenians 273 A. 

8 For Aetius see Introduction and Letter 15. 




nw “Ὁ x 7 
455 Betas τῶν ἡμετέρων. ἐγὼ δέ σοι τοῦτ᾽ ἂν εἴποιμι 

κατὰ τὸ ‘Ounpixov Bard οὕτως, καὶ ἐπὶ τοιαύ- 
ταῖς μνείαις εὔφραινε τοὺς ἀγαπῶντας, μεμνη- 
μένος ὡς οὐκ ἔστι τι θεοσεβείας ἀνώτερον. ἡ γὰρ 
εἰς ἄκρον ἀρετὴ παιδεύει τὸ μὲν ψεῦδος ὡς ἀπατη- 
λὸν μισεῖν, τοῦ δὲ ἀληθοῦς ἔχεσθαι, ὅπερ μάλιστα 
ἐν τῇ περὶ τὸ θεῖον φαίνεται θρησκείᾳ. ὄχλος γὰρ 
πάντως φιλόνεικον καὶ ἄστατον" τὸ δὲ μόνον σὺν 
ἑνὶ 53. ὑπουργὸν ὃν βασιλεύει τοῦ παντός, οὐκ ἐκ 
δασμοῦ καὶ κλήρου, καθάπερ οἱ Κρόνου παῖδες, 
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοαρχὴ ὄν, καὶ κρατοῦν τῶν ἁπάντων, οὐδὲ 
δεξάμενον βίᾳ map ἑτέρου, ἀλλὰ πρὸ πάντων ὄν. 
᾿ ν ΠΩΣ 

τοῦτο ὄντως θεός, ὅνπερ σὺν τῷ ὀφειλομένῳ σεβασ- 
ματι προσκυνεῖν χρή. ἔρρωσο. 

Ιουλιανῷ Εὐστάθιος φιλόσοφος * 

‘Os ὦνησέ γε τὸ σύνθημα ἡμῖν μεχλλῆσαν" ἀντὶ 
γὰρ τοῦ τρέμειν καὶ δεδιέναι φερόμενον ἐπὶ τῆς 
δημοσίας ἀπήνης καὶ περιπίπτοντα κραυπαλῶσιν 
ὀρεωκόμοις καὶ ἡμιόνοις ἀκοστήσασι καθ᾽ Ὅμηρον 
δι’ ἀργίαν καὶ πλησμονὴν ἀνέχεσθαι κονιορτοῦ καὶ 

1 Reiske deletes κατά. 

3 Heyler suggests that οὐδενὶ ὑπουργὸν ‘subservient to 
none” would be more appropriate to Gallus, who was an 
Arian. In any case, Heyler’s reading gives a better sense 
to ὑπουργόν. 

3 παρ᾽ ἑτέρου Reiske suggests; ἕτερον MSS., Hertlein. 

4 Hertlein 72. The above is the correct title preserved in 
Parisinus 963 after the incorrect A:iBavly σοφιστῇ καὶ κοιαίστωρι 
retained in brackets by Hertlein. 



the religion of our family. So I would say to you 
in the words of Homer,! “Shoot on in this wise,” 
and rejoice those who love you by being spoken of 
in such terms, remembering that nothing is higher 
than religion. For supreme virtue teaches us to 
hate a lie as treachery and to cling to the truth, 
which truth is most clearly made manifest in the 
worship of the Divine Being. For a crowd? is 
wholly contentious and unstable; but the Deity, 
ministering alone with but one other,® rules the 
universe, not by division or lot, like the sons of 
Cronos,* but existing from the beginning and having 
power over all things, not having received it from 
another by violence, but existing before all. This is 
verily God, whom we must adore with the reverence 
that we owe to him. Farewell! 

Eustathius ® the Philosopher to Julian 

Wuart an advantage it was for me that the token ® 
came late! For instead of riding, in fear and 
trembling, in the public? carriage and, in encounters 
with drunken mule-drivers and mules made restive, 
as Homer® says, from idleness and overfeeding, 

1 Iliad 8. 282; Agamemnon to Teucer the archer. 

2 i.e, of the gods. 

° 7.e, God the Word; but see critical note. 

‘ i.e. Zeus, Poseidon and Hades, whose separate realms 
are defined in Jliad 15. 187 foll. 

5 See Introduction, under Eustathius. 

6 The ‘‘ tessera,” whether ring, coin or document, served 
as a passport. 

1 The epithet δημόσιος is used (1) of the public carriage, 
(2) of the ‘‘ state,” or reserved, carriage. The first is meant 
here. 8 Tliad 6. 506. 



φωνῆς ἀλλοκότου καὶ ψόφου μαστίγων, βαδίζειν 
ἐπὶ σχολῆς περιέστη μοι. δι’ ὁδοῦ συνηρεφοῦς καὶ 
ἐπισκίου, π πολλὰς μὲν κρήνας, πολλὰς δὲ “ἐχούσης 
καταγωγὰς ἐπιτηδείους τῇ ὥρᾳ μεταξὺ τὸν κόπον 
διαναπαύοντι, i ἵνα μοι φανείη κατάλυσις εὔπνους 
τε καὶ ἀμφιλαφὴς ὑ ὑπὸ πλατάνοις τισὶν 4 κυπαρίτ- 
τοις, τὸν Φαῖδρον ἔ ἔχοντι ἐν χερσὶ ἢ ἕτερόν τίνα 
τῶν Πλάτωνος λόγων. ταῦτά τοι, ὦ φίλη κεφαλή, 
ἀπολαύων τῆς ἐλευθέρας ὁδοιπορίας, ἄτοπον ὑπέ- 
λαβον τὸ μὴ καὶ τοῦτο κοινώσασθαί σοι καὶ 

1 After χερσὶ MSS add τὸν Μυρρινούσιον which Hertlein would 
delete as inappropriate to the title of Plato’s dialogue, 



having to endure clouds of dust and a strange 
dialect and the cracking of whips, it was my lot 
to travel at leisure by a road arched over with trees 
and well-shaded, a road that had numerous springs 
and resting-places suitable to the summer season 
for a traveller who seeks relief from his weariness 
on the way; and where I always found a good place 
to stop, airy and shaded by plane trees or cypresses, 
while in my hand I held the Phaedrus or some other 
of Plato’s dialogues. Now all this profit, O beloved, 
I gained from the freedom with which I travelled ; 
therefore 1 considered that it would be unnatural not 
to communicate this also to you, and announce it.! 

1 The journey of Eustathius is probably that for which 
Julian gave his permission in Letter 44. 



Tis οὖν ἀγνοεῖ tov Αἰθιόπων ὑπὲρ τοῦ παρ᾽ 
ἡμῖν τροφιμωτάτου σιτίου λόγον ; ἁψάμενοι γὰρ 
τῆς μάζης θαυμάζειν ἔφασαν, ὅπως κόπρια σιτού- 
μενοι ζῶμεν, εἴ τῳ πιστὸς ὁ Θούριος εἶναι λογο- 
ποιὸς δοκεῖ. ἰχθυοφάγων δὲ καὶ σαρκοφάγων 
ἀνθρώπων γένη μηδ᾽ ὄναρ ἰδόντα τὴν παρ ἡμῖν 
δίαιταν οἱ τὴν οἰκουμένην περιηγούμενοι γῆν 
ἱστοροῦσιν. ὧν εἴ τις παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ζηλῶσαι τὴν 
δίαιταν ἐπιχειρήσει, οὐδὲν ἄμεινον διακείσεται 
τῶν τὸ κώνειον προσενεγκαμένων ἢ τὴν ἀκόνιτον 
ἢ τὸν ἑλλέβορον." 


Πρὸς τὴν ‘Epxuviav ὕλην ἐθέομεν, καὶ εἶδον 
ἐγὼ χρῆμα ἐξαίσιον. ἰδοὺ γοῦν σοι θαρρῶν ἐγὼ 
ἐγγυῶμαι, μήποτε ὦφθαι τοιοῦτον μηδέν, ὅσα γε 
ἡμεῖς ἴσμεν, ἐν τῇ Ῥωμαίων. ἀλλ᾽ εἴτε τὰ 
Θετταλικὰ Τέμπη δύσβατα νομίζει τις, εἴτε τὰς 

1 Hertlein Fragments 1 and 3 have been restored to their 
proper context in Letter 16, pp. 38 and 36. 

_ * Hertlein frag. 2. Quoted by Suidas under Ἡρόδοτος and 
ὧν. « « €AA€Bopoy again under Ζηλῶσαι. 

Na Herodotus 3. 22 describes the amazement of the Ethio- 
pians, who lived on boiled meat, at the diet of the Persians. 







Tuen who does not know the saying of the 
Ethiopians about the food that with us is held to 
be most nutritious? For when they first handled 
bread they said they wondered how we manage to 
live on a diet of dung, that is if one may believe the 
Thurian chronicler.1 And those who write des- 
criptions of the world relate that there are races of 
men who live on fish and flesh? and have never 
even dreamed of our kind of diet. But if anyone 
in our country tries to adopt their diet, he will be 
no better off than those who take a dose of hemlock 
or aconite or hellebore. 


We hastened to the Hercynian forest and it was 
a strange and monstrous thing that I beheld. At 
any rate I do not hesitate to engage that nothing 
of the sort has ever been seen in the Roman 
Empire, at least as far as we know. But if anyone 
considers Thessalian Tempe or Thermopylae or the 

They said they were not surprised that men who lived on 
such food attained to a maximum of only eighty years. For 
the different temperaments and customs of different peoples 
οἵ, Against the Galilaeans, 1438. 

2 Cf. vol. 2, Oration 6. 1910 for Julian’s remarks on diet. 



Θερμοπύλας, εἴτε τὸν μέγαν καὶ διωλύγιον Ταῦρον, 
ἐλάχιστα ἴστω χαλεπότητος ἕνεκα πρὸς τὸ 
‘Epxvviov ὄντα. 

Ἰουλιανὸς ection 

ἐξ πατρῴα μοι πρὸς ὑμᾶς ὑπάρχει φιλία: 
καὶ γὰρ κησε παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ὁ ἐμὸς πατήρ, κα 
ἀναχθεὶς ἔνθεν,3 ὥσπερ ἐκ Φαιάκων ᾿Οδυσσεύς, 
τῆς πολυχρονίου πλάνης ἀπηλλάγη ... ἐνταῦθα 
ὁ πατὴρ ἀνεπαύσατο. 


ἐνὸν Kal ὁ κλεινὸς ὁ ἡμῖν ἔδειξε ἱεροφάντης 
᾿Ιάμβλιχος . . « ἡμεῖς δὲ ᾿Εμπεδοτίμῳ καὶ 
Πυθαγόρᾳ πιστεύοντες οἷς τε ἐκεῖθεν λαβὼν 
Ἡρακλείδης ὁ ἸΠοντικὸς ἔφη.". .. 

1 Hertlein 4. Quoted by Suidas under Χρῆμα. 

2 ἐνθένδε Hertlein. 

3 Hertlein 5. Quoted by Libanius, Oration 14, 29, 30. For 
Aristophanes (of Corinth). 4 ἥρως Asmus ‘adds. 

δ Hertlein 6. Quoted by Suidas from the Kronia, under 
᾿Ἐμπεδότιμος and ᾿Ιουλιανός. This fragment is all that survives 
of Julian’s Kronia or Saturnalia, written in 361; see Vol. 1, 
Oration 4. 1570. We know nothing more as to its contents. 

1 Julian, Oration 2,101 Ὁ. The Greek word is Platonic, 
cf. Theaetetus 161 D. 

3 For Julian’s knowledge of the Hercynian forest, which 
in ancient Germany extended from the Black Forest on the 
north-east to the Hartz Mountains, cf. Vol. 2, AMisopogon 
3598; Ammianus, 17. 1. 8 Cum prope silvam venisset 
squalore tenebrarum horrendam ... ὦ.6. in his German 
cainpaign in 357; Zosimus, 3. 4. ὃ ἄχρι τῶν ‘Epxwlev δρυμῶν 
τοὺς φεύγοντας ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπιδιώξας. 



great and far-flung! Taurus to be impassable, let me 
tell him that for difficulty of approach they are trivial 
indeed compared with the Hercynian forest.? 

To the Corinthians 3 

. . . My friendship with you dates from my 
father’s* time. For indeed my father lived in your 
city, and embarking thence, like Odysseus from the 
land of the Phaeacians, had respite from his long- 
protracted wanderings®. . . there my father found 


οὖν and the famous hierophant Iamblichus showed 
it tous . .. and we, since we believed the account 
of Empedotimus ὁ and Pythagoras, as well as that of 
Heracleides of Pontus who derived it from them.’ . . . 

8. This is all that remains of the manifesto sent to the 
Corinthians by Julian in 361, when he sought to justify his 
defection from Constantius, 

* Julius Constantius was murdered by his nephew, the 
Emperor Constantius, in 337. 

5 Libanius says that Julian here spoke briefly about the 
** wicked stepmother ” of Julius, the Empress Helena, mother 
of Constantine, see Zosimus 2. 8 and 9. 

6 For this famous Syracusan, who claimed to be immortal, 
see Vol. 2, 2908. 

? Geffcken points out that Julian’s statement is derived 
from a commentary on Plato and quotes Proclus, On Plato’s 
Republic 2. 119. 18. ‘*The human soul may learn the sacred 
truth about the affairs of the underworld and report them 
to mankind. This is shown by the account of Empedotimus, 
which Heracleides of Pontus relates.” Then follows the 
vision of Empedotimus in Hades; cf. Rohde, Psyche, 
p. 385, 




, " v 1 
. . . μόνον εὔχεσθαι ἤδεσαν. 


. 2. ἵνα 3 μὴ ἀκονώμενοι τὴν γλῶτταν ὃ ἑτοίμως 
πρὸς τοὺς διαλεκτικὸυς τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων ἀπαντῶσιν. 



. 4. τοῖς οἰκείοις γὰρ πτεροῖς κατὰ τὴν παροι- 
μίαν βαλλόμεθα. ἐκ yap τῶν ἡμετέρων συγ- 
γραμμάτων καθοπλιζόμενοι τὸν καθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀνα- 
δέχονται πόλεμον." 


\ “ Ν 4 

Τὸ μὴ προϊδέσθαι τό τε δυνατὸν καὶ TO adv- 

vatov ἐν πράγμασι τῆς ἐσχάτης ἀπονοίας ἐστὶ 

1 Hertlein 7. Quoted by Zosimus 3. 3. 2 οἱ δὲ παρὰ 
Κωνσταντίου δοθέντες αὐτῷ . . . μόνον εὔχεσθαι, καθάπερ αὐτός 
πού φησιν, ἤδεσαν, cf. Vol. 2, 277p, p. 267, Wright. 

2 Hertlein 8. Quoted by Socrates, History of the Church 
3. 12; cf. Suidas under Μάρις. Socrates is quoting from 
an edict forbidding Christians to teach the classics; but in 
the extant edict, Letter 36, these words do not occur. 

8 Cf. Libanius, Letter 1588, 70 Julian, αὐτὴν (Se. τὴν 
γλῶτταν) &kor ὧν. 

4 Hertlein 9. Quoted by Theodoret, History of the Church, 
3. 4. Theodoret, like Socrates frag. 6, quotes Julian on the 
Christian teachers of the classics. 

5 Hertlein 10. Quoted by Suidas under ᾿Απόνοια. 

1 Julian said this of the soldiers who were assigned to him 
by Constantius when he went to Gaul in 355; cf. Libanius 



Tuey only knew how to pray ! 


. . that they? may not, by sharpening their 
tongues,? be prepared to meet their Hellenic 
opponents in debate. 


. . . forin the words of the proverb, we are stricken 
by our own arrows.* For from our own writings 
they ὅ take the weapons wherewith they engage in 
the war against us. 


Not to see beforehand what is possible and what 
impossible in practical affairs is a sign of the utmost 

18. 94 ἕως αὐτῷ κατέλιπον ὁπλίτας εὔξασθαι μόνον δυναμένους, 
said of the soldiers who were to be Jeft with Julian when 
Constantius summoned the best of the Gallic army to the 
Kast in 360, 

2 4,6. the Christians, 

3 i.e. by the study of rhetoric. 

4 i.e. the arrows are feathered from our plumage; cf. 
Aristophanes, Birds 808 τάδ᾽ οὐχ im ἄλλων ἀλλὰ τοῖς αὑτῶν 
πτέροις. The figure is used by Byron, Waller and Moore of 
a wounded eagle ‘‘ Which on the shaft that made him die, 
espied a feather of his own.” The original is Aeschylus, 
Myrmidons, frag. 139. 

5 7.¢e. the Christians. 

6 This is apparently a criticism of that lack of political 
instinct in the Christians of which Julian speaks in his 
treatise Against the Galilaeans, fragment 5. Hence Neumann 
regards the above fragment as derived from a lost part of 
the treatise. 



Λέγει (sc. ὁ ᾿Τουλιανὸς) οὖν ἐπιστέλλων" Σκύθαι 
δὲ νῦν μὲν ἀτρεμοῦσι, ἴσως δὲ οὐκ ἀτρεμήσουσιν.ἷ 

Πρὸς τριβοῦνον Εὐὐθυμέλην 3 
Ἡδονὴ βασιλεῖ πόλεμος. 


’ , \ \ , / Χ \ 
Aveyeipw yap μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας τὸν ναὸν 
τοῦ ὑψίστου θεοῦ.3 

Πρὸς δῆμον εὐφημήσαντα ἐν τῷ Τυχαίῳ ἢ 

Ei μὲν εἰς τὸ θέατρον λαθὼν εἰσῆλθον, εὐφη- 
petite’ εἰ δὲ εἰς τὰ ἱερά, ἡσυχίαν ἄγετε, καὶ 

1 Not in Hertlein. Preserved by Eunapius, frag. 22, p. 
226, 15, Dindorf. 

2 Not in Hertlein. It occurs in Ambrosianus, B 4, with 
other sayings of the Emperor; Cumont, Recherches, p. 47, 
thinks that they are derived from some lost historical work. 

8. Not in Hertlein. Preserved by Lydus, De Mensibus. 
See Cumont, Recherches, p. 17, note 1. 

4 Hertlein, Letter 64. First published by Muratori in 
Anecdola Grueca, Padua, 1709. 

‘ In 360 Constantius bribed the Scythians to aid him in 
his campaign against the Persians (Ammianus 20, 8. 1), and 
in 363 Julian employed Scythian auxiliaries for the same 
purpose (Ammianus 23. 2.7). It is uncertain to which of 
these dates the fragment refers ; Eunapius quotes this remark 
as evidence of Julian’s foresight. 



AccorDINGLy he says in a letter: At present the 
Scythians! are not restless, but perhaps they will 
become restless. 

To Euthymeles the Tribune 

A kine delights in war. 


For I am rebuilding with all zeal the temple of the 
Most High God.?_ | 


To the citizens who acclaimed him in the temple 
of Fortune ὃ 

WueEn 1 enter the theatre unannounced,’ acclaim 
me, but when I enter the temples be silent® and 

2 Lydus says. that Julian wrote this to the Jews. The 
letter is lost. For Julian’s design of rebuilding the Temple 
see Letter 51 and Introduction. 

8 At Constantinople there was a temple of Fortune (Τυχή) 
with a statue of the Goddess, cf. Socrates 3. 11. It was when 
Julian was sacrificing in this temple that he was denounced 
by the blind Bishop Maris of Chalcedon, as related by 
Sozomen 5. 4. Butas Julian in the J/isopogon 3408 speaks 
twice of sacrificing at Antioch in the temple of Fortune, this 
admonition may have been addressed to the citizens of 
Antioch, late in 362 or early in 363. 

4 For Julian’s rare visits to the theatre, see Misopogon 3890, 
368c. For. his love of applause, Ammianus 25. 4. 18 volgi 
plausibus laetus. 

5 Cf. Vol. 2. Misopogon 3448,c, where Julian reproves the 
citizens of Antioch for applauding him in the temples. 



μετενέγκατε ὑμῶν τὰς εὐφημίας eis τοὺς θεούς" 
lal \ al na / 
μᾶλλον δὲ of θεοὶ τῶν εὐφημιῶν ob χρήξουσιν. 

II pos ζωγράφον 1 
Ei μὲν μὴ εἶχον 3 καὶ ἐχαρίσω μοι, συγγνώμης 
ἦσθα ἄξιος" εἰ δὲ εἶχον μέν, οὐκ ἐχρησάμην δέ, 
τοὺς θεοὺς ἔφερον, μᾶλλον δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν 
4 ᾽ a a / 

ἐφερόμην. σύ μοι ἀλλότριον σχῆμα πῶς ἐδίδους, 

ἑταῖρε; οἷόν με εἶδες, τοιοῦτον καὶ γράψον. 

Πρὸς ἐπισκόπους ὃ. 
ἔγνων, ἀνέγνων κατέγνων. 
1 Hertlein, Letter 65. 
2 εἰκὼν ἢ Muratori. 

3 Not in Hertlein. Quoted by Sozomen 5. 18, In some 
MSS. it occurs at the end of Letter 81, 70 Basil. 

1 This and the following fragment, wrongly placed among 
the letters by Hertlein and earlier editors, are, as Cumont 
saw, isolated mots historiques probably quoted from some 
historical work. They may have occurred in an edict. 

2 Sozomen 5, 17. says that Julian had himself painted ‘‘ on 
the public pictures” in juxtaposition with Zeus or Ares or 
Hermes in order that the people might be compelled when they 
saluted the Emperor to salute the gods also, and that few 



transfer your acclamations to the gods; or rather the 
gods do not need acclamations.+ 

To a Painter 3 

Ir I did not possess it? and you had bestowed it on 
me, you would have deserved to be forgiven ; but if 
I possessed it and did not use it, I carried the gods, 
or rather was carried by them. Why, my friend, did 
you give me a form other than my own? Paint me 
exactly as you saw me, 

To.the Bishops 
I RECOGNISED, I read, 1 condemned.* 

had the courage to refuse to conform with this established 
custom ; ef. Gregory Nazianzen, Oration 4. 81. 

3 Whether because of mutilation or lack of context, the 
two first sentences are unintelligible ; we do not know the 
object of the verbs or what is meant by the reference to 
the gods ; but evidently Julian did not like his portrait, 

4 Sozomen 5, 18 says that Julian, in order to ridicule the 
Christian substitutes for the Greek classics, composed chiefly 
by Apollinaris, after Julian had forbidden Christians to teach 
the originals, wrote these words to the Bishops, Their answer 
was as follows: ‘** You have read, but you have not understood ; 
for, had you understood, you would not have condemned,” 
See Letter 81, To Basil, p. 286. 



Els οἶνον ἀπὸ κριθῆς 

τίς πόθεν εἷς, Διόνυσε; μὰ γὰρ τὸν ἀλαθέα 
οὔ σ᾽ ἐπιγιγνώσκω" τὸν Διὸς οἶδα μόνον. 
κεῖνος νέκταρ ὄδωδε, σὺ δὲ τράγον. % ῥά σε 
τῇ πενίῃ βοτρύων τεῦξαν ἀπ᾽ ἀσταχύων. 
τῷ σε χρὴ καλέειν Δημήτριον, οὐ Διόνυσον, 
πυρογενῆ μᾶλλον καὶ Βρόμον, οὐ Βρόμιον. 

Eis τὸ ὄργανον 2 

ἀλλοίην ὁρόω δονάκων φύσιν. ἥπου ἀπ᾽ ἄλλης 
αλκείης τάχα μᾶλλον ἀνεβλάστησαν ἀρούρης 

ἄγριοι: οὐδ᾽ ἀνέμοισιν ὑφ᾽ ἡμετέροις ὃ δονέονται, 

ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ ταυρείης προθορὼν σπήλυγγος ἀήτης 

νέρθεν ἐὐτρήτων καλάμων ὑπὸ ῥίζαν ὁδεύει. 

1 Hertlein 1. Palatine Anthology 9. 365, and in several 


3 Hertlein 2; The Greek Anthology vol. 3, 365, Paton; it is 
found in Parisinus 690. 3 heplos Cumont. 

1 i.e. beer, which Julian met with in Gaul and Germany. 





On wine made from barley 1 

Wuo art thou and whence, O Dionysus? By the 
true Bacchus 1 recognise thee not ; I know only the 
son of Zeus. He smells of nectar, but you smell of 
goat. ‘Truly it was in their lack of grapes that the 
Celts brewed thee from corn-ears. So we should call 
thee Demetrius,? not Dionysus, wheat-born 8 not fire- 
born, barley god not boisterous god. 



On the Organ 

A sTRANGE growth of reeds do I behold. Surely 
they sprang on a sudden from another brazen field, 
so wild are they. The winds that wave them are 
none of ours, but a blast leaps forth from a cavern of 
bull’s hide and beneath the well-bored pipes travels 
to their roots. And a dignified person, with swift 

2 ἡ, 6. son of Demeter goddess of corn, 

3 πῦρογενῆῇ, not ripoyev7, a play on words. See The Greek 
Anthology, Vol. 3. 368, Paton. 

4 βρόμος means ‘‘ oats”; Bromius ‘‘ boisterous” was an 
epithet of Dionysus ; it is impossible to represent the play on 
the words, 

VOL, Ill. x 


καί τις ἀνὴρ ἀγέρωχος, ἔχων θοὰ δάκτυλα 
“ 3 , ’ὔ 
ἵσταται ἀμφαφόων κανόνας συμφράδμονας͵ 
οἱ δ᾽ ἁπαλὸν σκιρτῶντες ἀποθλίβουσιν ἀοιδήν. 

Αἴ > Φ 1 

ἔστιν τι δένδρον τῶν ἀνακτόρων μέσον, 
Ὁ ἘΠῚ \ A \ a a [τ ‘s 
ov ῥίζα καὶ ζῇ καὶ λαλεῖ καρποῖς ἅμα 
a ΝΥΝ “ \ 7 / 
μιᾷ δ᾽ ἐν ὥρᾳ καὶ φυτεύεται ξένως 
καὶ καρπὸν αὔξει καὶ τρυγᾶται ῥιζόθεν. 

εἰς τὸν παρόντα Ομηρικὸν στίχον ἕξ πόδας 
ἔχοντα ὧν οἱ τρεῖς εἰσι δάκτυλοι 3 

κούρη ᾿Ικαρίοιο περίφρων Ἰ]ηνελόπεια 
ἕξ ποσὶν ἐμβεβαυῖα τριδάκτυλος ἐξεφαάνθη. 

1 Hertlein 3. Palatine Anthology vol. 2. p. 769. 
2 Hertlein 4. Anthology 2. 659. 

1 A note in the MS. (Parisinus 690) explains that Julian 
composed this poem during a procession, when he was leaving 
the church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople. He was 



moving fingers of the hand, stands there and handles 
the keys that pass the word to the pipes; then the 
keys leap lightly, and press forth the melody.! 

Riddle on a performer with a pole 

Tuere_ is a tree between the lords, whose root has 
life and talks, and the fruits likewise. And in a 
single hour it grows in strange fashion, and ripens its 
fruit, and gets its harvest at the roots.? 

On the Homeric hexameter which contains six 
feet of which three are dactyls 

“Tue daughter of Icarius, prudent Penelope,” 
appears with three fingers ὃ and walks on six feet. 

__ then a mere boy, pursuing his education in Constantinople, 
before he was interned in Cappadocia. 

3 The performer balances on his forehead, between his 
temples, a pole at the end of which is a cage or bar, supporting 
a child or children. 

8 There is a play of words on δάκτυλος = “ finger” and 
** dactyl,” a metrical foot. In the title, ‘* foot ” and *‘ dactyl” 
_ are metrical terms, in the riddle they are used in the original, 
physical sense. The hexameter quoted has three dactyls. 
oR | 307 
1 x 2 

ταν το tie er 


Εἰς ἱπποκένταυρον t 

ἀνδρόθεν ἐκκέχυθ᾽ ἵππος, ἀνέδραμε δ᾽ ἱππόθεν 


ἀνὴρ vor pi ποδῶν, κεφαλῆς δ᾽ ἄτερ αἰόλος 

ἵππος ἐρεύγεται ἄνδρα, ἀνὴρ δ᾽ ἀποπέρδεται 


Ιουλιανοῦ τοῦ παραβάτου 5 

ὡς ἐθέλει τὸ φέρον σε 
φέρειν, φέρου" ἢν δ᾽ ἀπιθήσῃς, 
καὶ σαυτὸν βλάψεις, καὶ τὸ 
φέρον σε φέρει. 

1 Hertlein 6. Assigned to Julian by Tzetzes Chiliades 
959 ; Anthology, vol. 2, p. 659. 


To a Hippocentaur 

A norseE has been poured from a man’s mould, a 
man springs up from a horse, ‘The man has no feet, 
the swift moving horse has no head. The horse 
belches forth as a man, the man breaks wind as a 

By Julian the Apostate 

Even as Fate the Sweeper wills to sweep thee 
on, be thou swept. But if thou rebel, thou wilt but 
harm thyself, and Fate still sweeps thee on.! 

1 Perhaps there is a similar meaning in the phrase ὑπὸ τῶν 
θεῶν. ἐφερόμην in the puzzling frag. 13, p. 303. 

2 Not in Hertlein. First ascribed to Julian, from Baroc- 
cianus 133, by Cumont, Revue de Philologie, 1892. Also 
ascribed to §t. Basil; cf. a similar epigram in Palatine 
Anthology 10. 73, ascribed to Palladas. 



US thar” Lae δὲ 

: Cs oe, ον 
f essa 
; i? ory i 

Oh ray τς 

᾿ a 

eet sy) ῬΑ Ed 
cag ee 
=e Ἦν ὦ amy : 
‘ 7 v ὼς ei, 
᾿ δ ae 


Pi “de a > 
F ; Ff 


Ἶ ‘A 
ἐ Γ 

ru ν i ἊΝ .“ ᾿ ὗ ἦν 
ΜΝ Pil "ἢ ' on) ee TA δ ον 


Juan, like Epictetus, always calls the Christians 
Galilaeans? because he wishes to emphasise that this 
was a local creed, “the creed of fishermen,’ and 
perhaps to remind his readers that “out of Galilee 
ariseth no prophet” ;? with the same intention he 
calls Christ “the Nazarene.”* His chief aim in the 
treatise was to show that there is no evidence in the 
Old Testament for the idea of Christianity, so that 
the Christians have no right to regard their teaching 
as a development of Judaism. His attitude through- 
out is that of a philosopher who rejects the claims of 
one small sect to have set up a universal religion. 
He speaks with respect of the God of the Hebrews, 
admires the Jewish discipline, their sacrifices and 
their prohibition of certain foods, plays off the Jews 
against the Christians, and reproaches the latter for 
having abandoned the Mosaic law; but he contrasts 
the jealous, exclusive “ particular” (μερικός) Hebraic 
God with the universal Hellenic gods who do not 
confine their attentions to’a small and unimportant 
portion of the world. Throughout Julian’s works 

1 Cf. Gregory Nazianzen, First Invective Against Julian 76 
(115), Γαλιλαίους ἀντὶ Χριστιανῶν ὀνομάσας καὶ καλεῖσθαι νομο- 
Gerhoas* This wasignored by Neumann in his reconstruction 
of the work, which he entitled Κατὰ Χριστιανῶν, Cf. Socrates 
3. 12, 

2 John 7. 52. 

3. Tu the fragmentary Letter 55, To Photinus, p. 189. 



there are scattered references, nearly always dis- 
dainful, to the Galilaeans, but his formal attack on 
their creed and on the inconsistencies of the 
Scriptures, which he had promised in Letter 55, 
To Photinus, the heretic, was not given to the general 
public, for whom he says he intends it, till he had 
left Antioch on his march to Persia in the early 
spring of 363. He probably compiled it at Antioch 
in the preceding winter.t Perhaps it was never 
completed, for at the time Julian had many things 
on his mind. It was written in three Books, but the 
fragments preserved are almost entirely from Book I. 
In the fifth century Cyril of Alexandria regarded the 
treatise as peculiarly dangerous, and said that it had 
shaken many believers. He undertook to refute it 
in a polemic of which about half survives, and from 
the quotations of Julian in Cyril’s work Neumann 
has skilfully reconstructed considerable portions of 
the treatise. Cyril had rearranged Julian’s hurriedly 
written polemic, in order to avoid repetitions and to 
bring similar subjects together. Moreover, he says 
that he omitted invectives against Christ and such 
matter as might contaminate the minds of Christians. 
We have seen that a similar mutilation of the letters 
occurred for similar reasons. 

Julian’s arguments against the Christian doctrine 
do not greatly differ from those used in the second 
century by Celsus, and by Porphyry in the third; but 

+ Libanius, in his Monody on Julian, says that at Antioch 
there were composed by the Emperor βιβλίων συγγραφαὶ 
βοηθούντων θεοῖς ; in the Epitaph on Julian, that the attack 
on Christian doctrines was composed in the long nights of 
winter, 7. 6. 362-363, at Antioch, where he spent the winter 
with Julian. 


ee = 


his tone is more like that of Celsus, for he and Celsus 
were alike in being embittered opponents of the 
Christian religion, which Porphyry was not. Those 
engaged in this sort of controversy use the same 
weapons over and over again ; Origen refutes Celsus, 
Cyril refutes Julian,in much the same terms. Both 
sides have had the education of sophists, possess the 
learning of their time, borrow freely from Plato, 
attack the rules or lack of rules of diet of the oppo- 
nents’ party, point out the inconsistencies in the 
rival creed, and ignore the weaknesses of their own. 

For his task Julian had been well equipped by his 
Christian teachers when he was interned at Macellum ἡ 
in Cappadocia, and he here repays them for the 
enforced studies of his boyhood, when his naturally 
pagan soul rebelled against the Christian ritual in 
which he had to take part. In spite of his insistence 
on the inconsistency of the Christians in setting up 
a Trinity in place of the monotheism of Moses and 
the prophets, he feels the need of some figure in his 
own pantheon to balance that of Christ the Saviour, 
and uses, both in this treatise and in Oration 4, about 
Asclepius or Dionysus or Heracles almost the 
language of the Christians about Christ, setting these 
pagan figures up one after another as mani- 
festations of the divine beneficence in making a link 
between the gods and mankind. 

Though Julian borrowed from Porphyry’s lost 
polemic in fifteen Books,? he does not discuss 

1 Geffcken, Zwei Griechische Apologeten, p. 259, speaks of a 
Chinese polemic against Christianity, composed according to 
the regular conventions of this type. 

2 On Julian’s debt to Porphyry, and his lack of sympathy 
with Porphyry’s attitude to religion, see Harnack, Porphyrius, 
Berlin, 1916; Bidez, Vie de Porphyre, Gand, 1913. 



questions of the chronology and authorship of the 
Seriptures as Porphyry is known to have done. 
Libanius, always a blind admirer of Julian, says + that 
in this treatise the Emperor made the doctrines of 
the Christians look ridiculous, and that he was 
“ wiser than the Tyrian old man,” that is, Porphyry. 
But apparently the Christians of the next two 
centuries did not agree with Cyril as to the pecu- 
liarly dangerous character of Julian’s invective. At 
any rate, the Council of Ephesus, in a decree dated 
431, sentenced Porphyry’s books to be burned, but 
did not mention Julian’s; and again in a law of 
Theodosius II. in 448, Julian was ignored while 
Porphyry was condemned. When in 529 Justinian 
decreed that anti-Christian books were to be burned, 
Porphyry alone was named, though probably Julian 
was meant to be included. Not long after Julian’s 
death his fellow-student at Athens, Gregory Nazian- 
zen, wrote a long invective against him, in which he 
attacked the treatise Against the Galilaeans without 
making a formal refutation of Julian’s arguments. 
Others in the fifth century, such as Theodorus of 
Mopsuestia and Philip Sideta, wrote refutations 
which are lost. Butit was reserved for Cyril, Bishop 
of Alexandria, writing between 429 and 441, to 
compose a long and formal refutation of Julian’s 
treatise ; the latter seems to have been no longer in 
circulation, or was at least neglected, and Neumann 
thinks that the bishop was urged to write his polemic 
by his dislike of the heretical views of other and 
earlier antagonists of Julian, especially ‘Theodorus ot 
Mopsuestia. This refutation, which was dedicated to 
the Emperor Theodosius II, was in at least twenty 

1 Oration 18. 178. 

—— .- 


Books. But for Cyril’s quotations we should have 
a very vague idea of Julian’s treatise, and as it 
is we are compelled to see it through the eyes of a 
hostile apologist. Cyril’s own comments, and _ his 
summaries of portions of the treatise have been 
omitted from the following translation,! but the 
substance of the summaries has been given in the 
footnotes. The marginal numbers in the Greek 
text correspond with the pages of Spanheim’s (1696) 
edition of Cyril’s polemic Pro Christiana Religione, 
from which Neumann extracted and strung together 
Cyril’s quotations of Julian. There is, therefore, an 
occasional lack of connection in Julian’s arguments, 
taken apart from their context in Cyril’s treatise. 

1 For a full discussion of the work of Cyril and the other 
Christian apologists who attempted to refute Julian, and for 
an explanation of Neumann’s method of reconstruction, the 
reader is referred to the Latin ar omeeneen to Neumann’s 
Edition of Julian’s polemic. 

The numerous passages or expressions in this treatise 
that can be paralleled in Julian’s other works have been 
collected by Asmus in his Concordance, Julian’s Galilder- 
schrift, 1904, 

39 A 

39 B 

41 KE 

42 A 

42 i 


Καλῶς ἔχειν ἔμοιγε φαίνεται τὰς αἰτίας ἐκθέσ- 
θαι πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις, ὑφ᾽ ὧν ἐπείσθην ὅτι τῶν 
Γαλιλαίων ἡ σκευωρία πλάσμα ἐστὶν ἀνθρώπων 
ὑπὸ κακουργίας συντεθέν. ἔχουσα μὲν οὐδὲν θεῖον, 
ἀποχρησαμένη δὲ τῷ φιλομύθῳ καὶ παιδαριώδει 
καὶ ἀνοήτῳ τῆς ψυχῆς μορίῳ, τὴν τερατολογίαν 
εἰς πίστιν ἤγαγεν ἀληθείας. 

Μέλλων δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν πρώτων λεγομένων 
δογμάτων ἁπάντων ποιεῖσθαι τὸν λόγον, ἐκεῖνο 
βούλομαι πρῶτον εἰπεῖν, ὅτε χρὴ τοὺς ἐντυγχά- 
νοντας, εἴπερ ἀντιλέγειν ἐθέλοιεν, ὥσπερ ἐν δικα- 
στηρίῳ μηδὲν ἔξωθεν πολυπραγμονεῖν μηδέ, τὸ 
λεγόμενον, ἀντικατηγορεῖν, ἕως ἂν ὑπὲρ τῶν Tap 
αὐτοῖς 5 ἀπολογήσωνται. ἄμεινον μὲν γὰρ οὕτω, 
καὶ σαφέστερον ἰδίαν μὲν ἐνστήσασθαι πραγμα- 
τείαν, ὅταν τι τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν εὐθύνειν θέλωσιν, ἐν 
οἷς δὲ πρὸς τὰς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν εὐθύνας ἀπολογοῦνται, 
μηδὲν ἀντικατηγορεῖν. 

Μικρὸν δὲ ἀναλαβεῖν ἄξιον, ὅθεν ἡμῖν ἥκει καὶ 
ὅπως ἔννοια θεοῦ τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα παραθεῖναι τὰ 
παρὰ τοῖς “Ελλησι καὶ παρὰ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις ὑπὲρ 

* The marginal numbers in Neumann’s text represent the 
paging of the edition of Cyril by Spanheim, 1696, as rearranged 



Book I 

Ir is, I think, expedient to set forth to all man- 
kind the reasons by which I was convinced that 
the fabrication of the Galilaeans is a fiction of men 
composed by wickedness. Though it has in it nothing 
divine, by making full use of that part of the soul 
which loves fable and is childish and foolish, it has 
induced men to believe that the monstrous tale is 
truth. Now since | intend to treat of all their first 
dogmas, as they call them, I wish to say in the first 
place that if my readers desire to try to refute me 
they must proceed as if they were in a court of law 
and not drag in irrelevant matter, or, as the saying is, 
bring counter-charges until they have defended their 
own views. For thus it will be better and clearer 
if, when they wish to censure any views of mine, 
they undertake that as a separate task, but when 
they are defending themselves against my censure, 
they bring no counter-charges. 

It is worth while to recall in a few words whence 
and how we first arrived at a conception of God; 
next to compare what is said about the divine 
among the Hellenes and Hebrews; and finally 

by Neumann. In the Introduction to his edition he defends 
his rearrangement of the text of Aubert 1638, given by 

2 τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς Neumann; MS. τῶν πρώτων Gollwitzer 
would retain, taking ὑπὲρ τῶν πρώτων = πρὸς τὰ πρῶτα. 


43 A 

43 Β 



τοῦ θείου λεγόμενα, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ἐπανερέσθαι 
τοὺς οὔτε “Ελληνας οὔτε ᾿Ἰουδαίους, ἀλλὰ τῆς 
Γαλιλαίων ὄντας αἱρέσεως, ἀνθ᾽ ὅτου πρὸ τῶν 
ἡμετέρων εἵλοντο τὰ παρ᾽ ἐκείνοις, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ, 
τί δή ποτε μηδ᾽ ἐκείνοις ἐμμένουσιν, ἀλλὰ κἀκεί- 
νων ἀποστάντες ἰδίαν ὁδὸν ἐτράποντο. ὁμολο- 
γήσαντες μὲν οὐδὲν τῶν καλῶν οὐδὲ τῶν σπουδαίων 
οὔτε τῶν Tap ἡμῖν τοῖς “ἔλλησιν οὔτε τῶν παρὰ 
τοῖς ἀπὸ Μωυσέως ᾿Εβραίοις, ἀπ᾽ ἀμφοῖν δὲ τὰς 
παραπεπηγυίας τούτοις τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ὥσπερ τινὰς 
Κῆρας δρεπόμενοι, τὴν ἀθεότητα μὲν ἐκ τῆς 
᾿Ιουδαϊκῆς ῥᾳδιουργίας, φαῦλον δὲ καὶ ἐπισεσυρ- 
μένον βίον ἐκ τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ῥᾳθυμίας καὶ χυδαιό- 
τητος, τοῦτο τὴν ἀρίστην θεοσέβειαν ἠθέλησαν 

Ὅτι δὲ οὐ διδακτόν, ἀλλὰ φύσει τὸ εἰδέναι 
θεὸν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὑπάρχει, τεκμήριον ἡμῖν 
ἔστω πρῶτον ἡ κοινὴ πάντων ἀνθρώπων ἰδίᾳ καὶ 
δημοσίᾳ καὶ κατ᾽ ἄνδρα καὶ ἔθνη περὶ τὸ θεῖον 
προθυμία. “ἅπαντες γὰρ ἀδιδάκτως θεῖόν τι πεπι- 
στεύκαμεν, ὑπὲρ οὗ τὸ μὲν ἀκριβὲς οὔτε πᾶσι ῥάδιον 
γινώσκειν οὔτε τοῖς ἐγνωκόσιν εἰπεῖν εἰς πάντας 
δυνατόν εὐ 6 ταύτῃ δὴ τῇ κοινῇ πάντων ἀνθρώπων 
ἐννοίᾳ πρόσεστι καὶ ἄλλη. πάντες γὰρ οὐρανῷ 
καὶ τοῖς ἐν αὐτῷ φαινομένοις θεοῖς οὕτω δή τι 
φυσικῶς προσηρτήμεθα, ὡς καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλον 
ὑπέλαβε παρ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὸν θεόν, οἰκητήριον αὐτῷ 
πάντως τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀπένειμεν, οὐκ ἀποστήσας 
αὐτὸν τῆς γῆς, ἀλλ᾽ οἷον ὡς εἰς τιμιώτερον τοῦ 

1 Klimek would delete ‘EBpato:s as a gloss. 

1 Some words are lost. 


to enquire of those who are neither Hellenes nor 
Jews, but belong to the sect of the Galilaeans, why 
they preferred the belief of the Jews to ours; and 
what, further, can be the reason why they do not even 
adhere to the Jewish beliefs but have abandoned 
them also and followed a way of theirown. For they 
have not accepted a single admirable or important 
doctrine of those that are held either by us Hellenes 
or by the Hebrews who derived them from Moses ; 
but from both religions they have gathered what has 
been engrafted like powers of evil, as it were, on 
these nations—atheism from the Jewish levity, 
and a sordid and slovenly way of living from our 
indolence and vulgarity; and they desire that 
this should be called the noblest worship of the 

Now that the human race possesses its knowledge 
of God by nature and not from teaching is proved 
to us first of all by the universal yearning for the 
divine that is in all men whether private persons 
or communities, whether considered as individuals 
orasraces. Forall of us, without being taught, have 
attained to a belief in some sort of divinity, though 
it is not easy for all men to know the precise 
truth about it, nor is it possible for those who do 
know it to tell it toall men... .t Surely, besides 
this conception which is common to all men, there 
is another also. I mean that we are all by nature 
so closely dependent on the heavens and the gods 
that are visible therein, that even if any man con- 
ceives of another god besides these, he in every 
case assigns to him the heavens as his dwelling- 
place; not that he thereby separates him from the 
earth, but he so to speak establishes the King of 


VOL. I | Y 

69 B 

69 C 



παντὸς ἐκεῖνο τὸν βασιλέα καθίσας τῶν ὅλων 
ἐφορᾶν ἐκεῖθεν ὑπολαμβάνων τὰ τῇδε. 

Τί δεῖ pow? καλεῖν Ἕλληνας, καὶ Ἑβραίους 
ἐνταῦθα μάρτυρας ; ; οὐδεὶς ἔστιν, ὃς οὐκ ἀνατείνει 
μὲν εἰς οὐρανὸν τὰς χεῖρας εὐχόμενος, ὀμνύων δὲ 
θεὸν ἤτοι θεούς, ἔ ἔννοιαν ὅλως τοῦ θείου λαμβάνων, 
ἐκεῖσε φέρεται. καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἀπεικότως ἔπαθον. 
ὁρῶντες γὰρ οὔτε πληθυνόμενον ἢ οὔτε ἐλαττού- 
μενόν τι τῶν περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν οὔτε τρεπόμενον 
οὔτε πάθος ὑπομένον τι τῶν ἀτάκτων, ἀλλ᾽ ἐναρ- 
μόνιον μὲν αὐτοῦ τὴν κίνησιν, ἐμμελῆ δὲ τὴν τάξιν, 
ὡρισμένους δὲ φωτισμοὺς σελήνης, ἡλίου δὲ ἀνα- 
τολὰς καὶ δύσεις ὡρισμένας ἐν ὡρισμένοις ἀεὶ 
καιροῖς, εἰκότως θεὸν καὶ θεοῦ θρόνον ὑπέλαβον. 
τὸ γὰρ τοιοῦτον, ἅτε μηδεμιᾷ προσθήκῃ. πληθυνό- 
μενον μηδὲ ἐλαττούμενον ἀφαιρέσει, τῆς τε KAT 
ἀλλοίωσιν καὶ τροπὴν ἐκτὸς ἱστάμενον μεταβολῆς 
πάσης καθαρεύει φθορᾶς καὶ γενέσεως, ἀθάνατον 
δὲ ὃν φύσει καὶ ἀνώλεθρον παντοίας ἐστὶ καθαρὸν 
κηλῖδος" ἀΐδιον δὲ καὶ ἀεικίνητον, ὡς ὁρῶμεν, ἤτοι 
παρὰ ψυχῆς κρείττονος καὶ θειοτέρας ἐ ἐνοικούσης 
αὐτῷ, ὥσπερ, οἶμαι, τὰ ἡμέτερα σώματα παρὰ 
τῆς ἐν ἡμῖν ψυχῆς, φέρεται κύκλῳ περὶ τὸν μέγαν 
δημιουργόν, ἢ πρὸς αὐτοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν κίνησιν 
παραδεξάμενον τὸν ἄπειρον ἐξελίττει κύκλον ἀπαύ- 
στῳ καὶ αἰωνίῳ φορᾷ. 

1 Gollwitzer deletes μοι. 
2 οὔτε πληθυνόμενον Klimek adds, cf. 69 C. 

1 Cf. Oration 6. 1830, Vol. 2. 



the All in the heavens! as in the most honourable 
place of all, and conceives of him as overseeing from 
there the affairs of this world. 

What need have I tosummon Hellenes and Hebrews 
as witnesses of this? ‘There exists no man who does 
not stretch out his hands towards the heavens when 
he prays; and whether he swears by one god or 
several, if he has any notion at all of the divine, he 
turns heavenward. And it was very natural that 
men should feel thus. For since they observed that 
in what concerns the heavenly bodies there is no 
increase or diminution or mutability, and that they 
do not suffer any unregulated influence, but their 
movement is harmonious and their arrangement in 
concert; and that the illuminations of the moon are 
regulated, and that the risings and settings of the 
sun are regularly defined, and always at regularly 
defined seasons, they naturally conceived that the 
heaven is a god and the throne of a god.?_ Fora 
being of that sort, since it is not subject to increase 
by addition, or to diminution by subtraction, and is 
stationed beyond all change due to alteration and 
mutability, is free from decay and generation, and 
inasmuch as it is immortal by nature and indestruc- 
tible, it is pure from every sort of stain. Eternal 
and ever in movement, as we see, it travels in a 
circuit about the great Creator, whether it be im- 
pelled by a nobler and more divine soul that dwells 
therein, just as, I mean, our bodies are by the soul 
in us, or having received its motion from God Him- 
self, it wheels in its boundless circuit, in an unceasing 
and eternal career, 

2 Cyril 70a ridicules Julian for confusing here a god with 
a throne ; but καὶ can be interpreted ‘‘ or,” 

Υ 2 

44 A 
44 B 

75 A 

86 A 

89 A 


Οὐκοῦν ExXrnves μὲν τοὺς μύθους ἔπλασαν ὑπὲρ 
τῶν θεῶν ἀπίστους καὶ τερατώδεις. καταπιεῖν 
γὰρ ἔφασαν τὸν Κρόνον τοὺς παῖδας * εἶτ᾽ αὖθις 
ἐμέσαι. καὶ γάμους ἤδη παρανόμους" μητρὶ γὰρ 
ὁ Ζεὺς ἐμίχθη καὶ παιδοποιησάμενος ἐξ αὐτῆς 
ἔγημε μὲν αὐτὸς τὴν αὑτοῦ θυγατέρα, μᾶλλον δὲ 
οὐδὲ ἔ ἔγημεν, ἀλλὰ μιχθεὶς ἁπλῶς ἄλλῳ παραδέ- 
δωκεν 3 αὐτήν. εἶτα οἱ Διονύσου σπαραγμοὺὶ καὶ 
μελῶν κολλήσεις. τοιαῦτα οἱ μῦθοι τῶν “Ελλήνων 
φασίν. τούτοις παράβαλλε τὴν ᾿Ιουδαϊκὴν διδασ- 
καλίαν, καὶ τὸν φυτευόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ παρά- 
δεισον καὶ τὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πλαττόμενον ᾿Αδάμ, εἶτα 
τὴν γινομένην αὐτῷ γυναῖκα. λέγει γὰρ ὁ θεός 
as Οὐ καλὸν εἶναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον μόνον" ποιήσωμεν 
αὐτῷ βοηθὸν κατ᾽ αὐτόν,᾽ πρὸς οὐδὲν μὲν αὐτῷ 
τῶν ὅχων βοηθήσασαν, ἐξαπατήσασαν δὲ καὶ 
γενομένην παραίτιον αὐτῷ τε ἐκείνῳ καὶ ἑαυτῇ 
τοῦ πεσεῖν ἔξω τῆς τοῦ παραδείσου τρυφῆς. 

Ταῦτα γάρ ἐστι μυθώδη παντελῶς. ἐπεὶ πῶς 
εὔλογον ἀγνοεῖν τὸν θεόν, OTL τὸ γινόμενον ὑπ᾽ 
αὐτοῦ πρὸς βοήθειαν οὐ πρὸς καλοῦ μᾶλλον, ἀλλὰ 
πρὸς κακοῦ τῷ λαβόντι γενήσεται ; ; τὸν γὰρ ὄφιν 
τὸν διαλεγόμενον πρὸς τὴν Εὔαν ποδαπῇ τινι 
χρύσεα φήσομεν διαλέκτῳ ; dpa ἀνθρωπείᾳ; καὶ 

ιαφέρει τῶν παρὰ τοῖς “Ἕλλησι πεπλασμένων 
μύθων τὰ τοιαῦτα ; τὸ δὲ καὶ τὸν θεὸν a ἀπαγορεύειν 
τὴν διάγνωσιν καλοῦ τε καὶ , φαύλου τοῖς ὑπ᾽ 
αὐτοῦ πλασθεῖσιν ἀνθρώποις ἄρ᾽ οὐχ ὑπερβολὴν 

1 Before εἶτ᾽ Neumann adds καί, but this is not necessary. 
* παρέδωκεν Klimek. 

1 Persephone, 2 Hades, 


Now it is true that the Hellenes invented their 
myths about the gods, incredible and monstrous 
stories. For they said that Kronos swallowed his 
children and then vomited them forth; and they 
even told of lawless unions, how Zeus had inter- 
course with his mother, and after having a child by 
her, married his own daughter,! or rather did not 
even marry her, but simply had intercourse, with 
her and then handed her over to another.? (Then 

@ sort of ‘cite described in the καῦτα of the 
Hellenes. Compare with them the Jewish doctrine, 
how the garden was planted by God and Adam was 
fashioned by Him, and next, for Adam, woman 
came to be. For God said, “It is not good that 
the man should be alone. Let us make him an 
help meet like him.” * Yet so far was she from help- 
ing him at all that she deceived him, and was in 
part the cause of his and her own fall from their 
life of ease in the garden. 

This is wholly fabulous. For is it probable 
that God did not know that the being he was 
creating as a help meet would prove to be not 
so much a blessing as a misfortune to him who 
received her? Again, what sort of language are 
we to say that the serpent used when he talked 
with Eve? Was it the language of human beings? 
And in what do such legends as these differ from 
the myths that were invented by the Hellenes? 
Moreover, is it not excessively strange that God 
should deny to the human beings whom he had 
fashioned the power to distinguish between good 

3 Genesis 2. 18. 


89 B 
93 HE 

94 A 


7 , Ν , \ KX 5 / / n 
ἀτοπίας ἔχει; τί yap ἂν ἠλιθιώτερον γένοιτο τοῦ 
Ν , 
μὴ δυναμένου διαγινώσκειν καλὸν καὶ πονηρόν ; 
δῇ / “ \ \ > 7 λέ δὲ \ 
ῆλον yap, ὅτι τὰ μὲν ov φεύξεται, λέγω ὃὲ τὰ 
if \ \ 3 , / \ \ / 
κακά, TH δὲ ov μεταδιώξει, λέγω δὲ τὰ καλά. 
/ / / > “ e ἈΝ 
κεφάλαιον δέ, φρονήσεως ἀπηγόρευσεν ὁ θεὸς 
ἀνθρώπῳ γεύσασθαι, ἧς οὐδὲν ἂν εἴη τιμιώτερον 
‘ n fa) n / 
ἀνθρώπῳ. ὅτι yap ἡ τοῦ καλοῦ Kal τοῦ χείρονος 
a , ’ 
διάγνωσις οἰκεῖόν ἐστιν ἔργον φρονήσεως, πρόδηλον 
td a 
ἐστί που Kal τοῖς ἀνοήτοις" ὥστε τὸν ὄφιν εὐερ- 
/ na 2 > ΕΝ," al a > / 
γέτην μᾶλλον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ λυμεῶνα τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης 
γενέσεως εἶναι. ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ θεὸς δεῖ λέγεσθαι " 
/ n 
βάσκανος. ἐπειδὴ yap εἶδε μετασχόντα THs φρο- 
νήσεως τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἵνα μή, φησί, γεύσηται τοῦ 
ξύλου τῆς ζωῆς, ἐξέβαλεν αὐτὸν τοῦ παραδείσου 
διαρρήδην εἰπών" “Ἰδού, Adam γέγονεν ὡς εἷς ἐξ 
lal n ΄ / fal 
ἡμῶν τοῦ γινώσκειν καλὸν Kal πονηρόν. καὶ νῦν 
/ nm aA vA 
μήποτε ἐκτείνῃ τὴν χεῖρα Kal λάβῃ ἀπὸ τοῦ ξύλου 
an a ‘ \ wn 3» 
τῆς ζωῆς καὶ φάγῃ καὶ ζήσεται εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα. 
, a / 
τούτων τοίνυν ἕκαστον εἰ μὴ μῦθος ἔχων θεωρίαν 
> 4 3 ο a / 
ἀπόρρητον εἴη, ὅπερ ἐγὼ νενόμικα, πολλῆς γέ- 
A “ / \ 
μουσιν οἱ λόγοι περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ βλασφημίας. TO 
\ an ᾽ὔ 
γὰρ ἀγνοῆσαι μέν, ὡς ἡ γινομένη βοηθὸς αἰτία 
τοῦ πτώματος ἔσται καὶ τὸ ἀπαγορεῦσαι καλοῦ 
\ n an \ 
καὶ πονηροῦ γνῶσιν, ὃ μόνον ἔοικε συνέχειν TOV 
n \ A 
νοῦν τὸν ἀνθρώπινον, Kal πρόσετι TO ζηλοτυπῆσαι, 

1 αὐτῷ Neumann, ἀνθρώπῳ MSS. ; Klimek would delete 
ἀνθρώπῳ ; Gollwitzer rightly retains as characteristic Julianic 

3 δεῖ λέγεσθαι Neumann ; λέγοιτ᾽ ἂν Klimek ; λέγεται MSS. ; 
Gollwitzer deletes ἐπί. 

3 Gollwitzer adds λαβεῖν ; Asmus ἀναλαβεῖν, cf. Vol. 2, 265A. 

1 Genesis 3. 22. 



and evil? What could be more foolish than a 
being unable to distinguish good from bad? For 
it is evident that he would not avoid the latter, I 
mean things evil, nor would he strive after the 
former, I mean things good. And, in short, God 
refused to let man taste of wisdom, than which there 
could be nothing of more value for man. For that 
the power to distinguish between good and less good 
is the property of wisdom is evident surely even to 
the witless; so that the serpent was a benefactor 
rather than a destroyer of the human race. Further- 
more, their God must be called envious. For when 
he saw that man had attained to a share of wisdom, 
that he might not, God said, taste of the tree of 
life, he cast him out of the garden, saying in so 
many words, “ Behold, Adam has become as one of 
us, because he knows good from bad; and now let 
him not put forth his hand and take also of the tree 
of life and eat and thus live forever.’ Accord- 
ingly, unless every one of these legends is a myth 
that involves some secret interpretation, as I indeed 
believe,” they are filled with many blasphemous 
sayings about God. For in the first place to be 
ignorant that she who was created as a help meet 
would be the cause of the fall; secondly to refuse 
the knowledge of good and bad, which knowledge 
alone seems to give coherence to the mind of man ; 
and lastly to be jealous lest man should take of the 

2 For Julian’s belief that myths need allegorical interpre- 
tation cf. Oration 5. 169-170, Vol. 1, p. 475, note; see also 
Caesars 306C, Oration 7. 2060, 220, for myths as emblematic 
of the truth. This is the regular method of Neo-Platonic 
writers, such as Sallustius, in dealing with the unpleasant or 
incongruous elements in Greek mythology. - 


96 C 

96 D 

96 E 

49 A 


μὴ τοῦ ξύλου τῆς ζωῆς μεταλαβὼν ἄνθρωπος 
ἀθάνατος ἐ ἐκ θνητοῦ γένηται, φθονεροῦ καὶ βασκά- 
νου λίαν ἐστίν. 

Ὑπὲρ δὲ ὧν ἐκεῖνοί τε ἀληθῶς δοξάξουσιν ἡμῖν 
τε ἐξ ἀ ἀρχῆς οἱ πατέρες παρέδοσαν, ὁ ὁ “μὲν ἡμέτερος 
ἔχει λόγος ὡδὶ 1 τὸν προσεχῆ τοῦ κόσμου τούτου 
δημιουργόν... ... ὑπὲρ γὰρ θεῶν" τῶν ἀνωτέρω τούτου 
Μωυσῆς μὲν εἴρηκεν οὐδὲν ὅλως, ὅς γε οὐδὲ ὑπὲρ 
τῆς τῶν ἀγγέλων ἐτόλμησέ τί φύσεως" ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι 
μὲν λειτουργοῦσι τῷ θεῷ πολλαχῶς καὶ πολλάκις 
εἶπεν, εἴτε δὲ γεγονότες, εἴτε ἀγένητοι, εἴτε ὑπ᾽ 
ἄλλου μὲν γεγονότες, ἄλλῳ δὲ λειτουργεῖν τεταγ- 
μένοι, εἴτε ἄλλως πως, οὐδαμόθεν διώρισται. 
περὶ δὲ οὐρανοῦ καὶ γῆς καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ τίνα 
τρύπον διεκοσμήθη διέξεισι. καὶ τὰ μέν φησι 
κελεῦσαι τὸν θεὸν γενέσθαι, & ὥσπερ φῶς καὶ στε- 
ρέωμα, τὰ δὲ ποιῆσαι, ὥσπερ οὐρανὸν καὶ γῆν, 
ἥλιόν τε καὶ σελήνην, τὰ δὲ ὄντα, κρυπτόμενα δὲ 
τέως, διακρῖναι, “καθάπερ ὕδωρ, οἶμαι, καὶ τὴν 
ξηράν. πρὸς τούτοις δὲ οὐδὲ περὴ γενέσεως ἢ 
περὶ ποιήσεως τοῦ πνεύματος εἰπεῖν ἐτόλμησεν, 
ἀλλὰ μόνον “Καὶ πνεῦμα θεοῦ ἐπεφέρετο ἐπάνω 
τοῦ ὕδατος " - πότερον δὲ ἀγένητόν ἐστιν ἢ γέγονεν, 
οὐδὲν διασαφεῖ. 

᾿Ενταῦθα παραβάλωμεν, εἰ βούλεσθε, τὴν 
Πλάτωνος φωνήν. τί τοίνυν οὗτος ὑπὲρ τοῦ 
Spneniens® λέγει Kal τίνας περιτίθησιν αὐτῷ 

ὡδὶ Asmus restores from MSS. ; οὐδὲ Neumann. 

2 Asmus deletes as superfluous θεῶν added by Neumann. 
3 δέ, τέως Neumann; δὲ τέως, Asmus. 

+ The pagan theory is missing and also part of the Jewish, 
according to Asmus. 



tree of life and from mortal become immortal,— 
this is to be grudging and envious overmuch. 

Next to consider the views that are correctly held 
by the Jews, and also those that our fathers handed 
down to us from the beginning. Our account has 
in it the immediate creator of this universe, as the 
following shows. . . .1 Moses indeed has said no- 
thing whatsoever about the gods who are superior 
to this creator, nay, he has not even ventured to 
say anything about the nature of the angels. But 
that they serve God he has asserted in many ways 
and often; but whether they were generated or un- 
generated, or whether they were generated by one 
god and appointed to serve another, or in some other 
way, he has nowhere said definitely. But he de- 
scribes fully in what manner the heavens and the 
earth and all that therein is were set in order. In 
part, he says, God ordered them to be, such as light 
and the firmament, and in part, he says, God made 
them, such as the heavens and the earth, the sun 
and moon, and that all things which already existed 
but were hidden away for the time being, he 
separated, such as water, 1 mean, and dry land. 
But apart from these he did not venture to say a 
word about the generation or the making of the 
Spirit, but only this, “ And the Spirit of God moved 
upon the face of the waters.” But whether that 
spirit was ungenerated or had been generated he 
does not make at all clear. 

Now, if you please, we will compare the utter- 
ance of Plato.2 Observe then what he says about 
the creator, and what words he makes him speak 

2 In his Letter toa Priest 292, Vol. 2, Julian contrasts the 
Platonic account of the Creation with the Mosaic. 


49 B 

49 C 

49 D 


\ a a 
φωνὰς ἐν τῇ κοσμογενείᾳ σκόπησον, ἵνα τὴν 
Πλάτωνος καὶ Μωυσέως κοσμογένειαν ἀντιπαρα- 
βάλωμεν ἀλλήλαις. οὕτω γὰρ ἂν φανείη, τίς ὁ 
/ \ , ” ἴω ἴω a ᾿ς ὁ es n 
κρείττων Kal τίς ἄξιος τοῦ θεοῦ μᾶλλον, ap ὁ τοῖς 
εἰδώλοις λελατρευκὼς Πλάτων ἢ περὶ οὗ φησιν ἡ 
/ Ὁ« / \ , ς Ν b] / 
γραφή, OTL στόμα κατὰ στόμα ὁ θεὸς ἐλάλησεν 
A an , \ 
αὐτῷ. “’Ev ἀρχῇ ἐποίησεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ 
τὴν γῆν. ἡ δὲ γῆ ἣν ἀόρατος καὶ ἀκατασκεύαστος, 
καὶ σκότος ἐπάνω τῆς ἀβύσσου, καὶ πνεῦμα θεοῦ 
7, n 5 ς 
ἐπεφέρετο ἐπάνω τοῦ ὕδατος. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ θεός 
/ a is aes a Ἂν ᾧ ς 
Γενηθήτω φῶς, καὶ ἐγένετο φῶς. καὶ εἶδεν ὁ 
\ \ a ῳ , \ , ς \ 
θεὸς TO φῶς, ὅτι καλόν. Kal διεχώρισεν ὁ θεὸς 
ἀνὰ μέσον τοῦ φωτὸς καὶ ἀνὰ μέσον τοῦ σκότους. 
ἼΔΑΣ / e © \ n ς / \ \ / 
καὶ ἐκάλεσεν ὁ θεὸς TO φῶς ἡμέραν Kal TO σκότος 
\ / 
ἐκάλεσε νύκτα. καὶ ἐγένετο ἑσπέρα καὶ ἐγένετο 
πρωΐ, ἡμέρα μία. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ θεός: Τενηθήτω 
στερέωμα ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ ὕδατος. καὶ ἐκάλεσεν ὁ 
θεὸς τὸ στερέωμα οὐρανόν. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ θεός" 
¢ n lal > 
Συναχθήτω τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ ὑποκάτω τοῦ οὐρανοῦ εἰς 
συναγωγὴν μίαν καὶ ὀφθήτω ἡ ξηρά. καὶ ἐγένετο 
“ \ 93 ς 7 ͵ὔ e an 
οὕτως. Kal εἶπεν ὁ θεός: Βλαστησάτω ἡ γῆ Bo- 
τάνην χόρτου καὶ ξύλον κάρπιμον. καὶ εἶπεν ὁ 
/ a a , 
Geos’ Τενηθήτωσαν φωστῆρες ἐν τῷ στερεώματι 
“ n a \ an n 
τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, ἵνα wow eis φαῦσιν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. 
καὶ ἔθετο αὐτοὺς ὁ θεὸς ἐν τῷ στερεώματι τοῦ 
a n a oF 
οὐρανοῦ, ὥστε ἄρχειν THs ἡμέρας καὶ τῆς νυκτὸς. 
Ἔν δὴ τούτοις Μωυσῆς οὔτε τὴν ἄβυσσον πε- 
ol na a \ / 
ποιῆσθαί φησιν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ οὔτε TO σκότος 
¢ a ? / \ 
οὔτε TO ὕδωρ' καίτοι χρῆν δήπουθεν εἰπόντα περὶ 


at the time of the generation of the universe, in order 
that we may compare Plato’s account of that gener- 
ation with that of Moses. For in this way it will ap- 
pear who was the nobler and who was more worthy 
of intercourse with God, Plato who paid homage to 
images, or he of whom the Scripture says that 
God spake with him mouth to mouth. “In the 
beginning God created the heaven and the earth. 
And the earth was invisible and without form, and 
darkness was upon the face of the deep. And the 
spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters. 
And God said, Let there be light; and there was 
light. And God saw the light that it was good; 
and God divided the light from the darkness. 
And God called the light Day, and the darkness 
he called Night. And the evening and the morn- 
ing were the first day. And God said, Let there 
be a firmament in the midst of the waters. And 
God called the firmament Heaven. And God said, 
Let the waters under the heaven be gathered 
together unto one place, and let the dry land 
appear; and it was so. And God said, Let the 
earth bring forth grass for fodder, and the fruit 
tree yielding fruit. And God said, Let there be 
lights in the firmament of the heaven that they may 
be for a light upon the earth. And God set them 
in the firmament of the heaven to rule over the day 
and over the night.” 2 

In all this, you observe, Moses does not say that 
the deep was created by God, or the darkness or 
the waters. And yet, after saying concerning light 

1 Numbers 12. 8: ‘*With him will I speak mouth to 
2 Genesis 1-17, with certain omissions. 


49 αὶ 


τοῦ φωτός, ὅτι προστάξαντος θεοῦ γέγονεν, εἰπεῖν 
ἔτι καὶ περὶ τῆς νυκτὸς καὶ περὶ τῆς ἀβύσσου καὶ 
περὶ τοῦ ὕδατος. ὁ δὲ οὐδὲν εἶπεν ὡς περὶ οὐ" 
γεγονότων ὅλως, καίτοι πολλάκις ἐπιμνησθεὶς 
αὐτῶν. πρὸς τούτοις οὔτε τῆς τῶν ἀγγέλων μέ- 
μνηται γενέσεως ἢ ποιήσεως οὐδ᾽ ὅντινα τρόπον 
παρήχθησαν, ἀλλὰ τῶν περὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν μόνον 
καὶ περὶ τὴν γῆν σωμάτων,Σ ὡς εἶναι τὸν θεὸν 
κατὰ τὸν Μωυσέα ἀσωμάτων μὲν οὐδενὸς ποιητήν, 
ὕλης δὲ ὑποκειμένης κοσμήτορα. τὸ γὰρ “Ἢ δὲ 
γῆ ἣν ἀόρατος καὶ ἀκατασκεύαστος᾽᾽ οὐδὲν ἕτερόν 
ἐστιν ἢ τὴν μὲν ὑγρὰν καὶ ξηρὰν οὐσίαν ὕλην ποι- 
οῦντος, κοσμήτορα δὲ αὐτῆς τὸν θεὸν εἰσάγοντος. 

"O γε μὴν Πλάτων ἄκουε περὶ τοῦ κόσμου τί 
φησιν. “ ὋὉ δὴ πᾶς οὐρανὸς ἢ κόσμος --ὴ καὶ ἄλλο, 
ὅ τί ποτε ὀνομαζόμενος μάλιστα, ἂν δέχοιτο, τοῦτο 
ἡμῖν ὠνομάσθω---πότερον ἧ ἦν ἀεί, γενέσεως ἀρχὴν 
ἔχων οὐδεμίαν, ἢ ἢ γέγονεν, ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς TLVOS ἀρξά- 
μενος ; γέγονεν: ὁρατὸς γὰρ ἅπτος τέ ἐστι καὶ 
σῶμα ἔχων. πάντα δὲ τὰ τοιαῦτα αἰσθητά, τὰ 
δὲ αἰσθητά, δόξῃ περιληπτὰ μετὰ αἰσθήσεως, 
γιγνόμενα καὶ γεννητὰ ἐφάνη... οὕτως οὖν κατὰ 
τὸν λόγον τὸν εἰκότα δεῖ λέγειν τόνδε τὸν κόσμον 
ζῷον ἔμψυχον ἔννουν τε τῇ ἀληθείᾳ διὰ τὴν τοῦ 
θεοῦ γενέσθαι πρόνοιαν." 

"Ev δὲ ἑνὶ παραβάλωμεν μόνον" τίνα καὶ ποδα- 

1 Klimek ὡς περὶ οὐ; Neumann ὡς περί. 
2 Neumann σκηνωμάτων from JMMarcianus 123; σωμάτων 
Wright from Marcianus 122 

1 Timaeus 288, Ο. 



that God ordered it to be, and it was, surely he 
ought to have gone on to speak of night also, and 
the deep and the waters. But of them he says not 
a word to imply that they were not already existing 
at all, though he often mentions them, Further- 
more, he does not mention the birth or creation of 
the angels or in what manner they were brought 
into being, but deals only with the heavenly and 
earthly bodies. It follows that, according to Moses, 
God is the creator of nothing that is incorporeal, 
but is only the disposer of matter that already 
existed. For the words, ‘‘And the earth was in- 
visible and without form” can only mean that he 
regards the wet and dry substance as the original 
matter and that he introduces God as the disposer 
of this matter. 

Now on the other hand hear what Plato says 
about the universe: “ Now the whole heaven or the 
universe,—or whatever other name would be most 
acceptable to it, so let it be named by us,—did it 
exist eternally, having no beginning of generation, 
or has it come into being starting from some begin- 
ning? It has come into being. For it can be seen 
and handled and has a body; and all such things 
are the objects of sensation, and such objects of 
sensation, being apprehensible by opinion with the 
aid of sensation are things that came into being, as 
we saw, and have been generated. . . .1 It follows, 
therefore, according to the reasonable theory, that 
we ought to affirm that this universe came into being 
as a living creature possessing soul and intelligence 
in very truth, both by the providence of God.” ? ~ 

Let us but compare them, point by point. What 

3 Timaeus 30B; cf. Julian, Oration 5. 170p. 


58 A 

58 B 

58 C 


πὴν ποιεῖται δημηγορίαν ὁ ὁ θεὸς ὁ παρὰ Μωυσῇ 
καὶ ποδαπὴν ὁ ὁ παρὰ Πλάτωνι ; 

“ Καὶ εἶπεν ὁ θεός’ Ποιήσωμεν ἄνθρωπον κατ᾽ 
εἰκόνα ἡμετέραν καὶ καθ᾽ ὁμοίωσιν. καὶ ἀρχέ- 
τωσαν τῶν ἰχθύων τῆς θαλάσσης καὶ τῶν πετει- 
νῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῶν κτηνῶν καὶ πάσης τῆς 
γῆς καὶ πάντων τῶν ἑρπετῶν TOV ἑρπόντων ἐπὶ 
τῆς γῆς. καὶ ἐποίησεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἄνθρωπον, κατ 
εἰκόνα θεοῦ ἐ ἐποίησεν αὐτόν: ἄρσεν καὶ θῆλυ ἐποί- 
noev αὐτοὺς λέγων: Αὐξάνεσθε καὶ πληθύνεσθε 
καὶ πληρώσατε THY γῆν καὶ κατακυριεύσατε αὖ- 
τῆς. καὶ ἀρχέτωσαν τῶν ἰχθύων τῆς θαλάσσης 
καὶ τῶν πετεινῶν τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καὶ πάντων τῶν 
κτηνῶν καὶ πάσης τῆς γῆς. 

"Axove δὴ οὗν καὶ τῆς ΠΠλατωνικῆς δημηγορίας, 
ἣν τῷ τῶν ὅλων περιτίθησι δημιουργῷ. 

" Θεοὶ θεῶν, ὧ ὧν ἐγὼ δημιουργὸς πατήρ τε ἔργων 
ἄλυτα ἔσται ἐμοῦ γε ἐθέλοντος. τὸ μὲν δὴ δεθὲν 
πᾶν λυτόν, τό γε μὴν καλῶς ἁρμοσθὲν καὶ ἔχον εὖ 
λύειν ἐθέλειν κακοῦ. διὸ ἐπείπερ, γεγένησθε, οὐκ 
ἀθάνατοι μέν ἐστε οὐδὲ ἄλυτοι τὸ πάμπαν, οὔτι 
γε μὴν λυθήσεσθε οὐδὲ τεύξεσθε θανάτου μοίρας, 
τῆς ἐμῆς βουλήσεως- μείξονος ἔτι “δεσμοῦ καὶ 
κυριωτέρου λαχόντες ἐκείνων, οἷς ὅτε ἐγίνεσθε 
ξυνεδεῖσθε. νῦν οὖν ὃ λέγω πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐνδεικνύ- 
μενος μάθετε. θνητὰ ἐ ἔτι γένη λοιπὰ τρία ἀγέν- 
νητα, τούτων. δὲ μὴ γενομένων οὐρανὸς ἀτελὴς 
ἔσται. τὰ γὰρ πάντα ἐν αὑτῷ γένη ζῴων οὐχ 
ἕξει" ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ δὲ ταῦτα γενόμενα καὶ βίου μετά- 

Genesis 26, 27. 28, 



and what sort of speech does the god make in the 
account of Moses, and what the god in the account 
of Plato? 

«“ And God said, Let us make man in our image, 
and our likeness; and let them have dominion over 
the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, 
and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and 
over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the 
earth. So God created man, in the image of 
God created he him; male and female created 
he them, and said, Be fruitful and multiply and 
replenish the earth, and subdue it; and have 
dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the 
fowl of the air, and over all the cattle and over all 
the earth.” 

Now, I say, hear also the speech which Plato 
puts in the mouth of the Artificer of the All. 

“Gods of Gods! Those works whose artificer and 
father I am will abide indissoluble, so long as it is my 
will. Lo, ail that hath been fastened may be loosed, 
yet to will to loose that which is harmonious and in 
good case were the act of an evil being. Wherefore, 
since ye have come into being, ye are not immortal 
or indissoluble altogether, nevertheless ye shall by 
no means be loosed or meet with the doom of death, 
since ye have found in my will a bond more mighty 
and more potent than those wherewith ye were 
bound when ye came into being. Now therefore 
hearken to the saying which I proclaim unto you: 
Three kinds of mortal beings still remain unborn, 
and unless these have birth the heaven will be 
incomplete, For it will not have within itself all 
the kinds of living things. Yet if these should 
come into being and receive a share of life at 


58 D 

65 C 


σχόντα θεοῖς ἰσάξοιτο ἄν. ἵν᾽ οὖν θνητά τε ἢ τό τε 
πᾶν τόδε ὄντως ἅπαν ἢ, τρέπεσθε κατὰ φύσιν 
ὑμεῖς ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ζῴων δημιουργίαν, μιμούμενοι 
τὴν ἐμὴν δύναμιν περὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν γένεσιν. καὶ 
καθ᾽ ὅσον μὲν αὐτῶν ἀθανάτοις ὁμώνυμον εἶναι 
προσήκει, θεῖον λεγόμενον ἡγεμονοῦν τε ἐν αὐτοῖς 
τῶν ἀεὶ δίκῃ καὶ ὑμῖν ἐθελόντων ἕπεσθαι, σπείρας 
καὶ ὑπαρξάμενος ἐγὼ παραδώσω. τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν 
ὑμεῖς, ἀθανάτῳ θνητὸν προσυφαίνοντες ἀπεργά- 
ζεσθε ζῴα καὶ γεννᾶτε τροφήν τε διδόντες αὐξάνετε 
καὶ φθίνοντα πάλιν δέχεσθε." 

"ANN apa μὴ τοῦτο ὄναρ ἐστὶν ἐννοήσοντες 
αὐτὸ μαθέτε. θεοὺς ὀνομάζει ἸΪλάτων τοὺς ἐμ- 
φανεῖς, ἥλιον καὶ σελήνην, ἄστρα καὶ οὐρανόν, 
ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοι τῶν ἀφανῶν εἰσιν εἰκόνες" ὁ φαινόμενος 
τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς ἡμῶν ἥλιος τοῦ νοητοῦ καὶ μὴ 
φαινομένου, καὶ πάλιν ἡ φαινομένη τοῖς ὀφθαλ- 
μοῖς ἡμῶν σελήνη καὶ τῶν ἄστρων ἕκαστον εἰκόνες 
εἰσὶ τῶν νοητῶν. ἐκείνους οὖν τοὺς νοητοὺς καὶ 
ἀφανεῖς θεοὺς ἐνυπάρχοντας καὶ συνυπάρχοντας 
καὶ ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ δημιουργοῦ γεννηθέντας καὶ 
προελθόντας ὁ ὁ Πλάτων οἶδεν. εἰκότως οὖν φησιν 
ὁ δημιουργὸς ὁ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ “θεοί, πρὸς τοὺς 
ἀφανεῖς λέγων, “θεῶν, τῶν ἐμφανῶν δηλονότι. 
κοινὸς δὲ ἀμφοτέρων δημιουργὸς οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ 
τεχνησάμενος οὐρανὸν καὶ γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν καὶ 

1 Timaeus 414,B,Cc. Julian may have been quoting from 
memory, as there are omissions and slight variations from 
our text of the Timaeus. 

2 Cf. Julian, Vol. 1, Oration 4. 149A, 156D. 

* Julian’s Fourth Oration, Vol. 1. is an exposition of this 
theory held by the late Neo-Platonists; in the present 
treatise he does not, as in the Fourth and Fifth Orations, 



my hands they would become equal to gods. 
Therefore in order that they may be mortal, and 
that this All may be All in very truth, turn ye 
according to your nature to the contriving of living 
things, imitating my power even as 1 showed it in 
generating you. And such part of them as is fitted 
to receive the same name as the immortals, which 
is called divine and the power in them that governs 
all who are willing ever to follow justice and you, 
this part I, having sowed it and originated the 
same, will deliver to you. For the rest, do you, 
weaving the mortal with the immortal, contrive living 
beings and bring them to birth; then by giving 
them sustenance increase them, and when they 
perish receive them back again.” + 

But since ye are about to consider whether this 
is only a dream, do ye learn the meaning thereof. 
Plato gives the name gods to those that are visible, 
the sun and moon, the stars and the heavens, but 
tlieéséare only the. likenesses of the invisible gods. 
The sun which is visible to our eyes is the likeness 
of the intelligible and invisible sun,? and again the 
moon which is visible to our eyes and every one of 
the stars are likenesses of the intelligible. Accord- 
ingly Plato knows of those intelligible and invisible 
gods which are immanent in and coexist with the 
creator himself and were begotten and proceeded 
from him. Naturally, therefore, the creator in Plato's 
account says “gods” when he is addressing the 
invisible beings, and ‘of gods,” meaning by this, 
evidently, the visible gods. And the common creator 
of both these is he who fashioned the heavens and 

distinguish the intelligible (νοητοῦ gods from the intellectual 


66 A 


ἄστρα καὶ γεννήσας ἐν τοῖς νοητοῖς τὰ τούτων 

Σκόπει. οὖν," ὅτε καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τούτοις καλῶς. 
s “ΔΛείπει " γάρ φησι “ τρία θνητὰ γένη, ᾿ δηλονότι 
τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ τὸ τῶν ζῴων καὶ τὸ τῶν 
φυτῶν" τούτων γὰρ ἕκαστον ἰδίοις ὥ ὥρισται λόγοις. 
Bi μὲν oop’ ᾿ φησι “ καὶ τούτων ἕκαστον ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ 
γένοιτο, παντάπασιν ἀναγκαῖον ἀθάνατον αὐτὸ 
γενέσθαι." καὶ γὰρ τοῖς νοητοῖς θεοῖς οὐδὲν ἄλλο 
τῆς ἀθανασίας αἴτιον καὶ τῷ φαινομένῳ κόσμῳ ἢ 
τὸ ὑπὸ τοῦ δημιουργοῦ γενέσθαι. ὅτι οὖν φησιν 
He Ὅπόσον ἐ ἐστὶν ἀθάνατον, ἀναγκαῖόν ἐ ἐστι τούτοις 
παρὰ τοῦ δημιουργοῦ δεδόσθαι," τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν ἡ 
λογικὴ ψυχή. “TO δὲ λοιπόν" φησιν “ὑμεῖς 
ἀθανάτῳ θνητὸν “προσυφαίνετε." δῆλον οὖν ὅτι 
παραλαβόντες οἱ δημιουργικοὶ 3 θεοὶ παρὰ τοῦ 

'σφῶν πατρὸς τὴν δημιουργικὴν “δύναμιν, ἀπεγέν- 

νῆσαν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς τὰ θνητὰ τῶν ζῴων. εἶ γὰρ 
μηδὲν ἔμελλε διαφέρειν οὐρανὸς ἀνθρώπου καὶ 
ναὶ μὰ Δία θηρίου καὶ τελευταῖον αὐτῶν τῶν 
ἑρπετῶν καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ νη ομένων ἰχθυ- 
δίων, ἔδει τὸν δημιουργὸν & ἕνα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν εἶναι 
πάντων. εἰ δὲ πολὺ τὸ μέσον ἐστὶν ἀθανάτων καὶ 
θνητῶν, οὐδεμιᾷ προσθήκῃ μεῖζον οὐδὲ ἀφαιρέσει 
μειούμενον οὐδὲ μιγνύμενον πρὸς τὰ θνητὰ καὶ 
ἐπίκηρα ὃ αἴτιον εἶναι προσήκει τούτων μὲν ἄλ- 
λους, ἑτέρων δὲ ἑτέρους. 

Οὐκοῦν ἐπειδήπερ οὐδὲ περὶ τοῦ προσεχοῦς τοῦ 

1 οὖν ἔτι Klimek suggests. 
2 δημιουργικοὶ Asmus ; δημιουργοὶ Neumann. 
8 Asmus adds οὐδὲ μιγνύμενον retains πρὸς---ἐπίκηρα; Neu- 



the earth and the sea and the stars, and begat in the 
intelligible world the archetypes of these. 

Observe then that what follows is well said also. 
“ For,” he says, ‘‘ there remain three kinds of mortal 
things,” meaning, evidently, human beings, animals 
and plants; for each one of these has been defined 
by its own peculiar definition. ‘ Now,” he goes on 
to say, “if each one of these also should come to 
exist by me, it would of necessity become immortal.” 
And indeed, in the case of the intelligible gods and 
the visible universe, no other cause for their im- 
mortality exists than that they came into existence 
by the act of the creator. When, therefore, he says, 
“Such part of them as is immortal must needs be 
given to these by the creator,” he means the reasoning 
soul. “ For the rest,” he says, “do ye weave mortal 
with immortal.” It is therefore clear that the 
creative gods received from their father their creative 
power and _ so begat on earth all living things that 
are mortal. For if there were to be no difference 
between the heavens and mankind and animals too, 
by Zeus, and all the way down to the very tribe of 
creeping things and the little fish that swim in the 
sea, then there would have had to be one and the 
same creator for them all. But if there is a great 
gulf fixed between immortals and mortals, and this 
cannot become greater by addition or less by sub- 
traction, nor can it be mixed with what is mortal 
and subject to fate, it follows that one set of gods 
were the creative cause of mortals, and another of 

Accordingly, since Moses, as it seems, has failed 

mann deletes rpbs—émixnpa; Gollwitzer μειούμενον ὥσπερ τὰ 
θνητὰ καὶ ἐπίκηρα. 

2 2 

99 E 

100 A 

100 B 


a / 
κόσμου τούτου δημιουργοῦ πάντα διειλεγμένος 
a \ \ Lal 
Μωυσῆς φαίνεται, τήν τε “EBpaiwy καὶ τὴν τῶν 
a 4 
ἡμετέρων πατέρων δόξαν ὑπὲρ ἐθνῶν τούτων ἀντι- 
παραθῶμεν ἀλλήλαις. 
nr \ “ , Ἁ 
ὋὉ Μωυσῆς φησι τὸν τοῦ κόσμου δημιουργὸν 
2 / Ἃς a, ¢ / ” / 
ἐκλέξασθαι τὸ τῶν EBpaiwv ἔθνος καὶ προσέχειν 
ἐκείνῳ μόνῳ καὶ ἐκείνου φροντίσαι καὶ δίδωσιν 
’ an Ἀ " / 9 al ’ nan ..ν 
αὐτῷ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν αὐτοῦ μόνου. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων 
> “ Ὁ A) ες,» e n “ ΣΟΥ 
ἐθνῶν, ὅπως ἢ ὑφ᾽ οἵστισι διοικοῦνται θεοῖς, οὐδ 
lal /, a 
ἡντινοῦν μνείαν πεποίηται" πλὴν εἰ μή τις ἐκεῖνα 
συγχωρήσειεν, ὅτι τὸν ἥλιον αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν σελή- 
νὴν ἀπένειμεν. ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ μὲν τούτων καὶ μικρὸν 
Ὁ“ ‘ “ a? \ ee , Ν 
ὕστερον. πλὴν ὅτι τοῦ ᾿Ισραὴλ αὐτὸν μόνου θεὸν 
\ n > / \ /, > / 
καὶ τῆς “lovdaias καὶ τούτους ἐκλεκτούς φησιν 
a a > a 
αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον προφῆται καὶ ᾿Ιησοῦς 
ὁ Ναζωραῖος ἐπιδείξω, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν πάντας 
πανταχοῦ τοὺς πώποτε γόητας καὶ ἀπατεῶνας 
ὑπερβαλλόμενον Παῦλον. ἀκούετε δὲ τῶν λέξεων 
> a A a \ a M / . «Ss δὲ 
αὐτῶν, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῶν Μωυσέως v δὲ 
a n a , U / 
ἐρεῖς τῷ Papa: vids πρωτότοκός μου ᾿Ισραήλ. 
3 / > , Ν 7 
εἶπον δέ' ἐξαπόστειλον τὸν λαόν μου, iva pot 
λατρεύσῃ. σὺ δὲ οὐκ ἐβούλου ἐξαποστεῖλαι 
δ. δὲ, οἵ \ \ e ες \ , 
αὐτον. καὶ μικρὸν ὕστερον' “Καὶ λέγουσιν 
> “ e \ a ¢ , / id ον 
αὐτῷ" ὁ θεὸς τῶν “Εβραίων προσκέκληται ἡμᾶς. 
‘ \ a 
πορευσόμεθα οὖν eis THY ἔρημον ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν 
a ¢ an n WY cree : \ 
τριῶν, ὅπως θύσωμεν κυρίῳ τῷ θεῷ ἡμῶν. Kal 
Ἀ lal 
μετ᾽ ὀλίγα πάλιν ὁμοίως" “Κύριος ὁ θεὸς τῶν 
ς 3 , 
EBpaiwv ἐξαπέσταλκέ με πρὸς σὲ λέγων' ἐξαπό- 


also to give a complete account of the immediate 
creator of this universe, let us go on and set one 
against another the opinion of the Hebrews and 
that of our fathers about these nations. 

Moses says that the creator of the universe chose 
out the Hebrew nation, that to that nation alone did 
he pay heed and cared for it, and he gives him 
charge of it alone. But how and by what sort of 
gods the other nations are governed he has said not 
a word,—unless indeed one should concede that he 
did assign to them the sun and moon.! However 
of this I shall speak a little later. Now 1 will only 
point out that Moses himself and the prophets who 
came after him and Jesus the Nazarene, yes and 
Paul also, who surpassed all the magicians and char- 
latans of every place and every time, assert that he 
is the God of Israel alone and of Judaea, and that 
the Jews are his chosen people. Listen to their 
own words, and first to the words of Moses: “ And 
thou shalt say unto Pharaoh, Israel is my son, my 
firstborn. And I have said to thee, Let my people 
go that they may serve me. But thou didst refuse 
to let them go.”* And a little later, “And they 
say unto him, The God of the Hebrews hath sum- 
moned us; we will go therefore three days’ journey 
into the desert, that we may sacrifice unto the Lord 
our God.” And soon he speaks again in the same 
way, “The Lord the God of the Hebrews hath sent 

1 Deuteronomy 4.19: ** And lest . . . when thou seest the 
sun and the moon and the stars, even all the host of heaven, 
thou be drawn away and worship them, and serve them, 
which the Lord thy God hath divided unto all the peoples 
under the whole heaven.” 

2 Exodus 4, 22. 3 Exodus 4. 23. 


106 A 
106 B 

106 C 

106 D 


\ , ‘7 / 3 fal 
στείλον τὸν λαύν pov, ἵνα λατρεύσωσιν ἐν TH 
> / ” 5 

᾽ ᾽ Ὁ 3 ’ , 7 an 
AN ὅτε μὲν ᾿Ιουδαίων μόνων ἐμέλησε TO 
nA κ᾿ a \ a a ιν 
θεῷ τὸ ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ κλῆρος αὐτοῦ γέγονεν οὗτος 
᾽ὔ an 2 
ἐξαίρετος, οὐ Μωυσῆς μόνον καὶ ᾿Ιησοῦς, ἀλλὰ 
\ “Ὁ > \ , , ἴω » 
καὶ Παῦλος εἰρηκὼς φαίνεται" καίτοι τοῦτο ἄξιον 
lal / 
θαυμάσαι περὶ τοῦ Παύλου. πρὸς yap τύχας, 
Ψ a / 
ὥσπερ χρῶτα οἱ πολύποδες πρὸς τὰς πέτρας, 
> ͵ \ \ a , \ \ ’ 
ἀλλάττει τὰ περὶ θεοῦ δόγματα, ποτὲ μὲν lov- 
/ a a 7] πε; ἡ: 
δαίους μόνον τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ κληρονομίαν εἶναι 
διατεινόμενος, πάλιν δὲ τοὺς “Ελληνας ἀναπείθων 
n e \ 
αὑτῷ προστίθεσθαι, λέγων" “Μὴ ᾿Ιουδαίων ὁ θεὸς 
n “ / 
μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐθνῶν" val καὶ ἐθνῶν." δίκαιον 
Qn [4] ,ὔ 9 
οὖν ἐρέσθαι τὸν IladXov, εἰ μὴ τῶν lovdaiwy ἣν 
ὁ θεὸς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐθνῶν, τοῦ χάριν 
πολὺ μὲν εἰς τοὺς ᾿Ιουδαίους ἔπεμπε τὸ προφητικὸν 
χάρισμα καὶ τὸν Μωυσέα καὶ τὸ χρῖσμα καὶ τοὺς 
\ \ 
προφήτας Kal Tov νόμον Kal Ta παράδοξα καὶ τὰ 
an lal , 
τεράστια τῶν μύθων ; ἀκούεις yap αὐτῶν Bowv- 
ΕΣ ᾿ \ 
των" “"Aptov ἀγγέλων ἔφαγεν ἄνθρωπος." ἐπὶ 
/ \ \ \ ᾽ na » Σ , C ων 
τέλους δὲ Kal τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν ἔπεμψεν ἐκείνοις, ἡμῖν 
δὲ οὐ προφήτην, οὐ χρῖσμα, οὐ διδάσκαλον, οὐ 
ol ἴω » 
κήρυκα περὶ τῆς μελλούσης ὀψέ ποτε γοῦν ἔσεσ- 
> ς a δὶ ὮΝ ᾽ fa) / > \ 
θαι καὶ εἰς ἡμᾶς ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ φιλανθρωπίας. ἀλλὰ 
\ 16 7 A (ὃ > δὲ ς a 4 θ 
καὶ περιεῖδεν ἐτῶν μυριάδας, εἰ δὲ ὑμεῖς βούλεσθε, 
4 a Ὁ 
χιλιάδας ἐν ἀγνωσίᾳ τοιαύτῃ τοῖς εἰδώλοις, ὥς 
’ / 
φατε, λατρεύοντας τοὺς ἀπὸ ἀνίσχοντος ἡλίου 
/ - » 
μέχρι δυομένου καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἄρκτων ἄχρι 
a \ 
μεσημβρίας ἔξω καὶ μικροῦ γένους οὐδὲ πρὸ δισ- 


me unto thee, saying, Let my people go that they 
may serve me in the wilderness,” 1 

But that from the beginning God cared only for 
the Jews and that He chose them out as his portion, 
has been clearly asserted not only by Moses and 
Jesus but by Paul as well; though in Paul’s case this 
is strange. For according to circumstances he keeps 
changing his views about God, as the polypus changes 
its colours to match the rocks,? and now he insists 
that the Jews alone are God’s portion, and then 
again, when he is trying to persuade the Hellenes to 
take sides with him, he says: “ Do not think that he 
is the God of Jews only, but also of Gentiles: yea of 
Gentiles also.”* Therefore it is fair to ask of Paul 
why God, if he was not the God of the Jews only 
but also of the Gentiles, sent the blessed gift of 
prophecy to the Jews in abundance and gave them 
Moses and the oil of anointing, and the prophets and 
the law and the incredible and monstrous elements 
in their myths? For you hear them crying aloud: 
*«* Man did eat angels’ food.”4 And finally God sent 
unto them Jesus also, but unto us no prophet, no oil 
of anointing, no teacher, no herald to announce his 
love for man which should one day, though late, reach 
even unto us also, Nay he even looked on for 
myriads, or if you prefer, for thousands of years, 
while men in extreme ignorance served idols, as you 
call them, from where the sun rises to where he 
sets, yes and from North to South, save only that 

1 Fxrodus 5. 3: the sayings of Jesus and the prophets, 
which Julian said he would quote, are missing. 

2 For this proverb, derived from Theognis, cf. Misopogon 
349p, Vol. 2. 

3 Romans 3. 29; Galatians 3. 28. 4 Psalms 78. 25. 


100 C 


115 D 

115 αὶ 


χιλίων ὅλων ἐτῶν ἐν ἑνὶ μέρει συνοικισθέντος 
τῆς Παλαιστίνης. εἰ γὰρ πάντων ἡμῶν ἐστι 
θεὸς καὶ πάντων δημιουργὸς ὁμοίως, τί περιεῖδεν 
ἡμᾶς ; προσήκει τοίνυν τὸν τῶν Ἑβραίων θεὸν 
οὐχὶ δὴ παντὸς κόσμου γενεσιουργὸν ὑπάρχειν 
οἴεσθαι καὶ κατεξουσιάξειν τῶν ὅλων, συνεστάλ- 
θαι δέ, ὡς ἔφην, καὶ “πεπερασμένην ἔχοντα τὴν 
ἀρχὴν ἀναμὶξ τοῖς ἄλλοις νοεῖσθαι θεοῖς. ἔτι 
προσέξομεν ὑμῖν, ὅτι τὸν τῶν ὅλων θεὸν ἄχρι 
ψιλῆς γοῦν ἐννοίας ὑμεῖς ἢ τῆς ὑμετέρας TLS 
ἐφαντάσθη ῥίζης ; ov μερικὰ πάντα ταῦτά ἐστι; ; 
θεὸς ζηλωτής" ξηλοῖ γὰρ διὰ τί καὶ ἁμαρτίας 
ἐκδικῶν πατέρων ἐπὶ τέκνα ; ; 

᾿Αλλὰ δὴ σκοπεῖτε πρὸς ταῦτα πάλιν τὰ Tap 
ἡμῶν. οἱ γὰρ ἡμέτεροι τὸν δημιουργόν φασιν 
ἁπάντων μὲν εἶναι κοινὸν πατέρα καὶ βασιλέα, 
νενεμῆσθαι δὲ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν 
ἐθνάρχαις καὶ πολιοὔχοις θεοῖς, ὧ ὧν ἕκαστος ἐπι- 
τροπεύει τὴν ἑαυτοῦ λῆξιν οἰκείως ἑαυτῴ. ἐπειδὴ 
γὰρ ἐν μὲν τῷ πατρὶ πάντα τέλεια καὶ ἕν πάντα, 
ἐν δὲ τοῖς μεριστοῖς ἄλλη Tap ἄλλῳ κρατεῖ 
δύναμις, "A pns μὲν ἐπιτροπεύει τὰ πολεμικὰ τῶν 
ἐθνῶν, ᾿Αθηνᾶ δὲ τὰ μετὰ φρονήσεως πολεμικά, 
Ἑρμῆς δὲ τὰ συνετώτερα μᾶλλον ἢ τολμηρότερα, 
καὶ καθ' ἑκάστην οὐσίαν τῶν οἰκείων θεῶν ἕπεται 
καὶ τὰ ἐπιτροπευόμενα παρὰ σφῶν ἔθνη. εἰ μὲν 
οὖν οὐ μαρτυρεῖ τοῖς ἡμετέροις λόγοις ἡ πεῖρα, 
πλάσμα μὲν ἔστω τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ πιθανότης 

1 ἐν Klimek supplies. 

1 Exodus 20. 5. 


little tribe which less than two thousand years before 
had settled in one part of Palestine. For if he is 
the God of all of us alike, and the creator of all, why 
did he neglect us? Wherefore it is natural to think 
that the God of the Hebrews was not the begetter 
of the whole universe with lordship over the whole, 
but rather, as I said before, that he is confined within 
limits, and that since his empire bas bounds we must 
conceive of him as only one of the crowd of other 
gods. Then are we to pay further heed to you 
because you or one of your stock imagined the God 
of the universe, though in any case you attained 
only to a bare conception of Him? Is not all this 
partiality ? God, you say,is a jealous God. But why 
is he so jealous, even avenging the sins of the fathers 
on the children ἢ} 

But now consider our teaching in comparison 
with this of yours. Our writers say that the creator 
is the common father and king of all things, but that 
the other functions have been assigned by him to 
national gods of the peoples and gods that protect 
the cities; every one of whom administers his own 
department in accordance with his own nature. For 
since in the father all things are complete and all 
things are one, while in the separate deities one 
quality or another predominates, therefore Ares 
rules over the warlike nations, Athene over those 
that are wise as well as warlike, Hermes over 
those that are more shrewd than adventurous; and 
in short the nations over which the gods preside 
follow each the essential character of their proper 
god. Now if experience does not bear witness 
to the truth of our teachings, let us grant that 
our traditions are a figment and ἃ misplaced 



116 B 

131 B 

131 C 


ἄκαιρος, τὰ Tap ὑμῖν δὲ ἐπαινείσθω" εἰ δὲ πᾶν 
τοὐναντίον οἷς μὲν ἡμεῖς λέγομεν, ἐξ αἰῶνος ἡ 
πεῖρα μαρτυρεῖ, τοῖς ὑμετέροις δὲ λόγοις οὐδὲν 
οὐδαμοῦ φαίνεται σύμφωνον, τί τοσαύτης τῆς 
φιλονεικίας ἀντέχεσθε ; 

Λεγέσθω γάρ μοι, τίς αἰτία τοῦ Κελτοὺς μὲν 
εἶναι καὶ Τερμανοὺς θρασεῖς, “Ἑλληνας δὲ καὶ 
Ῥωμαίους ὡς ἐπίπαν πολιτικοὺς καὶ φιλανθρώ- 
πους μετὰ τοῦ στερροῦ τε καὶ πολεμικοῦ, συνε- 
τωτέρους δὲ καὶ τεχνικωτέρους Αἰγυπτίους, 
ἀπολέμους δὲ καὶ τρυφηλοὺς Σύρους μετὰ τοῦ 
συνετοῦ καὶ θερμοῦ καὶ κούφου καὶ εὐμαθοῦς. 
ταύτης γὰρ τῆς ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι διαφορᾶς εἰ μὲν 
οὐδεμίαν τις αἰτίαν συνορῴη, μᾶλλον δὲ αὐτά 
φησι καὶ ἐκ τοῦ αὐτομάτου συμπεσεῖν, πῶς ἔτι 
προνοίᾳ διοικεῖσθαι τὸν κόσμον οἴεται ; εἰ δὲ 
τούτων αἰτίας εἶναί τις τίθεται, λεγέτω μοι πρὸς 
αὐτοῦ τοῦ δημιουργοῦ καὶ διδασκέτω. τοὺς μὲν 
γὰρ νόμους εὔδηλον, ὡς ἡ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔθετο 
φύσις οἰκείους ἑαυτῇ, πολιτικοὺς μὲν καὶ φιίλαν- 
θρώπους, οἷς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐντέθραπτο τὸ φιλάν- 
θρωπον, ἀγρίους δὲ καὶ ἀπανθρώπους, οἷς ἐναντία 
φύσις ὑπῆν καὶ ἐνυπῆρχε τῶν ἠθῶν. οἱ γὰρ 
νομοθέται μικρὰ ταῖς φύσεσι καὶ ταῖς ἐπιτηδειό- 
τησι διὰ τῆς ἀγωγῆς προσέθεσαν. οὔκουν ᾿Ανά- 
χαρσιν οἱ Σκύθαι βακχεύοντα παρεδέξαντο" οὐδὲ 

1 In Misopogon 3598 Julian speaks of the fierceness of the 
Celts compared with the Romans. 

* A Scythian prince who travelled in search of knowledge 
and was counted by some among the seven sages. On his 
return to Thrace he is said to have been killed while cele- 
brating the rites of Cybele, which were new to the 
Scythians ; Herodotus 4. 76, tells the tale to illustrate the 



attempt to convince, and then we ought to 
approve the doctrines held by you. If, however, 
quite the contrary is true, and from the remotest 
past experience bears witness to our account and in 
no case does anything appear to harmonise with your 
teachings, why do you persist in maintaining a pre- 
tension so enormous? 

Come, tell me why it is that the Celts and the 
Germans are fierce, while the Hellenes and Romans 
are, generally speaking, inclined to political life and 
humane, though at the same time unyielding and 
warlike? Why the Egyptians are more intelligent 
and more given to crafts, and the Syrians unwarlike 
and effeminate, but at the same time intelligent, 
hot-tempered, vain and quick to learn? For if there 
is anyone who does not discern a reason for these 
differences among the nations, but rather declares 
that all this so befell spontaneously, how, I ask, can 
he still believe that the universe is administered by 
a providence 2) But if there is any man who maintains 
that there afe reasons for these differences, let him 
tell me them, in the name of the creator himself, 
andinstructme. As for men’s laws, it is evident that 
men have established them to correspond with their 
own natural dispositions ; that is to say, constitutional 
and humane laws were established by those in whom 
a humane disposition had been fostered above all 
else, savage and inhuman laws by those in whom 
there lurked and was inherent the contrary dis- 
position. (For lawgivers have succeeded in adding 
but little by their discipline to the natural characters 
and aptitudes of men) Accordingly the Scythians 
would not receive Anacharsis? among them when he 

Scythian hatred of foreign, and especially of Greek, customs ; 
cf. Lucian, Anacharsis. 


131 D 

134 D 

134 HK 

135 A 


TOV ἑσπερίων ἐθνῶν εὕροις ἄν τινας εὐκόλως 
πλὴν ὀλίγων σφόδρα ἐπὶ τὸ φιλοσοφεῖν ἢ γεω- 
μετρεῖν ἤ τι τῶν τοιούτων ηὐτρεπισμένους, καίτοι 
κρατούσης ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἤδη τῆς “Ρωμαίων ἡ ἧγεμο- 
pias. ἀλλ᾽ ἀπολαύουσι μόνον τῆς διαλέξεως καὶ 
τῆς ῥητορείας οἱ λίαν εὐφυεῖς, ἄλλου. δὲ οὐδενὸς 
μεταλαμβάνουσι μαθήματος. οὕτως ἴσχυρον 
ἔοικεν ἡ φύσις εἶναι. τίς οὖν ἡ διαφορὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν 
ἐν τοῖς ἤθεσι καὶ τοῖς νόμοις ; ; 

Ὁ μὲν γὰρ Μωυσῆς αἰτίαν ἀποδέδωκε κομιδῇ 
μυθώδη τῆς περὶ τὰς διαλέκτους ἀνομοιότητος. 
ἔφη γὰρ τοὺς υἱοὺς τῶν ἀνθρώπων συνελθόντας 
πόλιν ἐθέλειν οἰκοδομεῖν καὶ πύργον ἐν αὐτῇ μέγαν, 
φάναι δὲ τὸν θεόν, ὅτι χρὴ κατελθεῖν καὶ τὰς 
διαλέκτους αὐτῶν συγχέαι. καὶ ὅπως μή τίς με 
νομίσῃ ταῦτα συκοφαντεῖν, καὶ ἐκ τῶν Μωυσέως 
ἀναγνωσόμεθα τὰ ἐφεξῆς. “Καὶ εἶπον" δεῦτε, 
οἰκοδομήσωμεν ἑαυτοῖς πόλιν καὶ πύργον, οὗ 
ἔσται ἡ κεφαλὴ ἕως τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ “ποιήσωμεν 
ἑαυτοῖς ὄνομα πρὸ τοῦ διασπαρῆναι ἐ ἐπὶ προσώπου 
πάσης τῆς γῆς. καὶ κατέβη κύριος ἰδεῖν τὴν 
πόλιν καὶ τὸν πύργον, ὃν φκοδόμησαν. οἱ υἱοὶ τῶν 
ἀνθρώπων. καὶ εἶπε κύριος" ἰδού, γένος ἕν καὶ 
χεῖλος ὃν πάντων, καὶ τοῦτο ἤρξαντο ποιῆσαι 
καὶ νῦν οὐκ ἐκλείψει ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν πάντα, ὅσα ἂν 
ἐπίθωνται ποιεῖν. δεῦτε, καταβάντες ἐκεῖ συγ- 
χέωμεν αὐτῶν τὴν γλῶσσαν, ἵνα μὴ ἀκούωσιν 
ἕκαστος τῆς φωνῆς τοῦ πλησίον. καὶ διέσπειρεν 
αὐτοὺς κύριος ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ πρόσωπον πάσης τῆς 
γῆς καὶ ἐπαύσαντο οἰκοδομοῦντες τὴν πόλιν καὶ 
τὸν πύργον. εἶτα τούτοις ἀξιοῦτε πιστεύειν 



was inspired by a religious frenzy, and with very 
few exceptions you will not find that any men of the 
Western nations! have any great inclination for 
philosophy or geometry or studies of that sort, 
although the Roman Empire has now so long been 
paramount. But those who are unusually talented 
delight only in debate and the art of rhetoric, and 
do not adopt any other study ; so strong, it seems, 
is the force of nature. Whence then come these 
differences of character and laws among the nations? 

Now of the dissimilarity of language Moses has 
given a wholly fabulous explanation. For he said 
that the sons of men came together intending to 
build a city, and a great tower therein, but that God 
said that he must go down and confound their 
languages. And that no one may think I am falsely 
accusing him of this, I will read from the book of 
Moses what follows: “ And they said, Go to, let us 
build us a city and a tower, whose top may reach 
unto heaven; and let us make us a name, before we 
be scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth. 
And the Lord came down to see the city and the 
tower, which the children of men had builded. And 
the Lord said, Behold, the people is one, and they 
have-all one language; and this they have begun to 
do; and now nothing will be withholden from them 
which they purpose to do. Go to, let us go down, 
and there confound their language, that no man may 
understand the speech of his neighbour. So the 
Lord God scattered them abroad upon the face of 
all the earth: and they left off to build the city and 
the tower.” 2 And then you demand that we should 

1 He means the Gauls and Iberians, since the Germans at 

that time were distinguished only in warfare. 
2 Genesis 11. 4-8. 


135 B 

135 C 

195 D 

137 E 

138 A 


ἡμᾶς, ἀπιστεῖτε δὲ ὑμεῖς τοῖς ὑφ᾽ Ὁμήρου λεγο- 
μένοις ὑπὲρ τῶν ᾿Αλωαδῶν, ὡς ἄρα τρία ἐπ᾽ 
ἀλλήλοις “ὄρη θεῖναι διενοοῦντο, “ty οὐρανὸς 
ἀμβατὸς εἴη." φημὶ μὲν γὰρ ἐγὼ καὶ τοῦτο παρα- 
πλησίως ἐκείνῳ μυθῶδες εἶναι. ὑμεῖς δέ, ἀποδε- 
χόμενοι τὸ πρότερον, ἀνθ᾽ ὅτου πρὸς θεῶν ἀποδο- 
κιμάζετε τὸν Ὁμήρου μῦθον ; ἐκεῖνο γὰρ οἶμαι 
δεῖν σιωπᾶν πρὸς ἄνδρας ἀμαθεῖς, ὅτι κἂν μιᾷ 
φωνῇ καὶ γλώσσῃ πάντες οἱ κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν 
οἰκουμένην ἄνθρωποι χρήσωνται, πύργον οἰκοδο- 
μεῖν οὐ δυνήσονται πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀφικνού- 
μενον, κἂν ἐκπλινθεύσωσι τὴν γῆν πᾶσαν'" 
ἀπείρων γὰρ δεήσει πλίνθων ἰσομεγεθῶν τῇ γῇ 
ξυμπάσῃ τῶν δυνησομένων ἄχρι. τῶν σελήνης 
ἐφικέσθαι κύκλων. ὑποκείσθω γὰρ πάντας μὲν 
ἀνθρώπους συνεληλυθέναι γλώσσῃ καὶ φωνῇ μιᾷ 
κεχρημένους, πᾶσαν δὲ ἐκπλινθεῦσαι τὴν γῆν καὶ 
ἐκλατομῆσαι, πότε ἂν μέχρις οὐρανοῦ φθάσειεν, 
εἰ καὶ λεπτότερον ἁρπεδόνος ἐκμηρνομένων αὐτῶν 
ἐκταθείη ; τοῦτον οὖν οὕτω φανερὸν ὄντα τὸν 
μῦθον ἀληθῆ νενομικότες καὶ περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ δοξά- 
ἕοντες, ὅτι πεφόβηται τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν μιαι- 
φονίαν τούτου τε χάριν “καταπεφοίτηκεν αὐτῶν 
συγχέαι τὰς διαλέκτους, ἔτι τολμᾶτε θεοῦ γνῶσιν 
αὐχεῖν ; 

“Exrdverpus δὲ αὖθις πρὸς ἐκεῖνο, τὰς μὲν γὰρ 
διαλέκτους. ὅπως ὁ θεὸς συνέχεεν. εἴρηκεν ὁ 
Μωυσῆς τὴν μὲν αἰτίαν, ὅτι φοβηθεὶς μή τι κατ᾽ 
αὐτοῦ πράξωσι προσβατὸν ἑαυτοῖς τὸν οὐρανὸν 
κατεργασάμενοι, ὁμόγλωττοι ὄντες καὶ ὁμόφρονες 

1 ἐφικνούμενον Klimek. 


believe this account, while you yourselves disbelieve 
Homer’s narrative of the Aloadae, namely that they 
planned to set three mountains one on another, 
“that so the heavens might be scaled.”"1 For my 
part I say that this tale is almost as fabulous as the 
other. But if you accept the former, why in the 
name of the gods do you discredit Homer’s fable? 
For I suppose that to men so ignorant as you I must 
say nothing about the fact that, even if all men 
throughout the inhabited world ever employ one 
speech and one language, they will not be able to 
build a tower that will reach to the heavens, even 
though they should turn the whole earth into bricks, 
For such a tower will need countless bricks each 
one as large as the whole earth, if they are to 
succeed in reaching to the orbit of the moon. For 
let us assume that all mankind met together, em- 
ploying but one language and speech, and that they 
made the whole earth into bricks and hewed out 
stones, when would it reach as high as the heavens, 
even though they spun it out and stretched it till it 
was finer than a thread? Then do you, who believe 
that this so obvious fable is true, and moreover think 
that God was afraid of the brutal violence of men, 
and for this reason came down to earth to confound 
their languages, do you, I say, still venture to boast 
of your knowledge of God ? 

But I-will go back again to the question how God 
confounded their languages. The reason why he 
did so Moses has declared: namely, that God was 
afraid that if they should have one language and 
were of one mind, they would first construct for 
themselves a path to the heavens and then do some 

1 Odyssey 11. 316. 

138 B 

138 C 


᾽ / \ \ “Ὁ oe > , > 
ἀλλήλοις: TO δὲ πρᾶγμα ὅπως ἐποίησεν ovda- 
“ 3 \ / “ \ 2 > fal A 
μῶς, ἀλλὰ μόνον, OTL κατελθὼν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ---μὴ 
δυνάμενος ἄνωθεν αὐτὸ ποιεῖν, ὡς ἔοικεν, εἰ μὴ 
aA θ 3 \ a eye id \ δὲ an \ \ 0 
κατῆλθεν ἐπι τῆς γῆς. UTEP O€ τῆς κατὰ τὰ ἤθη 

καὶ τὰ νόμιμα διαφορᾶς οὔτε Μωυσῆς οὔτε ἄλλος 

b] 7 / / a \ , > \ e 
ἀπεσάφησε τις. καίτοι τῷ παντὶ μείζων ἐστὶν ἡ 
\ “" al 
περὶ TA νόμιμα καὶ τὰ πολιτικὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἐν τοῖς 
- . \ / n 
ἀνθρώποις τῆς περὶ τὰς διαλέκτους διαφορᾶς. τίς 
¢ a 
yap ᾿Εὐλλήνων ἀδελφῇ, τίς δὲ θυγατρί, τίς δὲ μητρί 
“ / A 
φησι δεῖν μίγνυσθαι ; τοῦτο δὲ ἀγαθὸν ἐν Πέρσαις 
/ al 3 
κρίνεται. τί me χρῆ Kal ἕκαστον ἐπιέναι, TO 
, / δ΄’ 8 / lal ες / 
φιλελεύθερόν Te καί ἀνυπότακτον Γερμανῶν ἐπέξ- 
/ Ν / \ \ ΄ὔ \ 
ἰόντα, TO χειρόηθες Kal τιθασὸν Σύρων καὶ Περ- 
σῶν καὶ ἸΤάρθων καὶ πάντων ἁπλῶς τῶν πρὸς ἕω 
\ \ Ψ ΄ ΣΝ ὁ \ \ 
καὶ πρὸς μεσημβρίαν βαρβάρων καὶ ὅσα καὶ τὰς 
βασιλείας ἀγαπᾷ κεκτημένα δεσποτικωτέρας ; εἰ 
’ 7 
μὲν οὖν ἄνευ προνοίας μείζονος καὶ θειοτέρας 
r εἶ , 4 
ταῦτα συνηνέχθη τὰ μείζω Kal τιμιώτερα, τί 
, 4 Ν 
μάτην περιεργαζόμεθα καὶ θεραπεύομεν τὸν μηδὲν 
lal > , Qn 
προνοοῦντα ; @ yap οὔτε βίων οὔτε ἠθῶν οὔτε 
/ f na 
τρόπων οὔτε εὐνομίας οὔτε πολιτικῆς ἐμέλησε 
/ / 2 ν᾿ 
καταστάσεως, ap ἔτι προσήκει μεταποιεῖσθαι 
a “ fal lal ε ἴω 
τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν τιμῆς ; οὐδαμῶς. ὁρᾶτε, εἰς ὅσην 
A , ἴω \ a 
ὑμῖν ἀτοπίαν ὁ λόγος ἔρχεται. τῶν yap ἀγαθῶν 
ὅσα περὶ τὸν ἀνθρώπινον θεωρεῖται βίον, ἡγεῖται 
μὲν τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς, ἕπεται δὲ τὰ τοῦ. σώματος. 
εἰ τοίνυν τῶν ψυχικῶν ἡμῶν ἀγαθῶν κατωλιγώ- 
ρήσεν, οὐδὲ τῆς φυσικῆς ἡμῶν κατασκευῆς προ- 
1 ὑμῖν Klimek ; ὑμῶν Neumann. 



mischief against him. But how he carried this out 
Moses does not say at all, but only that he first came 
down from heaven,—because he could not, as it 
seems, do it from on high, without coming down to 
earth. But with respect to the existing differences 
in characters and customs, neither Moses nor any- 
one else has enlightened us. And yet among man- 
kind the difference between the customs and the 
political constitutions of the nations is in every way 
greater than the difference in their language. What 
Hellene, for instance, ever tells us that a man ought 
to marry his sister or his daughter or his mother? 
Yet in Persia this is accounted virtuous. But why 
need I go over their several characteristics, or describe 
the love of liberty and lack of discipline of the 
Germans, the docility and tameness of the Syrians, 
the Persians, the Parthians, and in short of all the 
barbarians in the East and the South, and of all 
nations who possess and are contented with a some- 
what despotic form of government? Now if these 
differences that-are greater and more important came 
about without the aid of a greater and more divine 
providence, why do we vainly trouble ourselves about 
and worship one who takes no thought for us? For 
is it fitting that he who cared nothing for our lives, 
our characters, our manners, our good government, 
our political constitution, should still claim to receive 
honour at our hands? Certainly not. You see to 
what an absurdity your doctrine comes. For of all 
the blessings that we behold in the life of man, those 
that relate to the soul come first, and those that 
relate to the body are secondary. If, therefore, he 
paid no heed to our spiritual blessings, neither took 
thought for our physical conditions, and moreover, 


VOL. Ill, AA 

138 D 

141 C 

141 D 

143 A 

143 B 


νοησάμενος, οὔτε ἡμῖν ἔπεμψε διδασκάλους ἢ 
, “ a ,¢ 7 Ν Ν / 
νομοθέτας ὥσπερ τοῖς ᾿βραίοις κατὰ τὸν Mavoéa 
καὶ τοὺς ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ προφήτας, ὑπὲρ τίνος ἕξομεν 
αὐτῷ καλῶς εὐχαριστεῖν ; 
Cul Te nm 
"AXN ὁρᾶτε, μή ποτε Kal ἡμῖν ἔδωκεν ὁ θεὸς 

ods ὑμεῖς ἠγνοήκατε θεούς τε καὶ προστάτας 

ἀγαθούς, οὐδὲν ἐλάττονας τοῦ παρὰ τοῖς “Ἑβραίοις 
ἐξ ἀρχῆς τιμωμένου τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας, ἧσπερ ἐκεῖνος 
προνοεῖν ἔλαχε μόνης, ὥσπερ ὁ Μωυσῆς ἔφη καὶ 
οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἄχρις ἡμῶν. εἰ δὲ ὁ προσεχὴς 
εἴη τοῦ κόσμου δημιουργὸς ὁ παρὰ τοῖς ᾿ΕἸβραίοις 
τιμώμενος, ἔτι καὶ βέλτιον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ διενοήθη- 
μεν ἡμεῖς ἀγαθά τε ἡμῖν ἔδωκεν ἐκείνων μείζονα 
τά τε περὶ ψυχὴν καὶ τὰ ἐκτός, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐροῦμεν 
ψῃς Κ' Ψ » / a Ol a / 
ὀλίγου ὕστερον, ἔστειλέ TE Kal ἐφ᾽ ἡμᾶς νομοθέτας 
50ῸΝ , / > \ \ \ 

οὐδὲν Μωυσέως χείρονας, εἰ μὴ τοὺς πολλοὺς 
μακρῷ κρείττονας. 

“Ὅπερ οὖν ἐλέγομεν, εἰ μὴ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἔθνος 
ἐθνάρχης τις θεὸς ἐπιτροπεύων ἄγγελός τε ὑπ᾽ 
b] an \ ὃ 7 \ «@ 1 \ cal ὃ / 
αὐτῷ καὶ δαίμων καὶ ἥρως " καὶ ψυχῶν ἰδιάζον 
γένος ὑπηρετικὸν καὶ ὑπουργικὸν τοῖς κρείττοσιν 
ἔθετο τὴν ἐν τοῖς νόμοις καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσι διαφορό- 
τητα, δεικνύσθω, παρ᾽ ἄλλου πῶς γέγονε ταῦτα. 

\ \ > \ ᾽ / ft “ce 3 ce θ Ν ὶ 
καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ ἀπόχρη λέγειν" “Εἶπεν o θεὸς κα 
ἐγένετο." Qouoroyeiy γὰρ χρὴ τοῖς ἐπιτάγμασι 
τοῦ θεοῦ τῶν γινομένων τὰς φύσεις. ὃ δὲ λέγω, 

7 7 A » Oe ς Ν / 
σαφέστερον ἐρῶ. ἐκέλευσεν ὁ θεὸς ἄνω φέρεσθαι 

1 Asmus adds καὶ ἥρως from Oration, 4. 145C ἀγγέλοις, 
δαίμοσιν, ἥρωσι, ψυχαῖς τε μερισταῖς. 




did not send to us teachers or lawgivers as he did for 
the Hebrews, such as Moses and the prophets who 
followed him, for what shall we properly feel 
gratitude to him? 

But consider whether God has not given to us also 
gods! and kindly guardians of whom you have no 
knowledge, gods in no way inferior to him who from 
the beginning has been held in honour among the 
Hebrews of Judaea, the only land that he chose to 
take thought for, as Moses declared and those who 
came after him, down to ourowntime. But evenifhe 
who is honoured among the Hebrews really was the 
immediate creator of the universe, our beliefs about 
him are higher than theirs, and he has bestowed on 
us greater blessings than on them, with respect both 
to the soul and to externals. Of these, however, I 
shall speak a little later. Moreover, he sent to us 
also lawgivers not inferior to Moses, if indeed many 
of them were not far superior. 

Therefore, as I said, unless for every nation 
separately some presiding national god (and under 
him an angel,? a demon, a hero, and a peculiar order 
of spirits which obey and work for the higher powers) 
established the differences in our laws and characters, 
you must demonstrate to me how these differences 
arose by some other agency. Moreover, it is pot 
sufficient to say, “God spake and it was so" σοι 
the natures of things that are created ought to 
harmonise with the commands of Goi) 1 will say 
more clearly what J mean. Did God ordain that 
fire should mount upwards by chance and earth 

1 Cf. Oration 4, 1404, Vol. 1, om the creative gods, 

τ oe Oration 4. 1418, note, and 1450, note; Plato, Laws 



143 D 

143 E 

146 A 
146 B 


‘ a 5 ΄ὔ , \ \ a > “ Ν 
τὸ πῦρ, εἰ τύχοι, κάτω δὲ τὴν γῆν ; οὐχ ἵνα τὸ 
lal a an 
πρόσταγμα γένηται τοῦ θεοῦ, TO μὲν ἐχρῆν εἶναι 
“ Ἀ Ν / “ Ν b] \ nr [2 / 
κοῦφον, τὸ δὲ βρίθειν ; οὕτω καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἑτέρων 
e / “ 
ὁμοίως... τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν 
ο mn , 
θείων. αἴτιον δέ, ὅτι τὸ μὲν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπί- 
, \ / / 
κηρὸν ἐστι καὶ φθαρτὸν γένος. εἰκότως οὗν αὐτοῦ 
φθαρτὰ καὶ τὰ ἔργα καὶ μεταβλητὰ καὶ παντο- 
a a “ «Ὁ 
δαπῶς τρεπόμενα" τοῦ θεοῦ δὲ ὑπάρχοντος ἀϊδίου, 
ἴα es 3 / 
kal τὰ προστάγματα τοιαῦτ᾽ εἶναι προσήκει. 
τοιαῦτα δὲ ὄντα ἤτοι φύσεις εἰσὶ τῶν ὄντων ἢ τῇ 
φύσει τῶν ὄντων ὁμολογούμενα. πῶς γὰρ ἂν ἡ 
φύσις τῷ προστάγματι μάχοιτο τοῦ θεοῦ ; πῶς 
ἴω e , an \ 
δ᾽ ἂν ἔξω πίπτοι τῆς ὁμολογίας ; οὐκοῦν εἰ Kal 
προσέταξεν ὥσπερ τὰς γλώσσας συγχυθῆναι καὶ 
a : - \ 
μὴ συμφωνεῖν ἀλλήλαις, οὕτω δὲ Kal τὰ πολιτικὰ 
“-“ a / 
τῶν ἐθνῶν, οὐκ ἐπιτάγματι͵ δὲ μόνον ἐποίησε 
a a \ vA 
τοιαῦτα καὶ πεφυκέναι, οὐδὲ ἡμᾶς πρὸς ταύτην 
4 n an 
κατεσκεύασε THY διαφωνίαν. ἐχρῆν yap πρῶτον 
διαφόρους ὑπεῖναι φύσεις τοῖς ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι δια- 
, na “ Qn ‘ a 
φόρως ἐσομένοις. ὁρᾶται γοῦν τοῦτο, καὶ τοῖς 
΄ " > (ὃ \ \ > 0 
σώμασιν εἴ τις ἀπίδοι Τερμανοὶ καὶ Σκύθαι 
Λιβύων καὶ Αἰθιόπων ὁπόσον διαφέρουσιν. apa 
\ “ a | \ 3 \ 59." e ye’ 
καὶ τοῦτό ἐστι ψιλὸν ἐπίταγμα, καὶ οὐδὲν ὁ ἀὴρ 
οὐδὲ ἡ χώρα τῷ πῶς ἔχειν πρὸς τὸ χρῶμα θεοῖς 
συμπράττει; ; 
“Ere δὲ καὶ ὁ Μωυσῆς ditexdRptnre. TO τοϊοῦτον 
0." > \ \ “ 7 4 > , 
εἰδὼς οὐδὲ THY τῶν διαλέκτων σύγχυσιν ἀνατέ- 

1 A few words are lost. 



sink down? Was it not necessary, in order that the 
ordinance of God should be fulfilled, for the former 
to be light and the latter to weigh heavy? And in 
the case of other things also this is equally trye. . . .1 
Likewise with respect to things divine, (But the 
o death 

reason is that 
and perishable. 

race of men is doome 
herefore : 

And since they are such, they are either the natures 
of things or are accordant with the nature of things. 
For how could nature be at variance with the ordi- 
nance of God? How could it fall out of harmony 
therewith? Therefore, if he did ordain that even as 
our languages are confounded and do not harmonise 
with one another, so too should it be with the 
political constitutions of the nations, then it was not 
by a special, isolated decree that he gave these con- 
titutions their essential characteristics, or framed us 
also to match this lack of agreement.?_ For different 
natures must first have existed in all those things that 
among the nations were to be differentiated. This at 
any rate is seen if one observes how very different in 
their bodies are the Germans and Scythians from the 
Libyans and Ethiopians. Can this also be due toa 
bare decree, and does not the climate or the 
country have a joint influence with the gods in 
determining what sort of complexion they have? 
Furthermore, Moses also -consciously drew a veil 
over this sort of enquiry, and did not assign the 

2 2.6. if there were to be differences of speech and political 
constitution, they must have been adapted to pre-existing 
differences of nature in human beings. 


148 B 

148 C 

152 B 


θεικε TO θεῷ μόνῳ. φησὶ yap αὐτὸν οὐ μόνον 
κατελθεῖν οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἕνα συγκατελθεῖν αὐτῷ, 
πλείονας δέ, καὶ τούτους οἵτινές εἰσιν οὐκ εἶπεν" 
εὔδηλον δέ, ὅτι παραπλησίους αὐτῷ τοὺς συγκατ- 
ἰόντας ὑπελάμβανεν. εἰ τοίνυν πρὸς τὴν σύγ- 
χυσιν τῶν διαλέκτων “οὐχ ὁ κύριος μόνος, ἀλλὰ 
καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ κατέρχονται, πρόδηλον, ὅ ὅτι καὶ 
πρὸς τὴν σύγχυσιν τῶν ἠθῶν οὐχ ὁ κύριος μόνος, 
ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τὰς διαλέκτους συγχέοντες 
εἰκότως ἂν ὑπολαμβάνοιντο ταύτης εἶναι τῆς 
διαστάσεως αἴτιοι. 

Τί οὖν, οὐκ ἐν μακροῖς εἰπεῖν βουλόμενος, 
τοσαῦτα ἐπεξῆλθον ; ὡς, εἰ μὲν ὁ προσεχὴς εἴη 
τοῦ κόσμου δημιουργὸς ὁ ὑπὸ τοῦ Μωυσέως 
κηρυττόμενος, ἡμεῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ βελτίους ἔχομεν 
δόξας οἱ κοινὸν μὲν ἐκεῖνον ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἃ ἁπάν- 
των δεσπότην, eOvdpxas δὲ ἄλλους, οἵ τυγχά- 
νουσι μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἐκεῖνον, εἰσὶ δὲ ὥσπερ ὕπαρχοι 
βασιλέως, ἕκαστος τὴν ἑαυτοῦ διαφερόντως ἐ ἐπαν- 
ορθούμενος φροντίδα" καὶ οὐ καθίσταμεν αὐτὸν 
οὐδὲ ἀντιμερίτην τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν θεῶν καθιστα- 
μένων. εἰ δὲ μερικόν τινα τιμήσας ἐκεῖνος ἀντιτί- 
θησιν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ παντὸς ἡγεμονίαν, ἄμεινον 
τὸν τῶν ὅλων θεὸν ἡμῖν πειθομένους ἐπιγνῶναι 
μετὰ τοῦ μηδὲ ἐκεῖνον ἀγνοῆσαι, ἢ τὸν τοῦ ἐλαχί- 
στου μέρους εἰληχότα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀντὶ τοῦ 
πάντων τιμᾶν δημιουργοῦ. 

ὋὉ νόμος ἐστὶν ὁ τοῦ Μωυσέως θαυμαστός, ἡ 

1 (fenesis 11. 7. ‘*Go to, let us go down, and there 
confound their language.” . . . The word “us” has been 
variously interpreted. 



confusion of dialects to God alone. For he sayst 
that God did not descend alone, but that there 
descended with him not one but several, and he did 
not say who these were. But it is evident that he 
assumed that the beings who descended with God 
resembled him. If, therefore, it was not the Lord 
alone but his associates with him who descended 
for the purpose of confounding the dialects, it is 
very evident that for the confusion of men’s char- 
- acters, also, not the Lord alone but also those 
who together with him confounded the dialects 
would reasonably be considered responsible for this 

Now why have I discussed this matter at such 
length, though it was my intention to speak briefly ? 
For this reason: If the immediate creator of the 
universe be he who is proclaimed by Moses, then 
we hold nobler beliefs concerning him, inasmuch 
as we consider him to be the master of all things in 
general, but that there are besides national gods 
who are subordinate to him and are like viceroys 
of a king, each administering separately his own 
province ; and, moreover, we do not make him the 
sectional rival of the gods whose station is subordinate 
to his. But if Moses first pays honour to a sectional 
god, and then makes the lordship of the whole 
universe contrast with his power, then it is better 
to believe as we do, and to recognise the God of 
the All, though not without apprehending also the 
God of Moses; this is better, | say, than to honour 
one who has been assigned the lordship over a 
very small portion, instead of the creator of all 

That is a surprising law of Moses, I mean the 



152 D 

155 C 

155 D 


δεκάλογος ἐκείνη" “Οὐ κλέψεις, οὐ φονεύσεις, ov 
ψευδομαρτυρήσεις." γεγράφθω δὲ αὐτοῖς τοῖς 1 
ῥήμασιν ἑκάστη τῶν ἐντολῶν, ἃς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ φησι 
γεγράφθαι τοῦ θεοῦ. 

“᾿Εγὼ εἰμι κύριος ὁ θεός σου, ὃς ἐξήγαγέ σε ἐκ 

γῆς Αἰγύπτου." δευτέρα μετὰ τοῦτο" “Οὐκ ἔσον- 
a, σοι θεοὶ ἕτεροι πλὴν ἐμοῦ. οὐ ποιήσεις σεαυτῷ 

εἴδωλον.᾽" καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν προστίθησιν' νὴ Ἐγὼ 
γάρ εἶμι κύριος ὁ θεός σου, θεὸς ζηλωτής, ἀποδι- ᾿ 
δοὺς πατέρων ἁμαρτίας ἐπὶ τέκνα. ἕως τρίτης 
γενεᾶς. “Οὐ λήψῃ τὸ ὄνομα κυρίου τοῦ θεοῦ 
σου ἐπὶ ματαίῳ." “ Μνήσθητι τὴν ἡμέραν τῶν 
σαββάτων." i Τίμα σου τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὴν 

μητέρα. “Οὐ potyevous.” “Οὐ φονεύσεις. ¥ Oe 
κλέψεις." “Οὐ ψευδομαρτυρήσεις." “Οὐκ ἐπι- 
θυμήσεις τὰ τοῦ πλησίον σου. 

Ποῖον ἔθνος ἐστί, πρὸς τῶν θεῶν, ἔξω τοῦ “Οὐ 
προσκυνήσεις θεοῖς ἑτέροις " καὶ τοῦ “ Μνήσθητι 
τῆς ἡμέρας τῶν σαββάτων," ὃ μὴ τὰς ἄλλας 
οἴεται χρῆναι φυλάττειν ἐντολάς, ὡς καὶ τιμωρίας 
κεῖσθαι τοῖς παραβαίνουσιν, ἐνιαχοῦ μὲν σφο- 
δροτέρας, ἐνιαχοῦ δὲ παραπλησίας ταῖς παρὰ 
Μωυσέως νομοθετείσαις, ἔστι δὲ ὅπου καὶ φιλαν- 
θρωποτέρας ; ; 

᾿Αλλὰ τὸ “Οὐ προσκυνήσεις θεοῖς ἑτέροις "--- 
ὃ δὴ μετὰ μεγάλης περὶ τὸν θεόν φησι διαβολῆς. 
“ Θεὸς γὰρ ξηλωτής ” φησι" καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις πάλιν" 
“Ὁ θεὸς ἡ ἡμῶν πῦρ καταναλίσκον.᾽" εἶτα ἄνθρωπος 
ζηλωτὴς καὶ βάσκανος ἄξιος εἶναί σοι φαίνεται 

1 rois Klimek adds. 

1 Exodus 20. 2-3. 2 Exodus 20.4. * Exodus 20. 13-17. 


famous decalogue! “Thou shalt not steal.” “Thou 
shalt not kill.” “Thou shalt not bear false witness.”’ 
But let me write out word for word every one of 
the commandments which he says were written by 
God himself. 

“T am the Lord thy God, which have brought 
thee out of the land of Egypt.” 1 Then follows the 
second: “Thou shalt,have no other gods but me.” 
“ Thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image.” * 
And then he adds the reason: “ For I the Lord thy 
God am a jealous God, visiting the iniquity of the 
fathers upon the children unto the third generation.” 
“Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God 
in vain.” ‘ Remember the sabbath day.” ‘ Honour 
thy father and thy mother.” “ Thou shalt not commit 
adultery.” “Thou shalt not kill.” “Thou shalt not 
steal.”’ ‘Thou shalt not bear false witness.” ‘ ‘Thou 
shalt not covet anything that is thy neighbour's,” ὃ 

Now except for the command ‘Thou shalt not 
worship other gods,’’ and * Remember the sabbath 
day,’ what nation is there, I ask in the name of the 
gods, which does not think that it ought to keep 
the other commandments? So much so that penal- 
ties have been ordained against those who transgress 
them, sometimes more severe, and sometimes similar \ 
to those enacted by Moses, though they are 
sometimes more humane. 

‘But as for the commandment “Thou shalt not 
worship other gods,’”’ to this surely he adds a 
terrible libel upon God. “ For I am a jealous God,” 
he says, and in another place again, “Our God isa 
consuming fire.’ Then if a man is jealous and 
envious you think him blameworthy, whereas if Ged 

* Deuteronomy 4. 24; Hebrews 12. 29. 


155 E 

159 E 

160 D 


μέμψεως, ἐκθειάξεις δέ, εἰ ζ ἡλότυπος ὁ θεὸς λέγε- 
ται; καίτοι πῶς εὔλογον οὕτω φανερὸν πρᾶγμα 
τοῦ θεοῦ καταψεύδεσθαι ; ; καὶ γὰρ εἰ ξηλότυπος, 
ἄκοντος αὐτοῦ πάντες οἱ θεοὶ προσκυνοῦνται καὶ 
πάντα τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἐθνῶν τοὺς θεοὺς προσκυνεῖ. 
εἶτα πῶς οὐκ ἀνέστειλεν αὐτὸς ζηλῶν οὕτω καὶ 
μὴ βουλόμενος προσκυνεῖσθαι τοὺς ἄλλους, ἀλλὰ 
/ e / θ᾿ 3 5 3 5 x 0." Ν 
μόνον ἑαυτόν ; ἄρ᾽ οὖν οὐχ δἷός τε ἦν ἢ οὐδὲ τὴν 
ἀρχὴν ἠβουλήθη κωλῦσαι μὴ προσκυνεῖσθαι καὶ 
τοὺς ἄλλους θεούς ; » ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀσεβές, 
τὸ δὴ λέγειν ὡς οὐκ ἠδύνατο" τὸ δεύτερον δὲ τοῖς 
ἡμετέροις ἔργοις ὁμολογεῖ. ἄφετε τοῦτον τὸν 
λῆρον καὶ μὴ τηλικαύτην ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς ἕλκετε 
βλασφημίαν. εἰ γὰρ οὐδένα θέλει προσκυνεῖσθαι, 
τοῦ χάριν αὐτοῦ τὸν νόθον υἱὸν τοῦτον προσκυ- 
νεῖτε καὶ ὃν ἐκεῖνος ἴδιον οὔτε ἐνόμισεν ov?” ἡγή- 
σατο πώποτε. καὶ δείξω γε τοῦτο ῥᾳδίως. ὑμεῖς 
δέ, οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅθεν, ὑπόβλητον. αὐτῷ προστίθετε ΣΑΣ ΚΝ 
Οὐδαμοῦ χαλεπαίνων ὁ θεὸς φαίνεται οὐδὲ 
ἀγανακτῶν οὐδὲ ὀργιζόμενος οὐδὲ ὁ ὀμνύων οὐδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ 
ἀμφότερα ταχέως ῥέπων οὐδὲ OT pEeT TOS, ὡς ὁ 
Μωυσῆς φησιν ἐπὶ τοῦ Φινεές. εἴ τις ὑμῶν ἀνέγνω 
τοὺς ἀριθμούς, οἷδεν ὃ λέγω. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ Φινεὲς τὸν 
τελεσθέντα τῷ Βεελφεγὼρ μετὰ τῆς ἀναπεισάσης 
αὐτὸν γυναικὸς αὐτοχειρίᾳ λαβὼν ἀπέκτεινεν 
αἰσχρῷ καὶ ὀδυνηροτάτῳ τραύματι, διὰ τῆς μή- 
1 Neumann suggests οὐδὲ στρεπτὸς or οὐδὲ μεταβλητὸς to 

represent neque mutabilis esse, the translation of one MS., 

* According to Cyril’s summary, Julian next reproaches 
the Christians for having forsaken the Greek doctrines about 



is called jealous you think it a divine quality? And 
yet how is it reasonable to speak falsely of God in a 
matter that is so evident? For if he is indeed 
jealous, then against his will are all other gods 
worshipped, and against his will do all the remaining 
nations worship their gods. Then how is it that he 
did not himself restrain them, if he is so jealous and 
does not wish that the others should be worshipped, 
but only himself? Can it be that he was not able 
to do so, or did he not wish even from the beginning 
to prevent the other gods also from being worshipped ? 
However, the first explanation is impious, to say, I 
mean, that he was unable; and the second is in 
accordance with what we do ourselves. Lay aside 
this nonsense and do not draw down on yourselves 
such terrible blasphemy. For if it is God’s will that 
none other should be worshipped, why do you 
worship this spurious son of his whom he has never 
yet recognised or considered as his own? This I 
shall easily prove. You, however, I know not why, 
foist on him a counterfeit son. . . .ἷ 
Nowhere 3 is God shown as angry, or resentful, or 
wroth, or taking an oath, or inclining first to this 
side, then suddenly to that, or as turned from his 
purpose, as Moses tells us happened in the case of 
Phinehas. If any of you has read the Book of 
Jumbers he knows what I'mean. For when Phine- 
has had seized with his own hand and slain the man 
who had dedicated himself to Baal-peor, and with 
him the woman who had persuaded him, striking 
her with a shameful and most painful wound through 

2 ὦ. 6, in the Greek accounts of the gods; probably Julian 
refers to Plato and a phrase to this effect may have dropped 
out at the beginning of the sentence. 


160 E 

161 A 

168 B 

168 C 
171 D 

171 E 


τρας, φησί, παίσας THY γυναῖκα, πεποίηται λέγων 
ὁ θεός" “Φινεὲς vids ᾿Ελεάζαρ υἱοῦ ᾿Ααρὼν 
τοῦ ἱερέως κατέπαυσε τὸν θυμόν μου ἀπὸ υἱῶν 
Ἰσραὴλ ἐν τῷ ζηλῶσαί μου τὸν ζῆλον ἐν αὐτοῖς. 
καὶ οὐκ ἐξανήλωσα τοὺς υἱοὺς ᾿Ισραὴν ἐν τῷ 
ζήλῳ pov.” τί κουφότερον τῆς αἰτίας, ou ἣν θεὸς 
ὀργισθεὶς οὐκ ἀληθῶς ὑπὸ τοῦ γράψαντος ταῦτα 
πεποίηται; τί δὲ ἀλογώτερον, εἰ δέκα ἢ πεντε- 
καίδεκα, κείσθω δὲ καὶ ἑκατόν, οὐ γὰρ δὴ χιλίους 
ἐροῦσι---ς-Εὥμεν δὲ ἡμεῖς καὶ τοσούτους τολμή- 
σαντάς τι τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ τεταγμένων νόμων 
παραβῆναι: ἑξακοσίας ἐχρῆν διὰ τοὺς ἅπαξ 
χιλίους ἀναλωθῆναι χιλιάδας ; ὡς ἔμοιγε κρεῖττον 
εἶναι τῷ παντὶ φαίνεται χιλίοις ἀνδράσι βελτί- 
oto ἕνα συνδιασῶσαι πονηρὸν ἢ συνδιαφθεῖραι 
τοὺς χιλίους ἑνί. . .. 

Ki γὰρ καὶ ἑνὸς ἡρώων καὶ οὐκ ἐπισήμου 
δαίμονος δύσοιστος ἡ ὀργὴ χώραις τε καὶ πόλεσιν 
ὁλοκλήροις, τίς ἂν ὑπέστη τοσούτου θεοῦ δαίμοσιν 
ἢ ἀγγέλοις ἢ καὶ ἀνθρώποις ἐπιμηνίσαντος ; ἄξιόν 
γέ ἐστι παραβαλεῖν αὐτὸν τῇ Λυκούργου πραότητι 
καὶ τῇ Σόλωνος ἀνεξικακίᾳ ἢ τῇ Ῥωμαίων πρὸς 
τοὺς ἠδικηκότας ἐπιεικείᾳ καὶ χρηστότητι. πόσῳ 
δὲ δὴ τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς κρείττονα, 
καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε σκοπεῖτε. μιμεῖσθαι κελεύουσιν 
ἡμᾶς οἱ φιλόσοφοι κατὰ δύναμιν τοὺς θεούς, εἶναι 
δὲ ταύτην τὴν μίμησιν ἐν θεωρίᾳ τῶν ὄντων. ὅτι 
δὲ τοῦτο δόχᾳ πάθους ἐστὶ καὶ ἐν ἀπαθείᾳ κεῖται, 

1 Numbers 25) 11. 
ccordi o Cyril, Julian then argued that the Creator 
ought not to have given way so often to violent anger against 
and even wished to destroy, the whole Jewish people. 



the belly, as Moses tells us, then God is made to say: 
** Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the 
priest, hath turned my wrath away from the children 
of Israel, in that he was jealous with my jealousy 
among them; and I consumed not the children of 
Israel in my jealousy.”1 What could be more 
trivial than the reason for which God was falsely 
represented as angry by the writer of this passage? 
What could be more irrational, even if ten or fifteen 
persons, or even, let us suppose, a hundred, for 
they certainly will not say that there were a 
thousand,—however, let us assume that even as 
many persons as that ventured to transgress some 
one of the laws laid down by God; was it right 
that on account of this one thousand, six hundred 
thousand should be utterly destroyed? For my 
part I think it would be better in every way to 
preserve one bad man along with a thousand virtuous 
men than to destroy the thousand together with, ἐπε 7 

For if the anger of even one hero or unimportant 
demon is hard to bear for whole countries and cities, 
who could have endured the wrath of so mighty a 
God, whether it were directed against demons or 
angels or mankind? It is worth while to compare 
his behaviour with the mildness of Lyeurgus and 
the forbearance of Solon, or the kindness and bene- 
volence of the Romans towards transgressors. But 
observe also from what follows how far superior are 
our teachings to theirs, The philosophers bid us 
imitate the gods so far as we can, and they teach us 
that this imitation consists in the contemplation of 
realities. And that this sort of study is remote from 
passion and is indeed based on freedom from passion, 



πρόδηλόν ἐστί που, κἂν ἐγὼ μὴ λέγω" καθ᾽ ὅσον 
ἄρα ἐν ἀπαθείᾳ γινόμεθα, τεταγμένοι περὶ τῶν 
ὄντων τὴν ἴ θεωρίαν, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἐξομοιούμεθα 
τῷ θεῷ. τίς δὲ ἡ map’ Ἑβραίοις ὑμνουμένη τοῦ 

θεοῦ μίμησις ; ; ὀργὴ καὶ θυμὸς καὶ ξῆλος ἄγριος. 

172 A 


176 C 

“Φινεὲς ” “γάρ φησι “κατέπαυσε τὸν θυμόν μου 
ἀπὸ υἱῶν ᾿Ισραὴλ ἐν τῷ ζηλῶσαι τὸν ζῆλόν μοῦ 
ἐν αὐτοῖς. εὑρὼν γὰρ ὁ θεὸς τὸν συναγανα- 
κτοῦντα καὶ συναλγοῦντα ἀφεὶς τὴν ἀγανάκτησιν 
φαίνεται. ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα περὶ θεοῦ ἕ ἕτερα 
πεποίηται λέγων ὁ Μωυσῆς οὐκ ὀλιγαχοῦ τῆς 

Ὅτι δὲ οὐχ ᾿Εβραίων μόνον ἐμέλησε, τῷ θεῷ, 
πάντων δὲ ἐθνῶν κηδόμενος ἔδωκεν ἐκείνους μὲν 
οὐδὲν σπουδαῖον ἢ μέγα, ἡμῖν δὲ μακρῷ κρείττονα 
καὶ διαφέροντα, σκοπεῖτε λοιπὸν τὸ ἐντεῦθεν. 
ἔχουσι μὲν εἰπεῖν καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι, παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς 
ἀπαριθμούμενοι σοφῶν οὐκ ὀλίγων ὀνόματα, πολ- 
λοὺς ἐσχηκέναι τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑρμοῦ διαδοχῆς, 
‘Eppob δέ φημι τοῦ τρίτου ἐπιφοιτήσαντος τῇ 
Αἰγύπτῳ, Χαλδαῖοι δὲ καὶ ᾿Ασσύριοι τοὺς ἀπ᾽ 
᾿᾽Ωάννου καὶ Βήλου, μυρίους δὲ“ EdAnves TOUS ἀπὸ 
Xeipwvos. ἐκ τούτου γὰρ πάντες ἐγένοντο τελε- 
στικοὶ φύσει καὶ ᾿θεολογικοί, καθὸ δὴ δοκοῦσι 
μόνον ‘EBpaio τὰ ἑαυτῶν ἀποσεμνύνειν .... « 

1 στὴν Klimek adds. 

1 A reference to Hermes Trismegistus, ‘‘thrice greatest 
Hermes,” whom the Greeks identified with the Egyptian 
god Thoth. The Neo-Platonists ascribed certain mystic 
writings to this legendary being and regarded him as a sage. 

2 A Babylonian ‘fish- -god described hy Berosus in his History 
of Babylonia. He was supposed to have taught the Chal- 
daeans the arts of civilisation and has some analogy with the 
serpent of Genesis, 



is, I suppose, evident, even without my saying it. 
In proportion then as we, having been assigned to 
the contemplation of realities, attain to freedom 
from passion, in so far do we become like God. But 
what sort of imitation of God is praised among the 
Hebrews? Anger and wrath and fierce jealousy. 
For God says: “Phinehas hath turned away my 
wrath from the children of Israel, in that he was 
jealous with my jealousy among them.” For God, 
on finding one who shared his resentment and his 
grief, thereupon, as it appears, laid aside his resent- 
ment. These words and others like them about God 
Moses is frequently made to utter in the Scripture. 
Furthermore observe from what follows that God 
did not take thought for the Hebrews alone, but 
though he cared for all nations, he bestowed on the 
Hebrews nothing considerable or of great value, 
whereas on us he bestowed gifts far higher and 
surpassing theirs. For instance the Egyptians, as 
they reckon up the names of not a few wise men 
among themselves, can boast that they possess many 
successors of Hermes, I mean of Hermes who in his 
third manifestation visited Egypt ;1 while the Chal- 
daeans and Assyrians can boast of the successors of 
Oannes? and Belos;* the Hellenes can boast of count- 
less successors of Cheiron.4 For thenceforth all 
Hellenes were born with an aptitude for the mysteries 
and theologians, in the very way, you observe, which 
the Hebrews claim as their own peculiar boast. . . .5 

8. This is the Greek version of the Assyrian Dil, ‘‘lord” or 
“ἐ god,” the Baal of the Bible. 

4 The Centaur who taught Achilles. 

5 According to Cyril’s summary, Julian then ridicules 
David and Samson and says that they were not really brave 
warriors, but far inferior to the Hellenes and Egyptians, and 
their dominion was very limited. 


178 A 

178 B 

184 B 

184 C 

190 C 


᾿Αλλ᾽ ἀρχὴν ἔδωκεν ὑ Be ἐπιστήμης i) μάθημα 
φιλόσοφον ; ; Kal ποῖον ; ; ἡ μὲν yap περὶ τὰ φαι- 
νόμενα θεωρία παρὰ τοῖς “Ἕλλησιν ἐτελειώθη, τῶν 
πρώτων τηρήσεων παρὰ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐ ἐν Βαβυ- 
λῶνι γενομένων" ἡ δὲ περὶ τὴν γεωμετρίαν ἀπὸ 
τῆς γεωδαισίας τῆς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν λα- 
βοῦσα πρὸς τοσοῦτον “μέγεθος ηὐξήθη: τὸ δὲ 
περὶ τοὺς ἀριθμοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν Φοινίκων ἐμπόρων 
ἀρξάμενον τέως εἰς ἐπιστήμης παρὰ τοῖς “Ελλησι 
κατέστη πρόσχημα. ταῦτα δὴ τρία μετὰ " τῆς 
συναρίθμου ὃ μουσικῆς Ἕλληνες εἰς ἕν συνῆψαν, 
ἀστρονομίαν γεωμετρίᾳ προσυφήναντες, ἀμφοῖν 
δὲ προσαρμόσαντες τοὺς ἀριθμοὺς καὶ τὸ ἐν τού- 
τοις ἐναρμόνιον κατανοήσαντες. ἐντεῦθεν ἔθεντο 
τῇ παρὰ σφίσι μουσικῇ τοὺς ὅρους, εὑρόντες τῶν 
ἁρμονικῶν λόγων “πρὸς τὴν αἴσθησιν τῆς ἀκοῆς 
ἄπταιστον ὁμολογίαν ἢ ὅτι τούτου μάλιστα ἐγγύς. 

Πότερον οὖν χρή με κατ᾽ ἄνδρα ὀνομάζειν ἢ 
κατ᾽ ἐπιτηδεύματα ; ἢ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, οἷον Πλά- 
τωνα, Σωκράτην, ᾿Αριστείδην, Κίμωνα, Θαλῆν, 
Λυκοῦργον, ᾿Αγησίλαον, ᾿Αρχίδαμον---ἢ μᾶλλον 
τὸ τῶν φιλοσόφων γένος, τὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν, τὸ 
τῶν δημιουργῶν, τὸ τῶν νομοθετών ; εὑρεθήσονται 
γὰρ οἱ μοχθηρότατοι καὶ βδελυρώτατοι τῶν στρα- 
τηγῶν ἐπιεικέστερον χρησάμενοι τοῖς ἡδικηκόσι τὰ 
μέγιστα ἢ “Μωυσῆς τοῖς οὐδὲν ἐξημαρτηκόσιν. 
τίνα οὖν ὑμῖν ἀπαγγείλω βασιλείαν ; ; πότερα τὴν 
Περσέως ἢ τὴν Αἰακοῦ ἢ Μίνω τοῦ Κρητός, ὃ ὃς 
ἐκάθηρε μὲν λῃστευομένην τὴν θάλασσαν, ἐκβα- 

1 ταῦτα Klimek, τὰ Neumann. 

2 Klimek defends μετά, Neumann suggests μαθήματα. 
* For συμαωίθμου corrupt, Neumann suggests εὐρύθμου. 



But has God granted to you to originate any science 
or any philosophical study? Why, what is it? For 
the theory of the heavenly bodies was perfected 
among the Hellenes, after the first observations had 
been made among the barbarians in Babylon.t And 
the study of geometry took its rise in the measure- 
ment of the land in Egypt, and from this grew to 
its present importance. Arithmetic began with the 
Phoenician merchants, and among the Hellenes in 
course of time acquired the aspect of a regular 
science. These three the Hellenes combined with 
music into one science, for they connected astronomy 
with geometry and adapted arithmetic to both, and 
perceived the principle of harmony in it. Hence 
they laid down the rules for their music, since they 
had discovered for the laws of harmony with refer- 
ence to the sense of hearing an agreement that was 
infallible, or something very near to it.” 

Need I tell over their names man by man, or 
under their professions? I mean, either the indi- 
vidual men, as for instance Plato, Socrates, Aris- 
teides, Cimon, Thales, Lycurgus, Agesilaus, Archi- 
damus,—or should I rather speak of the class of 
philosophers, of generals, of artificers, of lawgivers? 
For it will be found that even the most wicked and 
most brutal of the generals behaved more mildly to 
the greatest offenders than Moses did to those who 
had done no wrong. And now of what monarchy 
shall I report to you? Shall it be that of Perseus, 
or Aeacus, or Minos of Crete, who purified the sea 

1 Of. Oration 4. 156c, the Hellenes perfected the astronomy 
of the Chaldaeans and Egyptians. 
2 They had discovered the laws of musical intervals. 


193 C 

193 D 

194 B 

194 Ὁ 


λὼν καὶ ἐξελάσας τοὺς βαρβάρους ἄχρι Συρίας 
καὶ Σικελίας, ἐφ᾽ ἑκάτερα προβὰς τοῖς τῆς ἀρχῆς 
ὁρίοις, οὐ μόνων δὲ τῶν νήσων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν 
παραλίων ἐκράτει ; καὶ διελόμενος πρὸς τὸν ἀδελ- 
φὸν Ραδάμανθυν, οὔτι τὴν γῆν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐπιμέ- 
λείαν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐτίθει παρὰ τοῦ 
Διὸς λαμβάνων τοὺς νόμους, ἐκείνῳ δὲ τὸ δικαστι- 
κὸν ἠφίει μέρος ἀναπληροῦν . . . . 

"AAN ἐπειδὴ κτισθεῖσαν αὐτὴν πολλοὶ μὲν 
περιέστησαν πόλεμοι, πάντων δὲ ἐκράτει καὶ 
κατηγωνίζετο καί, παρ᾽ αὐτὰ μᾶλλον αὐξανομένη 
τὰ δεινά, τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἐδεῖτο μείζονος, αὖθις 
ὁ Ζεὺς τὸν φιλοσοφώτατον αὐτῇ Νουμᾶν ἐφί- 
στησιν. οὗτος ἦν ὁ καλὸς καὶ ἀγαθὸς ὁ 
Νουμᾶς, ἄλσεσιν ἐρήμοις ἐνδιατρίβων καὶ συνὼν 
ἀεὶ τοῖς θεοῖς κατὰ τὰς ἀκραιφνεῖς αὐτοῦ 
νοήσεις. . . .«. οὗτος τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ἱερα- 
τικῶν κατέστησε νόμους. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐκ 
κατοχῆς καὶ ἐπιπνοίας θείας ἔκ τε τῶν τῆς Σιβύλ- 
Ans καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, οἱ δὴ γεγόνασι κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον 
τὸν χρόνον κατὰ τὴν πάτριον φωνὴν χρησμολόγοι, 
φαίνεται δοὺς ὁ Ζεὺς τῇ πόλει. τὴν δὲ ἐξ ἀέρος 
πεσοῦσαν ἀσπίδα καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ λόφῳ κεφαλὴν 
φανεῖσαν, ὅθεν, οἶμαι, καὶ τοὔνομα προσέλαβεν ἡ 

1 According to Cyril, Julian then related stories about 
Minos, and the myth of Dardanus, the account of the flight 
of Aeneas, his emigration to. Italy and the founding of 
Rome. 2 7. e. Rome. 

3 Numa Pompilius, a legendary king who is supposed to 
have succeeded Romulus; various portents manifested the 
favour of the gods towards Numa, Cf. Julian, Oration 4. 
1554, note, Vol. 1. 

“ A few words are missing. 



of pirates, and expelled and drove out the barbarians 
as far as Syria and Sicily, advancing in both direc- 
ticns the frontiers of his realm, and ruled not 
only over the islands but also over the dwellers 
along the coasts? And dividing with his brother 
Rhadamanthus, not indeed the earth, but the care 
of mankind, he himself laid down the laws as he 
received them from Zeus, but left to Rhadamanthus 
to fill the part of judge... .1 

But when after her 5 foundation many wars encom- 
passed her, she won and prevailed in them all; 
and since she ever increased in size in proportion to 
her very dangers and needéd greater security, then 
Zeus set over her the great philosopher Numa. 
This then was the excellent and upright Numa who 
dwelt in deserted groves and ever communed with 
the gods in the pure thoughts of his own heart. . . .4 
It was he who established most of the laws con- 
cerning temple worship. Now these blessings, derived 
from a divine possession and inspiration which pro- 
ceeded both from the Sibyl and others who at that 
time uttered oracles in their native tongue, were 
manifestly bestowed on the city by Zeus. And the 
shield which fell from the clouds® and the head 
which appeared on the hill,® from which, 1 suppose, 

5 A small shield, ancile, on whose preservation the power 
of Rome was supposed to depend, was said to have fallen 
from the sky in Numa’s reign. Livy 1. 20 refers to it in the 
plural, caelestia arma quae ancilia appellantur; cf. also 
Aeneid 8. 664, lapsa ancilia coelo, 

6 When the foundations were dug for the temple of Jupiter 
a human head, caput, was found; this was regarded as an 
omen, and hence the Capitoline Hill received its name; cf. 
Livy 1.55. For Julian’s belief in such traditions cf. Oration 5. 

Vol. 1, 1618 on the legend of Claudia and the image of 



194 D 

198 D 


τοῦ μεγάλου Διὸς ἕδρα, πότερον ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις ἢ 
τοῖς δευτέροις ἀριθμήσωμεν τῶν δώρων ; ; «εἶτα, ὦ 
δυστυχεῖς ἄνθρωποι, σωζομένου τοῦ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν! ὅπ- 
λου διοπετοῦς, ὃ ὃ κατέπεμψεν ὁ μέγας Ζεὺς ἤτοι 
πατὴρ Λρης, € ἐνέχυρον διδοὺς οὐ λόγον, ἔ ἔργον δέ, ὅτι 
τῆς πόλεως ἡμῶν εἰς τὸ διηνεκὲς προασπίσει, προσ- 
κυνεῖν ἀφέιτες καὶ σέβεσθαι, τὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ προσ- 

κυνεῖτε ξύλον, εἰκόνας αὐτοῦ σκιαγραφοῦντες ἐν 

τῷ μετώπῳ καὶ πρὸ τῶν οἰκημάτων ἐγγράφοντες. 

“Apa ἀξίως ἄν τις τοὺς συνετωτέρους ὑμῶν 
μισήσειεν ἢ τοὺς ἀφρονεστέρους ἐλεήσειεν, οἱ κατα- 
κολουθοῦντες ὑμῖν, εἰς τοσοῦτον ἦλθον ὀλέθρου, 
ὥστε τοὺς αἰωνίους ἀφέντες θεοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ιου- 
δαίων μεταβῆναι νεκρόν; . . . παρίημι γὰρ τὰ τῆς 
μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν μυστήρια καὶ ζηλῶ τὸν Μάριον. 
... τὸ γὰρ ἐκ θεῶν εἰς ἀνθρώπους ἀφικνούνενον 
πνεῦμα σπανιάκις μὲν καὶ ἐν ὀλίγοις γίνεται καὶ 
οὔτε πάντα ἄνδρα τούτου μετασχεῖν ῥᾷδιον οὔτε 
ἐν παντὶ καιρῷ. ταύτῃ τοι καὶ τὸ παρ᾽ Ἑβραίοις 
προφητικὸν πνεῦμα ἐπέλιπεν, οὐκοῦν οὐδὲ παρ᾽ 
Αἰγυπτίοις εἰς τοῦτο σώξεται. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ 
τὰ αὐτοφυῆ χρηστήρια σιγῆσαι ταῖς τῶν χρόνων 
εἴκοντα περιόδοις. ὃ δὴ φιλάνθρωπος ἡμῶν 
δεσπότης καὶ πατὴρ Ζεὺς ἐννοήσας, ὡς ἂν μὴ 
παντάπασι τῆς πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ἀποστερηθῶμεν 
κοινωνίας, δέδωκεν ἡμῖν διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν τεχνῶν 
ἐπίσκεψιν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς πρὸς τὰς χρείας ἕξομεν τὴν 
ἀποχρῶσαν βοήθειαν. 

1 Here Cyril retorts that Julian admired what others 
condemn, e.g. the cruel and superstitious Marius, who, said 
he, was given to the Romans by the gods, The ‘worship of 
Cybele was another gift from heaven to Rome, Julian then 
referred to various kinds of divination. 



the seat of mighty Zeus received its name, are we to 
reckon these among the very highest or among 
secondary gifts? And yet, ye misguided men, though 
there is preserved among us that weapon which flew 
down from heaven, which mighty Zeus or father 
Ares sent down to give us a warrant, not in word 
but in deed, that he will forever hold his shield 
before our city, you have ceased to adore and rever- 
ence it, but you adore the wood of the cross and 
draw its likeness on your foreheads and engrave it 
on your housefronts. 

Would not any man be justified in detesting the 
more intelligent among you, or pitying the more 
foolish, who, by following you, have sunk to such 
depths of ruin that they have abandoned the ever- 
living gods and have gone over to the corpse of the 
Jew.! . . . For I say nothing about the Mysteries 
of the Mother of the Gods, and 1 admire Marius. .. . 
For the spirit that comes to men from the gods is 
present but seldom and in few, and it is not easy 
for every man to share in it or at every time. Thus 
it is that the prophetic spirit has ceased among the 
Hebrews also, nor is it maintained among the 
Egyptians, either, down to the present. And we 
see that the indigenous oracles ? of Greece have also 
fallen silent and yielded to the course oftime. Then 
lo, our gracious lord and father Zeus took thought 
of this, and that we might not be wholly deprived 
of communion with the gods has granted us through 
the sacred arts? a means of enquiry by which we 
may obtain the aid that suffices for our needs. 

2 Julian is thinking of the oracle of Delphi which he had 
in vain endeavoured to restore. 
3 ἡ, 6, of divination by entrails and other omens. 


200 A 

200 B 

201 E 

202 A 


"Eradé με μικροῦ τὸ μέγιστον τῶν ᾿Ηλίου καὶ 
Διὸς δώρων. εἰκότως δὲ αὐτὸ ἐφύλαξα ἐνὶ τῷ 
τέλει. καὶ γὰρ οὐκ ἴδιόν ἐστιν ἡμῶν μόνον, ἀλλ᾽, 
οἶμαι, κοινὸν πρὸς Ἕλληνας, τοὺς ἡμετέρους ouy- 
γενεῖς. ὁ γάρ τοι Ζεὺς ἐν μὲν τοῖς νοητοῖς ἐξ 
ἑαυτοῦ τὸν ᾿Ασκληπιὸν ἐγέννησεν, εἰς δὲ τὴν γῆν 
διὰ τῆς Ἡλίου γονίμου ζωῆς ἐξέφηνεν. οὗτος ἐπὶ 
γῆς ἐξ οὐρανοῦ ποιησάμενος τὴν πρόοδον, ἑνοειδῶς 
μὲν ἐν ἀνθρώπου μορφῇ περὶ τὴν ᾿Επίδαυρον 
ἀνεφάνη, πληθυνόμενος δὲ ἐντεῦθεν ταῖς προόδοις 
ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ὠρεξε τὴν γῆν τὴν σωτήριον ἑαυτοῦ 
δεξιάν. ἦλθεν εἰς Πέργαμον, εἰς ᾿Ιωνίαν, εἰς 
Τάραντα μετὰ ταῦθ᾽, ὕστερον ἦλθεν εἰς τὴν 
Ῥώμην. @xeto δὲ εἰς Κῶ, ἐνθένδε εἰς Αὐγάς. 
εἶτα πανταχοῦ γῆς ἐστι καὶ θαλάσσης. οὐ καθ᾽ 
ἕκαστον ἡμῶν ἐπιφοιτᾷ, καὶ ὅμως ἐπανορθοῦται 
ψυχὰς πλημμελῶς διακειμένας καὶ τὰ σώματα 
ἀσθενῶς ἔχοντα. 

Τί δὲ τοιοῦτον ἑαυτοῖς Ἑβραῖοι Kav ὥνται 
παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ δεδόσθαι, πρὸς ods ὑμεῖς ἀφ ἡμῶν 
αὐτομολήσαντες πείθεσθε; εἰ τοῖς ἐκείνων γοῦν 
προσείχετε λόγοις, οὐκ ἂν παντάπασιν ἐπεπρά- 
γειτε δυστυχῶς, ἀλλὰ χεῖρον μὲν ἢ πρότερον, 
ὁπότε σὺν ἡμῖν ἦτε, οἰστὰ δὲ ὅ ὅμως ἐπεπόνθειτε 
ἂν καὶ φορητά. ἕνα γὰρ ἀντὶ πολλῶν θεὸν 3 ἐσέ- 
βεσθε ἂν οὐκ ἄνθρωπον, “μᾶλλον δὲ πολλοὺς av 
θρώπους δυστυχεῖς. καὶ νόμῳ σκληρῷ μὲν καὶ 
τραχεῖ καὶ πολὺ τὸ ἄγριον ἔχοντι καὶ βάρβαρον 
ἀντὶ τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐπιεικῶν καὶ φιλανθρώπων 

1 Klimek would omit ἐν. 
2 θεὸν Klimek ; θεῶν MSS., Neumann. 



I had almost forgotten the greatest of the gifts of 
Helios and Zeus. But naturally 1 kept it for the 
last. And indeed it is not peculiar to us Romans 
only, but we share it, I think, with the Hellenes our 
kinsmen. I mean to say that Zeus engendered 
Asclepius from himself among the intelligible gods,1 
and through the life of generative Helios he 
revealed him to the earth. Asclepius, having made 
his visitation to earth from the sky, appeared at 
Epidaurus singly, in the shape of a man; but after- 
wards he multiplied himself, and by his visitations 
stretched out over the whole earth his saving right 
hand. He came to Pergamon, to Ionia, to Tarentum 
afterwards; and later he came to Rome. And he 
travelled to Cos and thence to Aegae. Next he is 
present everywhere on land and sea. He visits no 
one of us separately, and yet he raises up souls that 
are sinful and bodies that are sick. 

But what great gift of this sort do the Hebrews 
boast of as bestowed on them by God, the Hebrews 
who have persuaded you to desert to them? If 
you had at any rate paid heed to their teachings, you 
would not have fared altogether ill, and though worse 
than you did before, when you were with us, still 
your condition would have been bearable and support- 
able. For you would be worshipping one god instead 
of many, not a man, or rather many wretched men.? 
And though you would be following a law that is 
harsh and stern and contains much that is savage 
and barbarous, instead of our mild and humane laws, 

1 See Vol. 1, Introduction to Oration 4, p. 349; and for 
Asclepius, Oration 4, 1448, where Julian, as here, opposes 
Asclepius to Christ,; and 1538 for Asclepius the saviour, 

2 The martyrs, 


191 D 
191 E 

205 E 

206 A 

206 B 


χρώμενοι τὰ μὲν ἄλλα “χείρονες ἂν ἦτε, ᾿ἁγνότεροι 
δὲ καὶ καθαρώτεροι τὰς ἁγιστείας. νῦν δὲ ὑ ὑμῖν 
συμβέβηκεν ὥσπερ ταῖς βδέλλαις τὸ χείριστον 
ἕλκειν αἷμα ἐκεῖθεν, ἀφεῖναι δὲ τὸ καθαρώτερον. 
ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἀναπείσας τὸ χείριστον τῶν παρ᾽ 
ὑμῖν, ὀλίγους πρὸς τοῖς τριακοσίοις ἐνιαυτοῖς 
ὀνομάξεται, ἐργασάμενος παρ᾽ ὃν ἔξη χρόνον οὐδὲν 
ἀκοῆς ἄξιον, εἰ μή τις οἴεται τοὺς κυλλοὺς καὶ 
τυφλοὺς ἰάσασθαι καὶ δαιμονῶντας ἐξορκίξειν ἐν 
Βηθσαιδᾷ καὶ ἐν Βηθανίᾳ ταῖς κώμαις τῶν μεγί- 
στων ἔργων εἶναι. ἁγνείας μὲν οὐδὲ γὰρ εἰ πεποίη- 
ται μνήμην ἐπίστασθε: ζηλοῦτε δὲ Ιουδαίων. τοὺς 
θυμοὺς καὶ τὴν πικρίαν, ἀνατρέποντες "ἱερὰ καὶ 
βωμοὺς καὶ ἀπεσφάξατε οὐχ ἡμῶν μόνον τοὺς 
τοῖς πατρῴοις } ἐμμένοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐξ ἰσῆς 
ὑμῶν πεπλανημένων αἱρετικοὺς τοὺς μὴ τὸν αὐτὸν 
τρόπον ὑμῶν τὸν νεκρὸν θρηνοῦντας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα 
ὑμέτερα μᾶλλόν ἐστιν' οὐδαμοῦ yap οὔτε Ἰησοῦς 
αὐτὰ παραδέδωκε κελεύων ὑμῖν οὔτε ἸΠαῦλος. 
αἴτιον δέ, ὅτι μηδὲ ἤλπισαν εἰς τοῦτο ἀφίξεσθαί 
ποτε δυνάμεως ὑ ὑμᾶς: ἠγάπων γάρ, εἰ θεραπαίνας 
ἐξαπατήσουσι καὶ δούλους καὶ διὰ τούτων τὰς 
γυναῖκας ἄνδρας τε, οἵους Κορνήλιος καὶ Σέργιος. 
ὧν εἷς ἐὰν φανῇ τῶν τηνικαῦτα, γνωριξομένων 
ἐπιμνηθεὶς ---ἐπὶ Τιβερίου γὰρ ἤτοι Κλαυδίου 

ταῦτα éyiveto—, περὶ πάντων ὅτι ψεύδομαι 

1 πατρίοις Asmus, but Julian uses both forms. 

1 Cf. Misopogon 3618, Vol. 2. 

* For the massacres of heretics by the Christians ef, 
Julian’s letter 70 the Citizens of Bostra, Ὁ. 129, 

3. Jesus Christ; cf. above, 194p. 



and would in other respects be inferior to us, yet 
you would be more holy and purer than now in your 
forms of worship. But now it has come to pass that 
like leeches you have sucked the worst blood from 
that source and left the purer. YetJestsywh won 
over the least worthy of you, has beenm-known by 
name for but little more than three hundred years: 
and during his lifetime he accomplished nothing 
worth hearing of, unless anyone thinks that to heal 
crooked and blind men and to exorcise those who 
were possessed by evil demons in the villages of 
Bethsaida and Bethany can be classed as a mighty 
achievement. “As for purity of life you do not know 
whether he so much as mentioned it; but you 
emulate the rages and the bitterness of the Jews, 
overturning temples and altars,1 and you slaughtered 
not only those of us who remained true to the 
teachings of their fathers, but also men who were as 
much astray as yourselves, heretics,? because they did 
not wail over the corpse® in the same fashion as 
yourselves, But these are rather your own doings; 
for nowhere did either Jesus or Paul hand down to 
you such commands. The reason for this is that they 
never even hoped that you would one day attain to 
such power as you have; for they were content if they 
could delude maidservants and slaves, and through 
them the women, and men like Cornelius* and 
Sergius. / But if you can show me that one of these 
men is mentioned by the well-known writers of 
that time,—these events happened in the reign of 
Tiberius or Claudius,—then you may consider that 
I speak falsely about all matters. 

4 Acts 10, the story of Cornelius the centurion, 
δ Acts 18, 6-12; Sergius was the proconsul. 


209 D 

209 "αὶ 

210 A 

213 A 


᾿Αλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅθεν ὥσπερ ἐπιπνεόμε- 
νος ἐφθεγξάμην, ὅθεν δὲ ἐξέβην, ὅ ὅτι “Πρὸς τοὺς Ἴου- 
δαίους ηὐτομολήσατε, τί τοῖς ἡμετέροις ἀχαριστή- 
σαντες θεοῖς ; 3 ” ap ὅτι βασιλεύειν ἔδοσαν οἱ θεοὶ 
τῇ Ῥώμῃ, τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις ὀλίγον μὲν χρόνον ἐλευ- 
θέρους εἶναι, δουλεῦσαι δὲ ἀεὶ καὶ παροικῆσαι ; ; 
σκόπει τὸν “Αβραάμ' οὐχὶ πάροικος ἣν ἐν ἀλλο- 
τρίᾳ ; ; τὸν Ἰακωβ' οὐ πρότερον μὲν Σύροις, ἑξῆς 
δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις Παλαιστινοῖς, ἐ ἐν γήρᾳ δὲ Αὐγυπ- 
τίοις ἐδούλευσεν ; ; οὐκ ἐξ οἴκου δουλείας ἐξαγα- 
γεῖν αὐτοὺς ὁ Μωυσῆς φησιν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἐν 
βραχίονι ὑψηλῷ; ; κατοικήσαντες δὲ τὴν Παλαι- 
στίνην, οὐ πυκνότερον ἤμειψαν τὰς τύχας ἢ τὸ 
χρῶμά φασιν οἱ τεθεαμένοι τὸν χαμαιλέοντα. νῦν 
μὲν ὑπακούοντες τοῖς κριταῖς, νῦν δὲ τοῖς ἀλλο- 
φύλοις δουλεύοντες ; ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐβασιλεύθησαν--- 
ἀφείσθω δὲ νῦν ὅπως" οὔτε γὰρ ὁ θεὸς ἑκὼν αὐτοῖς 
τὸ βασιλεύεσθαι συνεχώρησεν, ὡς ἡ γραφή φησιν, 
ada βιασθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ προδιαστειλάμενος, 
ὅτι ἄρα φαύλως βασιλευθήσονται. πλὴν ἀλλ᾽ 
ὥκησαν “γοῦν τὴν ἑαυτῶν καὶ ἐγεώργησαν ὀλίγα 
πρὸς τοῖς τριακοσίοις ἔτεσιν. ἐξ ἐκείνου πρῶτον 
᾿Ασσυρίοις, εἶτα Μήδοις, ὕ ὕστερον Πέρσαις ἐδού- 
λευσαν, εἶτα νῦν ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς. καὶ ὁ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν 
κηρυττόμενος Ἰησοῦς εἷς ἦ ἣν τῶν Καίσαρος ὑπη- 
κόων. εἰ δὲ ἀπιστεῖτε, μικρὸν ὕστερον ἀποδείξω" 
μᾶλλον δὲ ἤδη λεγέσθω. φατὲ μέντοι μετὰ τοῦ 
πατρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπογράψασθαι καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἐπὶ 

2 See above 2018. 2 Exodus 6. 6. 
3 Judges 2, 16, 



But I know not whence I was as it were inspired to - 
utter these remarks. However, to return to the point 
at which I digressed,! when I asked, “ Why were you 
so ungrateful to our gods as to desert them for the 
Jews?” Was it because the gods granted the sovereign 
power to Rome, permitting the Jews to be free for a 
short time only, and then forever to be enslaved and 
aliens? / Look at Abraham: was he not an alien in a 
strange land? And Jacob: was he not a slave, first 
in Syria, then after that in Palestine, and in his old 
age in Egypt? Does not Moses say that he led them 
forth from the house of bondage out of Egypt “ with a 
stretched out arm”?? And after their sojourn in 
Palestine did they not change their fortunes more fre- 
quently than observers say the chameleon changes its 
colour, now subject to the judges,’ now enslaved to 
foreign races? And when they began to be governed 
by kings,—but let me for the present postpone asking 
how they were governed: for as the Scripture tells 
us,* God did not willingly allow them to have kings, 
but only when constrained by them, and after pro- 
testing to them beforehand that they would thus be 
governed ill,—still they did at any rate inhabit their 
own countryand tilled it for a little over three hundred 
years. After that they were enslaved first to the 
Assyrians, then to the Medes, later to the Persians, 
and now at last to ourselves/ Even Jesus, who was 
proclaimed among you, was one of Caesar's subjects. 
And if you do not believe me I will prove it a little 
later, or rather let me simply assert it now. How- 
ever, you admit that with his father and mother 
he registered his name in the governorship of 

41 Samuel 8. 5 Luke 2, 2, 
| 379 

213 B 

213 C 

218 A 

218 B 

218 C 


᾿Αλλὰ γενόμενος ἄνθρωπος * τίνων ἀγαθῶν 
αὔτιος κατέστη τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ συγγενέσιν ; ; οὐ , γὰρ 
ἠθέλησαν, φασίν, ὑπακοῦσαι τοῦ Ἰησοῦ. τί δέ; 
ὁ σκληροκάρδιος καὶ λιθοτράχηλος ἐκεῖνος. λαὸς 
πῶς ὑπήκουσε τοῦ Μωυσέως" ᾿Ιησοῦς δέ, ὁ 0 τοῖς 
πνεύμασιν ἐπιτάττων καὶ βαδίζων ἐπὶ τῆς θαλάσ- 
σης καὶ τὰ δαιμόνια ἐξελαύνων, ὡς δὲ ὑμεῖς λέγετε, 
τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν ἀπεργασάμενος---οὐ γὰρ 
δὴ ταῦτα τετόὀλμηκέ τις εἰπεῖν περὶ αὐτοῦ τῶν 
μαθητῶν, εἰ μὴ μόνος Ἰωάννης οὐδὲ αὐτὸς σαφῶς 
οὐδὲ τρανῶς" ἀλλ᾽ εἰρηκέναι γε συγκεχωρήσθω--- 
οὐκ ἠδύνατο τὰς προαιρέσεις ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῶν 
ἑαυτοῦ φίλων καὶ συγγενῶν μεταστῆσαι; 

Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καὶ μικρὸν ὕστερον, ὅταν ἰδίᾳ 
περὶ τῆς τῶν εὐαγγελίων τερατουργίας καὶ σκευω- 
ρίας ἐξετάζειν ἀρξώμεθα. νυνὶ δὲ ἀποκρίνεσθέ 
μοι πρὸς ἐκεῖνο. πότερον ἄμεινον τὸ διηνεκῶς μὲν 
ἐλεύθερον εἶναι, ἐν δισχιλίοις δὲ ὅλοις ἐνιαυτοῖς 
ἄρξαι τὸ πλεῖον γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης, ἢ ἢ τὸ δουλεύειν 
καὶ πρὸς ἐπίταγμα ζῆν ἀλλότριον ; οὐδεὶς οὕτως. 
ἐστὶν ἀναίσχυντος, ὡς ἑλέσθαι | μᾶλλον τὸ δεύτερον. 
ἀλλὰ τὸ πολέμῳ κρατεῖν ᾿οἰήσεταί τις τοῦ κρα- 
τεῖσθαι χεῖρον ; οὕτω τίς ἐστιν ἀναίσθητος 3 εἰ δὲ 
ταῦτα ἀληθῆ φαμεν, ἕνα μοι κατὰ ᾿Αλέξανδρον 
δείξατε στρατηγόν, ἕνα κατὰ Καίσαρα παρὰ τοῖς 
Ἑβραίοις. οὐ “γὰρ δὴ Tap ὑμῖν. καίτοι, μὰ τοὺς 
θεούς, εὖ οἷδ᾽ ὅτι περιυβρίξω τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἐ ἐμνη- 
μόνευσα δὲ αὐτῶν ὡς γνωρίμων. οἱ γὰρ δὴ. τούτων 
ἐλάττους ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν ἀγνοοῦνται, ὧν ἕκαστος 

1 ἄνθρωπος Neumann would add. 

1 Ezekiel 3, 7, 


But when he became man what benefits did he 
confer on his own kinsfolk? Nay, the—Galilaeans 
answer, they refused to hearken unt¢Jesus. What ? 
How was it then that this hardhearted’ amtstubborn- 
necked people hearkened unto Moses; but Jesus, 
who commanded the spirits 2 and walked on the sea, 
and drove out demons, and as you yourselves assert 
made the heavens and the earth,—for no one of his 
disciples ventured to say this concerning him, save 
only John, and he did not say it clearly or distinctly ; 
still let us at any rate admit that he said it—could 
not this Jesus change the dispositions of his own 
friends and kinsfolk to the end that he might save 

However, I will consider this again a little later 
when I begin to examine particularly into the miracle- 
working and the fabrication of the gospels. But 
now answer me this. Is it better to be free con- 
tinuously and during two thousand whole years to 
rule over the greater part of the earth and the sea, 
or to be enslaved and to live in obedience to the will 
of others? No man is so lacking in self-respect as to 
choose the latter by preference. Again, will anyone 
think that victory in war is less desirable than defeat ? 
Who is so stupid? But if this that I assert is the 
truth, point out to me among the Hebrews a single 
general like Alexander or Caesar! You have no such 
man. And indeed, by the gods, I am well aware 
that I am insulting these heroes by the question, but 
I mentioned them because they are well known. For 
the generals who are inferior to them are unknown 
to the multitude, and yet every one of them deserves 

2 Mark 1. 27. 

222 A 

224 C 

224 D 


, ς a n 3. / LU 3 \ 
πάντων ὁμοῦ τῶν παρ᾽ ᾿Εβραίοις γεγονότων ἐστὶ 

>? ? ς a , \ \ / lal 

AXX’ ὁ τῆς πολιτείας θεσμὸς Kal τύπος τῶν 

δικαστηρίων, ἡ δὲ περὶ Tas πόλεις οἰκονομία Kal 

“Ὁ f ἈΝ lal 
TOV vow! TO κάλλος, ἡ δὲ ἐν τοῖς μαθήμασιν 
ἐπίδοσις, ἡ δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἐλευθερίοις τέχναις ἄσκησις 

> «ς / \ 5 > / \ / / 
οὐχ Εἰββραίων μὲν ἣν ἀθλία καὶ βαρβαρική ; καί- 
τοι βούλεται ὁ μοχθηρὸς Εὐσέβιος εἶναί τινα καὶ 

> - ἴω 

παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἑξάμετρα, καὶ φιλοτιμεῖται λογικὴν 
εἶναι πραγματείαν παρὰ τοῖς “Ἑβραίοις, ἧς τοὔ- 
a Ἵ - n 

voua ἀκήκοε Tapa τοῖς “Ελλησι. ποῖον ἰατρικῆς 
εἶδος ἀνεφάνη παρὰ τοῖς “Ἑβραίοις, ὥσπερ ἐν 
na ᾽ 

“ἔλλησι τῆς ‘Immoxpdtovs καί τινων ἄλλων μετ 

A n / 

ἐκεῖνον αἱρέσεων ; ὁ σοφώτατος Σολομῶν παρό- 
, 2 A 207 [ὃ x / 5 
fotos ἐστι τῷ Tap ἕλλησι Φωκυλίδῃ ἢ Θεόγνεδιε 
ἢ Ἰσοκράτει ; πόθεν ; εἰ γοῦν παραβάλοις τὰς 
Ισοκράτους παραινέσεις ταῖς ἐκείνου παροιμίαις, 
εὕροις ἄν, εὖ οἶδα, τὸν τοῦ Θεοδώρου κρείττονα τοῦ 
, Η 7 > > > a / \ 
σοφωτάτου βασίλέως. ἀλλ᾿ ἐκεῖνος, φασί, καὶ 
περὶ θεουργίαν ἤσκητο. Ti ov; οὐχὶ Kal ὁ 
Σολομῶν οὗτος τοῖς ἡμετέροις ἐλάτρευσε θεοῖς, 
ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικός, ὡς λέγουσιν, ἐξαπατηθείς ; ὦ 
a “ / 
μέγεθος ἀρετῆς. ὦ σοφίας πλοῦτος. οὐ περιγέ- 
γονεν ἡδονῆς, καὶ γυναικὸς λόγοι τοῦτον παρή- 
yayov. εἴπερ οὖν ὑπὸ γυναικὸς ἠπατήθη, τοῦτον 
td ’ 
σοφὸν μὴ λέγετε. εἰ δὲ πεπιστεύκατε σοφόν, μή 
a / 
TOL Tapa γυναικὸς αὐτὸν ἐξηπατῆσθαι νομίζετε, 

1 After καὶ a lacuna; Gollwitzer, followed by Asmus, 
suggests τῶν νόμων ; Neumann τῶν πολιτῶν. 

1 Kusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica 11. 5. 5 says that Mose 
and David wrote in ‘‘ the heroic metre.” 



more admiration than all the generals put together 
whom the Jews have had. 

Further, as regards the constitution of the state 
and the fashion of the law-courts, the administration 
of cities and the excellence of the laws, progress in 
learning and the cultivation of the liberal arts, were 
not all these things in a miserable and barbarous state 
among the Hebrews? And yet the wretched Eusebius 
will have it that poems in hexameters are to be found 
even among them, and sets up a claim that the study 
of logic exists among the Hebrews, since he has 
heard among the Hellenes the word they use for logic. 
What kind of healing art has ever appeared among 
the Hebrews, like that of Hippocrates among the 
Hellenes, and of certain other schools that came 
after him? Is their “ wisest”? man Solomon at all 
comparable with Phocylides or Theognis or Isocrates 
among the Hellenes? Certainly not. At least, if one 
were to compare the exhortations of Isocrates with 
Solomon’s proverbs, you would, I am very sure, find 
that the son of Theodorus is superior to their 
“wisest” king. “But,” they answer, “ Solomon was 
also proficient in the secret cult of God.” What 
then? Did not this Solomon serve our gods also, 
deluded by his wife, as they assert?? What great 
virtue! What wealth of wisdom! He could not 
rise superior to pleasure, and the arguments of a 
woman led him astray! Then if he was deluded 
by a woman, do not call this man wise. But if you 
are convinced that he was wise, do not believe that 
he was deluded by a woman, but that, trusting to his 

2 1 Kings 11. 4: ‘‘His wives turned away his heart after 
other gods.” Julian may allude to Pharaoh’s daughter, see 
1 Kings, 3. 1. 


224 Τὶ 

229 C 

229 D 

229 αὶ 


κρίσει δὲ οἰκείᾳ καὶ συνέσει καὶ TH Tapa τοῦ 
φανέντος αὐτῷ θεοῦ διδασκαλίᾳ πειθόμενον λελα- 

, \ no» pe , . 
τρευκέναι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις θεοῖς. φθόνος yap καὶ 
ζῆλος οὐδὲ ἄχρι τῶν ἀρίστων ἀνθρώπων ἀφικνεῖ- 
ται, τοσοῦτον ἄπεστιν ἀγγέλων καὶ θεῶν. ὑμεῖς 
δὲ ἄρα περὶ τὰ μέρη τῶν δυνάμεων στρέφεσθε, ἃ 
δὴ δαιμόνιά τις εἰπὼν οὐκ ἐξαμαρτάνει. τὸ γὰρ 
φιλότιμον ἐνταῦθα καὶ κενόδοξον, ἐν δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς 
οὐδὲν ὑπάρχει καὶ τοιοῦτον. 

Τοῦ χάριν ὑμεῖς τῶν παρ᾽ “ἕλλησι παρεσθίετε 
μαθημάτων, εἴπερ αὐτάρκης ὑμῖν ἐστιν ἡ τῶν 
ὑμετέρων γραφῶν. ἀνάγνωσις ; καίτοι κρεῖττον 
ἐκείνων εἴργειν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἢ τῆς τῶν ἱεροθύ- 
των ἐδωδῆς. ἐκ μὲν γὰρ ἐκείνης, καθὰ καὶ ὁ 
Παῦλος λέγει, βλάπτεται μὲν οὐδὲν ὁ προσφερό- 
μενος, ἡ δὲ συνείδησις τοῦ βλέποντος ἀδελφοῦ 
σκανδαλισθείη ἂν καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς, ὦ σοφώτατοι καὶ 
ὑπερήφανοι. διὰ δὲ τῶν μαθημάτων τούτων ἀπέ- 
στη τῆς ἀθεότητος πᾶν ὅτι περ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἡ φύσις 
ἤνεγκε γενναῖον. ὅτῳ οὖν ὑπῆρξεν εὐφυΐας κἂν 
μικρὸν μόριον, τούτῳ τάχιστα συνέβη τῆς παρ᾽ 
ὑμῖν ἀθεότητος ἀποστῆναι. ᾿ βέλτιον οὖν εἴργειν 
μαθημάτων, οὐχ ἱερείων τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. ἀλλ᾽ 
ἴστε καὶ ὑμεῖς, ὡς ἐμοὶ φαίνεται, τὸ διάφορον εἴς 
σύνεσιν τῶν παρ᾽ ὑμῖν γραφῶν πρὸς τὰς ἡμετέρας," 
καὶ ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρ᾽ ὑμῖν οὐδεὶς ἂν γένοιτο γενναῖος 
ἀνήρ, μᾶλλον δὲ οὐδὲ ἐπιεικής, ἐκ δὲ τῶν Tap’ 
ἡμῖν αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ πᾶς ἂν γένοιτο καλλίων, εἰ καὶ 
παντάπασιν ἀφυής τις εἴη. φύσεως δὲ ἔχων εὖ 

1 After σοφώτατοι lacuna, for which Neumann suggests καὶ 

2 After ἡμετέρας Neumann suggests κακόν, unnecessary. 



own judgement and intelligence and the teaching that 
he received from the God who had been revealed to 
him, he served the other gods also. For envy and 
jealousy do not come even near the most virtuous 
men, much more are they remote from angels and 
gods. But you concern yourselves with incomplete 
and partial powers, which if anyone call daemonic 
he does not err. For in them are pride and vanity, 
but in the gods there is nothing of the sort. 

If the reading of your own scriptures is sufficient 
for you, why do you nibble at the learning of the 
Hellenes? And yet it were better to keep men away 
from that learning than from the eating of sacrificial 
meat. For by that, as even Paul says,? he who eats 
thereof is not harmed, but the conscience of the 
brother who sees him might be offended according 
to you, O most wise and arrogant men! But this 
learning of ours has caused every noble being 
that nature has produced among you to abandon 
impiety. Accordingly everyone who possessed even 
a small fraction of innate virtue has speedily aban- 
doned your impiety. It were therefore better for 
you to keep men from learning rather than from 
sacrificial meats. But you yourselves know, it seems 
to me, the very different effect on the intelligence of 
your writings as compared with ours; and that from 
studying yours no man could attain to excellence or 
even to ordinary goodness, whereas from studying 
ours every man would become better than before, even 
though he were altogether without natural fitness. 
But when a man is naturally well endowed, and 

1 Julian seems to refer to the saints 
2 1 Corinthians 8. 7-13. 


VOL, Ill. cc 

229 HK 

230 A 

235 B 

235 C 


Kal Tas ἐκ τούτων προσλαχὼν παιδείας “ἀτεχνῶς 
γίνεται τῶν θεῶν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις δῶρον, ἤ ἤτοι φῶς 
ἀνάψραξ᾽ ἐπιστήμης ἢ πολιτείας γένος ὑφηγησά.- 
μενος ἢ πολεμίους πολλοὺς τρεψάμενος ἢ καὶ 
πολλὴν μὲν γῆν, πολλὴν δὲ ἐπελθὼν θάλασσαν 
καὶ τούτῳ φανεὶς ἡρωικός. γα δα 

Τεκμήριον δὲ τοῦτο σαφές" ἐκ πάντων ὑμῶν 
ἐπιλεξάμενοι παιδία ταῖς γραφαῖς ἐμμελετῆσαι 
παρασκευάσατε. κἂν φανῇ τῶν ἀνδραπόδων εἰς 
ἄνδρας * τελέσαντα σπουδαιότερα, ληρεῖν ἐμὲ 
καὶ μελαγχολᾶν νομίζετε. εἶτα οὕτως ἐστὲ δυ- 
στυχεῖς καὶ ἀνόητοι, ὥστε ,Ῥομίξειν θείους μὲν 
ἐκείνους τοὺς λόγους, ὑφ᾽ ὧν οὐδεὶς ἂν γένοιτο 
φρονιμώτερος οὐδὲ ἀνδρειότερος οὐδ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ 
κρείττων: ὑφ᾽ ὧν δὲ ἔνεστιν ἀνδρείαν, φρόνη- 
σιν, δικαιοσύνην προσλαβεῖν, τούτους ἀποδίδοτε, 
τῷ σατανᾷ καὶ τοῖς τῷ σατανᾷ λατρεύουσιν. 

"Tatas ᾿Ασκληπιὸς ἡμῶν τὰ σώματα, παιδεύου- 
σιν ἡμῶν αἱ Μοῦσαι σὺν ᾿Ασκληπιῷ καὶ ᾿Απόλ.- 
λων: καὶ Ἑρμῇ λογίῳ τὰς ψυχάς, “A pns ὃ δὲ καὶ 
᾿Ενυὼ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον συναγωνίζεται, τὰ δὲ 
εἰς τέχνας Ἥφαιστος ἀποκληροῖ καὶ διανέμει, 
ταῦτα δὲ πάντα ᾿Αθηνᾶ μετὰ τοῦ Διὸς παρθένος 
ἀμήτωρ πρυτανεύει. σκοπεῖτε οὖν, εἰ μὴ καθ᾽ 
ἕκαστον τούτων ὑμῶν ἐσμεν κρείττους, λέγω δὲ τὰ 
περὶ τὰς τέχνας καὶ σοφίαν καὶ σύνεσιν' εἴτε γὰρ 
τὰς πρὸς τὴν χρείαν. σκοπήσειας, εἴτε τὰς τοῦ 
καλοῦ χάριν μιμητικάς, οἷον ἀγαλματοποιητικήν, 

1 For lacuna after γένος Neumann suggests ὑφηγησάμενοϑ. 

2 ἄνδρας Asmus, cf. Misopogon 3560. ; ἄνδρα Neumann. 

3 “Ape Neumann because verb in singular, but no change 
is necessary. 



moreover receives the education of our literature, he 
becomes actually a gift of the gods to mankind, 
either by kindling the light of knowledge, or by 
founding some kind of political constitution, or by 
routing numbers of his country’s foes, or even 
by travelling far over the earth and far by sea, and 
thus proving himself a man of heroic mould. . . .4 
Nowthis would be a clear proof: Choose out children 
from among you all and train and educate them 
in your scriptures, and if when they come to man- 
hood they prove to have nobler qualities than slaves, 
then you may believe that I am talking nonsense and 
am suffering from spleen. Yet you are so misguided 
and foolish that you regard those chronicles of yours 
as divinely inspired, though by their help no man 
could ever become wiser or braver or better than he 
was before; while, on the other hand, writings by 

‘whose aid men can acquire courage, wisdom and 

justice, these you ascribe to Satan and to those who 
serve Satan ! 

Asclepius heals our bodies, and the Muses with the 
aid of Asclepius and Apollo and Hermes, the god of 
eloquence, train our souls; Ares fights for us in war 
and Enyo also; Hephaistus apportions and administers 
the crafts, and Athene the Motherless Maiden with 
the aid of Zeus presides over them all. Consider 
therefore whether we are not superior to you in 
every single one of these things, I mean in the arts 
and in wisdom and intelligence; and this is true, 
whether you consider the useful arts or the imitative 
arts whose end is beauty, such as the statuary’s art, 

τ Some words are missing. The summary of Cyril shows 
that Julian next attacked the Old Testament and ridiculed it 
because it is written in Hebrew. 



235 D 

238 A 
238 B 

238 C 


γραφικήν, ἢ ἢ οἰκονομικήν, ἰατρικὴν τὴν ἐξ ᾿Ασκλη- 
πιοῦ, οὗ πανταχοῦ γῆς ἐστι χρηστήρια, ἃ δίδωσιν 
ἡμῖν ὁ θεὸς μεταλαγχάνειν διηνεκῶς. ἐμὲ γοῦν 
ἰάσατο πολλάκις ᾿Ασκληπιὸς κάμνοντα, ὑπαγορεύ- 
σᾶς φάρμακα: καὶ τούτων μάρτυς ἐστὶ Ζεύς. εἰ 
τοίνυν ov? προσ! εἰμαντες € ἑαυτοὺς τῷ τῆς ἀποστα- 
σίας πνεύματι τὰ περὶ ψυχὴν ἄμεινον ἔχομεν καὶ 
περὶ σῶμα καὶ τὰ ἐκτός, τίνος ἕνεκεν ἀφέντες 
ταῦτα ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνα βαδίξετε ; ; 

"Av? ὅτου δὲ μηδὲ τοῖς “Εβραϊκοῖς λόγοις ἐμ- 
μένετε μήτε ἀγαπᾶτε τὸν νόμον, ὃν δέδωκεν ὁ ὁ θεὸς 
ἐκείνοις, ἀπολιπόντες δὲ τὰ πάτρια καὶ δόντες 
ἑαυτοὺς οἷς ἐκήρυξαν οἱ προφῆται, πλέον ἐκείνων 
ἢ τῶν map ἡμῖν ἀπέστητε; ; τὸ γὰρ ἀληθὲς εἴ τις 
ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἐθέλοι σκοπεῖν, εὑρήσει τὴν ὑμετέραν 
ἀσέβειαν ἔκ τε τῆς ᾿Ιουδαϊκῆς τόλμης καὶ τῆς 
παρὰ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν ἀδιαφορίας καὶ “χυδαιότητος 
συγκειμένην. ἐξ ἀμφοῖν γὰρ οὔτι τὸ κάλλιστον, 
ἀλλὰ τὸ χεῖρον ἑλκύσαντες παρυφὴν κακῶν εἰργά- 
σασθε. τοῖς μὲν “γὰρ Ἑβραίοις ἀκριβῆ τὰ περὶ 
θρησκείαν ἐστὶ νόμιμα καὶ τὰ σεβάσματα καὶ 
φυλάγματα μυρία καὶ δεόμενα βίου καὶ ΄προαι- 
ρέσεως ἱερατικῆς. ἀπαγορεύσαντος δὲ τοῦ “ομο- 
θέτου τὸ πᾶσι μὴ δουλεύειν τοῖς θεοῖς, ἑνὶ δὲ 
μόνον, οὗ “ μερίς ἐστιν Ἰακὼβ καὶ σχοίνισμα κλη- 
ρονομίας Ἰσραήλ," οὐ τοῦτο δὲ μόνον εἰπόντος, 
ἀλλὰ γάρ, οἶμαι, καὶ προσθέντος “Οὐ κακολογήσεις 

οὐ Klimek; of Neumann, who regards προσνείμαντεθ--- 
πνεύματι aS ἃ quotation from a Christian polemic against the 




painting, or household management, and the art of 
healing derived from Asclepius whose oracles are 
found everywhere on earth, and the god grants to us 
a share in them perpetually. At any rate, when 
I have been sick, Asclepius has often cured me by 
prescribing remedies; and of this Zeus is witness. 
Therefore, if we who have not given ourselves over 
to the spirit of apostasy, fare better than you in 
soul and body and external affairs, why do you 
abandon these teachings of ours and go over to those 
others ? 

And why is it that you do not abide even by the 
traditions of the Hebrews or accept the law which 
God has given to them? Nay, you have forsaken 
their teaching even more than ours, abandoning the 
religion of your forefathers and giving yourselves 
over to the predictions of the prophets? For if any 
man should wish to examine into the truth concern- 
ing you, he will find that your impiety is compounded 
of the rashness of the Jews and the indifference and 
vulgarity of the Gentiles.1_ For from both sides you 
have drawn what is by no means their best but their 
inferior teaching, and so have made for yourselves a 
border? of wickedness. For the Hebrews have precise 
laws concerning religious worship, and countless 
sacred things and observances which demand the 
priestly life and profession. But though their law- 
giver forbade them to serve all the gods save only that 
one, whose “ portion is Jacob, and Israel an allotment 
of his inheritance”; * though he did not say this only, 
but methinks added also “Thou shalt not revile the 

1 Cf. 438. 

2 παρυφή, Latin clavus, is the woven border of a garment. 

3 Cf. Deuteronomy 32. 9. 


238 D 

238 Εἰ 

245 A 
245 B 

θεούς," ἡ τῶν ἐπιγινομένων βδελυρία τε Kal τόλμα, 
βουλομένη πᾶσαν εὐλάβειαν ἐξελεῖν τοῦ πλήθους, 
ἀκολουθεῖν ἐ ἐνόμισε τῷ μὴ θεραπεύειν τὸ βλασφη- 
μεῖν, ὃ δὴ καὶ ὑμεῖς ἐντεῦθεν εἱλκύσατε μόνον" ὡς 
τῶν γε ἄλλων οὐθὲν ὑ ὑμῖν τέ ἐστι κἀκείνοις παρα- 
πλήσιον. ἀπὸ μὲν οὖν τῆς Ἑβραίων καινοτομίας 
τὸ βλασφημεῖν τοὺς παρ᾽ ἡμῖν τιμωμένους θεοὺς 
ἡρπάσατε. ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς παρ᾽ ἡμῖν θρησκείας τὸ 
μὲν εὐσεβές τε ὁμοῦ πρὸς ἅ ἅπασαν τὴν κρείττονα 
φύσιν καὶ τῶν πατρίων ἀγαπητικὸν ἀπολελοί- 
πατε, μόνον δ᾽ ἐκτήσασθε τὸ πάντα ἐσθίειν ὡς 
λάχανα χόρτου. καὶ εἰ χρὴ τἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, ἐπι- 
τεῖναι τὴν map’ ἡμῖν ἐφιλοτιμήθητε χυδαιότητα" * 
τοῦτο δέ, οἶμαι, καὶ wan εἰκότως, συμβαίνει πᾶσιν 
ἔθνεσιν' καὶ βίοις ἀνθρώπων εὐτελῶν," καπήλων, 
τελωνῶν, ὀρχηστῶν, ἑταιροτρόφων καὶ ἁρμόττειν 
φήθητε τὰ Tap ὑμῖν. 

Ὅτι δὲ οὐχ οἱ νῦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ ἐξ ἀρχῆς, οἱ 
πρῶτοι ane 14}: Τὸν λόγον παρὰ τοῦ Παύ- 
λου τοιοῦτοί τινες γεγόνασιν, εὔδηλον ἐξ ὧν αὐτὸς 
0 ἸΤαῦλος μαρτυρεῖ πρὸς αὐτοὺς γράφων. οὐ γὰρ 
ἣν οὕτως ἀναίσχυντος, οἶμαι, ὡς μὴ συνειδὼς αὐ- 
τοῖς ὀνείδη τοσαῦτα πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους ὑπὲρ 
αὐτῶν γράφειν, ἐξ ὧν, εἰ καὶ ἐπαίνους ἔγραψε το- 
σούτους αὐτῶν, εἰ καὶ ἀληθεῖς ἐτύγχανον, ἐρυθριᾶν 

1 χυδαιότητα"---καὶ Klimek; χυδαιότητα, καὶ «γὰρ Neu- 
mann, failing to see the parenthesis. 

2 Asmus ; ; ἑτέρων MSS , Neumann; Asmus πᾶσι γὰρ τοῖς 
ἔθεσιν καὶ---εὐτελῶν---ὠφήθητε χρῆναι : ‘‘For you thought you 

must adapt your ways to all the customs and lives of 
worthless men.”’ 

1 Frodus 22. 98, 



gods’’;! yet the shamelessness and audacity of later 
generations, desiring to root out all reverence from 
the mass of the people, has thought that blasphemy 
accompanies the neglect of worship. This, in fact, is 
the only thing that you have drawn from this source; 
for in all other respects you and the Jews have 
nothing incommon. Nay, it is from the new-fangled 
teaching of the Hebrews that you have seized upon 
this blasphemy of the gods who are honoured among 
us; but the reverence for every higher nature, 
characteristic of our religious worship, combined with 
the love of the traditions of our forefathers, you have 
cast off, and have acquired only the habit of eating all 
things, “even as the green herb.” 2 But to tell the 
truth, you have taken pride in outdoing our vulgarity, 
(this, I think, is a thing that happens to all nations, 
and very naturally) and you thought that you must 
adapt your ways to the lives of the baser sort, shop- 
keepers,® tax-gatherers, dancers and libertines. 

But that not only the Galilaeans of our day but 
also those of the earliest time, those who were the 
first to receive the teaching from Paul, were men of 
this sort, is evident from the testimony of Paul 
himself in a letter addressed tothem. For unless he 
actually knew that they had committed all these 
disgraceful acts, he was not, I think, so impudent as 
to write to those men themselves concerning their 
conduct, in language for which, even though in the 
same letter he included as many eulogies of them, 
he ought to have blushed, yes, even if those 

2 Cf. 3140 and Oration 6. 1920, Vol. 2, where he quotes with 
a sneer ‘‘ these words of the Galilaeans,” from Genesis 9. 3. 

3 Cf. Letter 36 for Julian’s reproach against the Christian 
rhetoricians that they behave like hucksters, 


245 C 

245 D 

253 A 
253 B 


ἦν, εἰ δὲ ψευδεῖς. καὶ πεπλασμένοι, καταδύεσθαι 

φεύγοντα τὸ μετὰ θωπείας λάγνου καὶ ἀνελευ- 
θέρου κολακείας ἐντυγχάνειν δοκεῖν. ἃ δὲ γράφει 
περὶ τῶν ἀκροασαμένων αὐτοῦ Παῦλος πρὸς av- 
τοὺς ἐκείνους, ἐστὶ ταῦτα' “Μὴ πλανᾶσθε: οὔτε 
εἰδωλολάτραι, οὔτε μοιχοί, οὔτε μαλακοῖΐ, οὔτε 
ἀρσενοκοῖται, οὔτε κλέπται, οὔτε πλεονέκται, οὐ 
μέθυσοι, οὐ λοίδοροι, οὐχ ἅρπαγες βασιλείαν θεοῦ 
κληρονομήσουσι. καὶ παῦτα οὐκ ἀγνοεῖτε, ἀδελ- 
φοί, ὅτι καὶ ὑμεῖς τοιοῦτον ἦτε. GAN ἀπελού- 
σασθε, ἀλλ᾽ ἡγιάσθητε ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι “Inaov 
Χριστοῦ. ὁρᾷς, ὅτι καὶ τούτους γενέσθαι φησὶ 
τοιούτους, ἁγιασθῆναι δὲ καὶ ἀπολούσασθαι, ῥύ- 
πτειν ἱκανοῦ καὶ διακαθαίρειν ὕδατος εὐπορή- 
σαντος, ὃ μέχρι ψυχῆς εἰσδύσεται ; καὶ τοῦ μὲν 
λεπροῦ τὴν λέπραν οὐκ ἀφαιρεῖται τὸ βάπτισμα, 
οὐδὲ λειχῆνας οὐδὲ ἀλφοὺς οὔτε ἀκροχορδῶνας 
οὐδὲ ποδάγραν οὐδὲ δυσεντερίαν, οὐχ ὕδερον, οὐ 
παρωνυχίαν, οὐ μικρόν, οὐ μέγα τῶν τοῦ σώματος 
ἁμαρτημάτων, μοιχείας δὲ καὶ ἁρπαγὰς καὶ πάσας 
ἁπλῶς τῆς ψυχῆς παρανομίας ἐξελεῖ; ἐπ ΡΣ». 
᾿Επειδὴ δὲ πρὸς μὲν τοὺς νυνὶ ᾿Ιουδαίους δια- 
φέρεσθαί φασιν, εἶναι δὲ ἀκριβῶς ᾿Ισραηλῖται 
κατὰ TOUS προφήτας αὐτῶν, καὶ τῷ Μωυσῇ 
μάλιστα πείθεσθαι καὶ τοῖς ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου περὶ τὴν 
Ἰουδαίαν ἐπιγενομένοις προφήταις, ἴδωμεν, κατὰ 
τί μάλιστα ὁμολογοῦσιν αὐτοῖς. ἀρκτέον δὲ ἡμῖν 
ἀπὸ τῶν Μωυσέως, ὃν δὴ καὶ αὐτόν φασι προκη- 

1 1 Corinthians 6. 9-11. 
2 In Cyril’s summary, Julian next compares the Christian 
converts with slaves who run away from their masters in the 


νυν» τὰ πρὸς ἈΞ ὴΝΣ πὰ π ψ ψμν. 


eulogies were deserved, while if they were false and 
fabricated, then he ought to have sunk into the 
ground to escape seeming to behave with wanton 
flattery and slavish adulation. But the following are 
the very words that Paul wrote concerning those who 
had heard his teaching, and were addressed to the 
men themselves: “ Be not deceived: neither idol- 
aters, nor adulterers, nor effeminate, nor abusers of 
themselves with men, nor thieves, nor covetous, nor 
drunkards, nor revilers, nor extortioners, shall inherit 
the kingdom of God. And of this ye are not 
ignorant, brethren, that such were you also; but ye 
washed yourselves, but ye were sanctified in the 
name of Jesus Christ.”1 Do you see that he says 
that these men too had been of such sort, but that 
_ they “ had been sanctified ” and “ had been washed,’ 
water being able to cleanse and winning power to 
purify when it shall go down into the soul? And 
baptism does not take away his leprosy from the 
leper, or scabs, or pimples, or warts, or gout, or 
dysentery, or dropsy, or a whitlow, in fact no dis- 
order of the body, great or small, then shall it do 
away with adultery and theft and in short all the 
transgressions of the soul? .. .? 

Now since the Galilaeans say that, though they 
are different from the Jews, they are still, precisely 
speaking, Israelites in accordance with their prophets, 
and that they obey Moses above all and the prophets 
who in Judaea succeeded him, let us see in what 
respect they chiefly agree with those prophets. 
And let us begin with the teaching of Moses, who 
himself also, as they claim, foretold the birth of 

belief that, even if they do not succeed in escaping, their state 
will be no worse than before. 


253 C 

253 D 

253 H 


ρύξαι τὴν ἐσομένην ᾿Ιησοῦ γέννησιν. ὁ τοίνυν 
Μωυσῆς οὐχ ἅπαξ οὐδὲ δὶς οὐδὲ τρίς, ἀλλὰ 
πλειστάκις ἕνα θεὸν μόνον ἀξιοῖ τιμᾶν, ὃν δὴ 
καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ὀνομάζει, θεὸν δὲ ἕ ἕτερον οὐδαμοῦ" 
ἀγγέλους δὲ ὀνομάξει καὶ κυρίους καὶ μέντοι καὶ 
θεοὺς πλείονας, ἐξαίρετον δὲ τὸν πρῶτον, ἄλλον 
δὲ οὐχ ὑπείληφε δεύτερον οὔτε ὅμοιον οὔτε ἀνό- 
μοιον, καθάπερ ὑμεῖς ἐπεξείργασθε. εἰ δέ ἐστί 
που παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ὑπὲρ τούτων μία Μωυσέως ῥῆσις, 
ταύτην ἐστὲ δίκαιοι προφέρειν. τὸ “γὰρ “Προ- 
φήτην ὑμῖν ἀναστήσει κύριος ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν ἐκ τῶν 
ἀδελφῶν ὑμῶν ὡς ἐμέ: αὐτοῦ ἀκούσεσθε᾽᾽ μάλιστα 
μὲν οὖν οὐκ εἴρηται περὶ τοῦ γεννηθέντος ἐκ 
Μαρίας. εἰ δέ τις ὑμῶν ἕνεκα συγχωρήσειεν, 
ἑαυτῷ φησιν αὐτὸν ὅμοιον γενήσεσθαι καὶ οὐ τῷ 
θεῷ, προφήτην ὥσπερ, ἑαυτὸν καὶ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων, 
ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκ θεοῦ. καὶ τὸ “Οὐκ ἐκλείψει ἄρχων 
ἐξ ᾿Ιούδα οὐδὲ ἡγούμενος ἐκ τῶν μηρῶν αὐτοῦ" 
μάλιστα μὲν οὐκ εἴρηται περὶ τούτου, ἀλλὰ περὶ 
τῆς τοῦ Δαβὶδ βασιλείας, ἣ δὴ κατέληξεν εἰς 
Σεδεκίαν τὸν βασιλέα. καὶ δὴ ἡ γραφὴ διπλῶς 
πως ἔχει “ ἕως ἔλθῃ τὰ ἀποκείμενα αὐτῷ," παρα- 
πεποιήκατε δὲ ὑμεῖς “ἕως ἔλθῃ ᾧ ἀπόκειται." 
ὅτε δὲ τούτων οὐδὲν τῷ ᾿Ιἤσοῦ προσήκει, πρό- 
δηλον" οὐδὲ γάρ ἐστιν ἐξ Ἰούδα. πῶς γὰρι ὁ κα 

ὑμᾶς οὐκ ἐξ ᾿Ιωσήφ, arr ἐξ ἁγίου πνεύματος 
γεγονώς ; τὸν ᾿Ιωσὴφ γὰρ γενεαλογοῦντες εἰς 
τὸν ᾿Ιούδαν ἀναφέρετε καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἐδυνήθητε 

1 Acts 3. 22; Deuteronomy 18. 18. Genesis 49. 10. 

3 Or ‘‘ whose it is” ; Julian follows the Septuagint. The 
version ‘‘until Shiloh come” was not then current; cf. 
Skinner, Genesis, p. 522, It is still debated whether these 



Jesus that was to be.'{.Moses, then, not once or 
twice or thrice but meh i εορεὶ γᾷ says that men 
ought to honour one God only, and in fact names him 
the Highest; but-that they ought to honour any 
other god he nowhere says. He speaks of angels and 
lords and moreover of several gods, but from these 
he chooses out the first and does not assume any god 
as second, either like or unlike him, such as you have 
invented. And if among you perchance you possess a 
single utterance of Moses with respect to this, you are 
bound to produce it. For the words “A prophet shall 
the Lord your God raise up unto you of your brethren, 
like unto me; to him shall ye hearken,” ! were certain- 
ly not said of the son of Mary. And even though, to 
please you, one should concede that they were said of 
him, Moses says that the prophet will be like him 
and not like God, a prophet like himself and born 
of men, not of a god. And the words “The sceptre 
shall not depart from Judah, nor a leader from his 
loins,” 2? were most certainly not said of the son of 
Mary, but of the royal house of David, which, you ob- 
serve, came to an end with King Zedekiah. And cer- 
tainly the Scripture can be interpreted in two ways 
when it says “until there comes what is reserved for 
him’”’ ; but you have wrongly interpreted it “ until he 
comes for whom it is reserved.” ? But it is very clear 
that not one of these sayings relates to Jesus; for he 
is not even from Judah. How could he be when 
according to you he was not born of Joseph but of 
the Holy Spirit? For though in your genealogies 
you trace Joseph back to Judah, you could not invent 

words refer to the Davidic kingdom or to a future Messiah, 
and there is no universally accepted rendering of the Hebrew 


261 E 

262 B 


πλάσαι καλῶς. ἐλέγχονται yap Ματθαῖος καὶ 
Λουκᾶς περὶ τῆς γενεαλογίας αὐτοῦ διαφωνοῦντες 
πρὸς ἀλλήλους. ἀλλὰ ; περὶ μὲν τοῦτου μέλλοντες 
ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ συγγράμματι τὸ ἀληθὲς ἀκριβῶς 
ἐξετάξειν, ὑπερτιθέμεθα. συγκεχωρήσθω δὲ καὶ 
ἄρχων ἐξ ᾿Ιούδα, οὐ “ θεὸς ἐ ἐκ θεοῦ " κατὰ τὰ παρ᾽ 
ὑμῶν λεγόμενα οὐδὲ «Ta πάντα δι᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο 
καὶ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο οὐδὲ ἕ ἕν." ἀλλ᾽ εἴρηται 
καὶ ἐν τοῖς ἀριθμοῖς" a ᾿Ανατελεῖ ἄ ἄστρον ἐξ Ἰακὼβ 
καὶ ἄνθρωπος ἐξ. ᾿Ισραήλ." 1 τοῦθ᾽ ὅτι τῷ Δαβὶδ 
προσήκει, καὶ τοῖς ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου, πρόδηλόν ἐστί 
που τοῦ γὰρ Ἰεσσαὶ παῖς ἣν ὁ Δαβίδ. 

Eitrep οὖν ἐκ τούτων ἐπιχειρεῖτε συμβιβάξειν, 
ἐπιδείξατε "μίαν ἐκεῖθεν ἑλκύσαντες ῥῆσιν, ὅποι 
πολλὰς πάνυ ἐγώ. ὅτι δὲ θεὸν τὸν ἕνα τὸν τοῦ 
Ἰσραὴλ νενόμικεν, ἐν τῷ Δευτερονομίῳ φησίν" 
“Ὥστε εἰδέναι σε, ὅτι κύριος ὁ ὁ θεός σου, οὗτος 
θεὸς εἷς ἐστι, καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἄλλος πλὴν αὐτοῦ." 
καὶ ἔτι ; πρὸς τούτῳ' “ Καὶ ἐπιστραφήσῃ τῇ διανοίᾳ 
σου, ὅτι κύριος ὁ θεός σου οὗτος θεὸς ἐν τῷ 
οὐρανῷ ἄνω καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς κάτω καὶ οὐκ ἔστι 
πλὴν αὐτοῦ." καὶ πάλιν" ἐ Ἄκουε, Ἰσραήλ, 
κύριος ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν κύριος εἷς ἐστι." καὶ πάλιν" 
“Ἴδετε, ὅτε ἐγώ εἰμι καὶ οὐκ ἔστι θεὸς πλὴν ἐμοῦ." 

, γώ εἰμ εὸς πλὴν ἐμοῦ 
ταῦτα μὲν οὗν ὁ Μωυσῆς ἕνα διατεινόμενος 
μόνον εἶναι θεόν. ἀλλ᾽ οὗτοι τυχὸν ἐροῦσιν" 

οὐδὲ ἡμεῖς δύο λέγομεν οὐδὲ τρεῖς. ἐγὼ δὲ 
λέγοντας μὲν αὐτοὺς καὶ τοῦτο δείξω, μαρτυ- 

1 Neumann in view of the next two sentences would read 
Ἰεσσαί, ““ Jesse.” 

1 Οἱ, Matthew 1. 1-17 with Luke 3. 23-38, 


even this plausibly. For Matthew and Luke are 
refuted by the fact that they disagree concerning his 
genealogy.! However, as I intend to examine closely 
into the truth of this matter in my Second Book, I 
leave it till then.? But granted that he really is ‘‘a 
sceptre from Judah,” then he is not “ God born of 
God,” as you are in the habit of saying, nor is it true 
that “ All things were made by him; and without him 
was not any thing made.” But, say you, we are 
told in the Book of Numbers also: ‘There shall arise 
a star out of Jacob, and a man out of Israel.” * It is 
certainly clear that this relates to David and to his 
descendants; for David was a son of Jesse. 

If therefore you try to prove anything from these 
writings, show me a single saying that you have 
drawn from that source whence I have drawn very 
many. But that Moses believed in one God, the 
God of Israel, he says in Deuteronomy: “So that 
thou mightest know that the Lord thy God he is one 
God; and there is none else beside him.”* And 
moreover he says besides, “ And lay it to thine heart 
that this the Lord thy God is God in the heaven 
above and upon the earth beneath, and there is none 
else.” ® And again, “ Hear, O Israel: the Lord our 
God is one Lord.” 7 And again, “See that I am and 
there is no God save me.”8 These then are the 
words of Moses when he insists that there is only 
one’ God. But perhaps the Galilaeans will reply: 
“ But we do not assert that there are two gods or 
three.” But I will show that they do assert this 

2 Cyril’s reply to this part of Julian’s Second Book is lost, 
so that the Emperor’s more detailed discussion cannot be 

reconstructed. 3 John 1. 3. 4 Numbers 24, 17. 
5 Deuteronomy 4. 35. 5 Deuteronomy 4. 39. 
7 Deuteronomy 6. 4. 8 Deuteronomy 32. 39. 


262 C 

262 D 

262 EH 


popevos Ἰωάννην λέγοντα" a ‘Ey ἀρχῇ ἣν ὁ λόγος 
καὶ ὁ λόγος ἣν πρὸς τὸν θεὸν καὶ θεὸς ἣν ὁ "λόγος." 
ὁρᾷς, ὅτι πρὸς τὸν θεὸν εἶναι λέγεται ; εἴτε ὁ ἐκ 
Μαρίας γεννηθεὶς εἴτε ἄλλος τίς ἐστιν---ἵν᾽ ὁμοῦ 
καὶ πρὸς Φωτεινὸν a ἀποκρίνωμαι--, διαφέρει τοῦτο 
νῦν οὐδέν' ἀφίημι δῆτα τὴν μάχην ὑμῖν. ὅτι 
μέντοι φησὶ “πρὸς Oeov” καὶ “ἐν ἀρχῇ, τοῦτο 
ἀπόχρη μαρτύρασθαι. πῶς οὖν ὁμολογεῖ ταῦτα 
τοῖς Μωυσέως ; ; 

᾿Αλλὰ τοῖς Ἡσαΐου, φασίν, ὁμολογεῖ. λέγει 
γὰρ Ἡσαΐας" tf ᾿Ιδοὺ ἡ παρθένος ἐν γαστρὶ ἕξει 
καὶ τέξεται υἱόν." ἔστω δὴ καὶ τοῦτο λεγόμενον 
ὑπὲρ θεοῦ, καίτοι μηδαμῶς εἰρημένον: οὐ γὰρ ἣν 
παρθένος ἡ γεγαμημένη καὶ πρὶν ἀποκυῆσαι